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tlp anb gotott the QTcrast…

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tlp anb gotott the QTcrast NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. READKR.—There is scarcely a standard work which you could net read with advantage. Perhaps you have never been tinght how to read a book. Take :Macaulay's Essays, Bacon's Essays, one of George Eliot's novels, or one of Thackeray's. Get a good dictionary and begin to read. Turn up every word you do not understand, and make a list of them. Get somebody to tell you how to pronounce all words you are doubtful about. Mark all passages you do not understand. and hunt up all references that you are ignorant cf. Ona book read in this way will do you some real good, but it is hard work, and very slow* work. If on a trial you come to the conclusion that you do not like this way of reading, make up your mind to remain ignorant. The first step in acquiring knowledge is to know the meanings of the words which convey knowledge. If evsr you thick you know anything try to write out wh-.t you know. and yju will soon discover the limits of your knowledge. The way to knowledge is difficult and painful, except for geniuses, and the probabilities are that you are not 1t geaiu?, RATEPAYER.—The subject cf municipal cleanliness is not one that I can be said to neglect. The right course would be to take magisterial proceedings 11 t against your neighbour, but that is unpleasant work, and would not be necessary if the Town Council did its duty. There is a lack of municipal honesty as well as a deficiency of municipal cleanliness. Official neglect and apathy are only possible because of popular ignorance and indifference, LADIES, WOMEN, AND FEMALES. There are some subjects very delicate to handle, and this is one. I read the other day that three "females I had been apprehended somewhere or other for break" the law, but I neve: read of males being apprehe The males are always called men. At the Aber* College I read that there are so many -Tien st' r T udentsand so many lady stv.oents. and at boardr acfc^ols I believe the girls are always "young x^?egS„ Vhy women students are "lady student:- „ gentle- men" students are I-rfen student.^ IS ünof those things hard to understand. I .a of a good woman, but never of a gocu > ucie- Ã' :th writer is a flunkey, nor of a good female, unless ignorant. A man desires nothing higher u j-,e considered a man, but a woman is often lli'Æmne6. if she is not called a "lady," and of cou't.a female is something lower than a woman. A tie man" ought to be what the word signifies, and a v-crran should always be a gentle- woman. ,/hen women are educated and are free as men are. free, they will object to being called ladies as stror as they now object to being called females. A-% 'C. an-ibridge "lady" students are called women students, and always speak of themselves, and are spoken of, as "woiuen." 117 LETTER TO MR. GLADSTONE. One of the ways in which I show respect to busy public men is, by not writing letters to them until they write to me. Very likely they do not appreciate my abstinence, simply because they are ignorant of it. As everybody in this district is now writing letters to Mr Gladstone, Mr Bright, or Mr Chamberlain, I thought I, too, would write to Mr Gladstone, but as I am anxious to save a busy mar. the trouble of even send- ing me a postcard. I have abstained from sending it to him, and print it here instead The Coast, Dec. 21, lSSj. Dear Mr Glad stone,—As you are only seventy-six years of age and receive a mere trifle of a thousand letters a week in addition to your other light labours. I thought it would interest you to hear from me. You have been told already by Mr Edward Griffith of Dolgell^y what noble fellows the hundred ministers of Merionethshire are. but between you and me the ministers are not half such big men as the deacons. If you would just drop a postcard to say that you highly approve of deacons, and that you have no doubt it was they who won the seat in Merionethshire, you would do a good stroke. Whether you do this or not you must; admit that Mr Edward Griffith has scored one by making himself the means of communication with you. You have fought a good many elections yourself since you first entered Parliament, and I should like to know how ycu disposed of all the people who, through the years. have written to tell you how they won the battles for you, I suppose you now take it for granted whenever you fight a constituency that you will be written to by a large number of obscure people who attach no mean value to the services they have rendered. My own experience in contested elections is "that I Once stood for a school board, and was defeated by a very large majority. Some years afterwards a man, more ingenious than sober, claimed pecuniary assistance from me on the ground that he had worked hard for me at the time when I was elected a member of the Town Council. I was only saved by the fact that I had never been a member of the Town Council, and had never been a candidate for that position. As you have very little to do, I dare say you have read Mr. Morgan Lloyd's better to Ir. John Bright in reference to his abortive attempt to sacrifice a Liberal seat in Merionethshire. That Mr. Morgan Lloyd was playing the part of a patriot I have no doubt, and if you ever have such a trirle as a Lord Chief Justiceship to dispose of you will know what to do with it. I am told that whenever the next election comes off the question of electing a Welshman has to be re-opened. Mr Robertson has one grave fault, and only one. He is a mere stranger, having only resided in the county about fifty years If there is anything that vexes the patriotic soul it is to be represented by a mere stranger who has only iived in the county half a century You are a great master of classic English, and you perhaps know what is the classic phrase for coming a cropper. If you ever have occasion to refer to Mr Morgan Lloyd you can say that he came a cropper, only say it in the best of language. Personally, I have not been able to do a great deal tor ta<e Liberal party. v\ ith sharp people like Mr Morgan Lloyd, Mr Edward Griffith, and others ready to play the patriot, or write a letter on the shortest possible notice, it is not au. easy matter for a slow, bashful man like me to get to the front. But if you feel disposed on your reinstatement in office to recog- nise obscure merit, I should like a perpetual pension of about Z3,000 a year. which, to avoid future unpleasant- ness, I will take in its commuted form. If you want references I have great pleasure in referring you to Mr u ill r. Marchant Williams, who has rendered service, good or bad, to the Liberal party in the metropolis,, where he is not as ready to shout England for the English as he is down here to shout Wales for the Welsh. If you do not see your way to give me a perpetual pension you can send me, carriage paid, an oak tree about a ton weight which you have cut down yourself. As time is suie to hang on your hands during this slack season I have enclosed a long poem which I am sure you will be pleased to read and correct. In conclusion, I hope you will answer this letter quickly, as I want to show the people of Merioneth- shire that Mr. Edward Griffith is not the only man who can write to Mr. Gladstone and get a reply from him. I am. dear Mr. Gladstone, Yours, &c., P. W. FA THER CHRISTMAS. I have a little lad of the who was born just a day too late or his birtuday would have been on Christmas day. He came to me after the confectioners' shops were dressed out and said, Who is Father Christ- mas." At first I was rather taken aback, as one is by a question of this kind put suddenly by a child, but I rallied and said: "Father Christmas is an old man many thousands of years old, who goes round once a year to everybody's house. He carries ice and snow and cold winds in his pockets for poor people, and plum puddings and turkeys and all sorts of other good things for those who are not poor. That is what I said to the child, who went away as people often go away from their teachers, more puzzled than instructed. Afterwards I sat and thought than instructed. Afterwards I sat and thought about Father Christmas, and about this lire of mine which is so brief and so strangely imperfect in its real- izations. As I sat there the end of my life drew so near to the present that the two paints seemed almost to touch. Aud besides the natural brevity oflife, death's thou- sand door3 stand continually open. How pathetically shorttke remainder of my life seemed Forthe momentl could hive cried aloud with the sheer pain of swift reali- sation. It is; I know. becauselife is full of keen joy that death seems so near. \hen age and bereavement and sorrow and disappointment have played their part, even the few years cf old age may seem tediously long. I am nervously anxious that the children should have glad memories of Christmas, so that when the time comes, if it ever comes, that they have homes of their own, they may make the day a festival. HOW The newspapers say that Mr Vanderlnlt's income at the time of his death is now calculated as follows From Government Bonds, £ 808,«">4-0 per annum from railroad s socks, CI,540.000: from miscellaneous seeu- rities, £ ] 20,14-4 total, £ 2,362,000 a year, or more than £ 3,000 a day. £ 250 an hour, and £ 4 a minute. And yet he is dead And nobody thinks particularly well of him. The Coast. P. W. < MR..J. MORLEY AT NEWCASTLE. 1 d On Monday night Mr John Morley, M.P., speaking j at Newcastle, said :—Toe political barometer, at least a in the place whence I came, point;, to storm. There r are many signs that we have before us one of the most s serious Ai-ic-rgencies verily, I believe, that our country 1 has ever had to face. Well, the question is whether we shall face that emergency as a united and a firm f party, or whether we shall confront it with divisions i and schism. I, for my own part, am for confronting ( these difficulties with union and firmness and with loyalty to our leader—(cheers)—as well as with con- fidence in one another. (Hear, hear). They say tin" j the present Government are going at a very el stage to test the confidaiJue of the new Ho, Commons in the Admim'strati'oil, (Hear, he&rL }-• n hat purpose have ive a majority j} OT su wld" >er»mG eat/Mtam,lose if fc'h, >, W* 4, S^-Cfr, K nrodiLrZZ g°0d Wly if lie produces .good measures «imr t_- v Th^Co^n-ath-es'have"11^ge^men, (Laughter). upon alarms sinee the e" J'011 kr'°-V^ b«'n lee?!n§ Great Britain. It is ^tion ana smce the rout in Empire are in ^w cry .hat .ne State and the the state is in dr !.anger" hy CiO they say these enterpr: Because somebody-some of hold of a sjhe- 91;'g newspapaper gentlemen-got land which 'or settling the government of Ire- A.nybody <■ » said, was Mr Gladstone's scheme, a scherm at the first blush that it was not and k 'which a man of Mr Gladstone's experience (Her -fl^w-ledge of affairs would launch in that way. jir ^c, :hear.) I am not assailing the proposition of it .« It say everybody who is acquainted in the least with the A B C of politics was aware that Mr Gladstone would not touch the settlement of Ireland until he did it with the responsibility of* a Minister of the Crown. (Hear, hear.) All I can say is, gentlemen, that I hope—most fervently do I hope—that Mr Glad- stone is thinking about the settlement of Ireland, and that he is preparing for anything, and is shaping a policy. If the present Government shirk the duty— remember that they are letained in office by the Irish vote—of dealing with the Irish question, then, I veu- ture to think, it will be the business of Mr Gladstone to shape his policy, and to press it when the time comes upon the country, with all the force of his con- science aDd his conviction. (Cheers.) Well, but you are told that the notions which are imputed to Mr Gladstone in respect of the settlement of Ireland are an afterthought, and only came into his mind because he found he wanted the Irish vote -(Iallgh ter)-and the political Pharisees who lift up their voicss every day to thank Heaven they are not as other men are- (laughter)—and now exclaiming, with ejaculations of holy horror, at the immorality of the party. The pith and marrow of Mr Gladstone's appeal to the electors was that they should give the Liberals such a majority that they should be able not to stiflle the voice of Ire- land, not to resist the wishes of the Irish people, not to cheat Ireland out of her just demands—no, but to test these demands, to measure these wishes, and to give a friendly ear to the voice from the position of an Imperial security, and not, as he said, on the slippery footing of a servile dependence on the Irish vote. (Cheers.) The issue of the elections has not been to place the Liberals in that position which Mr Gladstone desired. We have au immense majority in Creat Britain, but Mr Gladstone will not be able to grapple with the Irish question with that firm footing, as he called it, which is given by a commanding majority in the House of Commons. But does anybody dream that because the Liberal majority in the whole House has disappeared, that therefore the Irish difficulty has disappeared ? Does anybody think that because our means of meeting that difficulty are weakened, that the difficulty itself has ceased to exist ? If there be, he is belabouring under a very grievous illusion. (Hear, hear.) At this moment the Tory Government themselves kjow much better than to think that the Irish question is solved by the present Parliamentary deadlock. Some of their scribes are in a state of very lofty indignation and patriotic fury against Mr Gladstone for hatching, as they say, a scheme of treason against the Empire; but gentle- men, it is a stage of indignation. (Hear, hear.) It is the simulated fury of actors playing a part. We have seen it all, heard it all, read it all, not so many months ago. How many months ago is it since they were in a state of the same indignation and fury about the maintenance of law and order—in favour of coer- cion ? (Hear, hear.) And yet how swiftly ard silently the Tory party dropped coercion Look at the situa- tion in which we stand, and I believe without exaggera- tion, that our country has not stood in a more serious position in our generation, and perhaps for two or three generations. What is the position ? In 1828 the return of one single Catholic at the Clare election convinced the Tory Government of that day that it was impossible to resist the Irish demand that Catholics should be allowed to sit in the British Parliament. There would be nothing astounding, nothing incredible, nothing un- reasonable. if the return. not of one member, but the return of 84 or 86 followers of Mr. Parnell, should con- vince the Tory Government of this daythat. you cannot resist the Irish demand for a large measure of self- government. (Hear, hear). This is the question Is the enormous and imposing majority that Mr. Parnell has obtained in Ireland to count for nothing? If it is to count for nothing, what becomes of our theories of representative government? If it is not to count for nothing, for how much is it to count ? The Liberals, perhaps the Tories, too, in making their estimate of the p' political future, and the connection between England and Ireland, cannot but make them upon the face of such a return as this election has given ns. We are asked, are you going to hand over the Joyal minority to the so-called disloyal majority ? 0 they say how much that minority is. Gentlemeu, it is exactly the size of that minority which makes me feel that you may with some safety extend self-govern- ment to the country where it exists, because so large a minority will be very well able to take care of its own interests. That is a point which I venture to think is too much overlooked but whether or not, I submit to you, as the representative of the Liberals of Newcastle and of the North of England, that the question that! has been raised—raised not on the unauthentic p?.ra- graph in a newspaper, but by the Irish elections, is a question which, once raised, cannot slumber or sleep until-you have manfully faced it. and manfully dealt with it. (Hear, hear.) Mr Morley proceeded to sav that the Irish nuestion would continue tr. fellow and baffle them until they had shown how they were going to grapple with it. After referring to Lord Salisbury's observations on Ireland, in his speech at Newport, he said :—As for the proposal to give them provincial councils, if you want to breed in the Irish people the virtues of citizenship, to create in them the fitness for self-government, you must first of all teach them responsibility. (Hear, hear.) But you cannot teach them responsibility without giving them power. (Hear, hear.) You cannot give them power without running some risks that the power will be unwisely used, and there is the dilemma that faces us at every turn. We want them to be responsible, but we are afraid of their misusing the power which would teach responsibility. (Hear, hear.) Now we have to face it., We have to face that dilemma, and extract our- selves as best we may and I for one do not despair of extracting ourselves from it with credit. (Cheers.) Then there is another course, and I will put it in the plainest possible words and without prejudice. It is to the Irish members you say, You are mischievous to the working of free Parliamentary institutions. (Hear, hear.) Your constituents are so backward, so turbulent, so little fit for the enjoyment of freedom and self-government, that we shall bring the re- presentation of Ireland to an end. You must all go back to the place whence you came. (Laughter. We will send over a. governor- general with force enough to make the law respected." Well, gentlemen, that is a course which I think you would agree would be very dangerous. It would be very violent; it would be vevy costly; it would not be congenial to the spirit of our institutions—(hear, hear) —nor congenial to the spirit of the age. It would end in nothing, and it would not last. (Hear, hear.) I cannot think that we shall walk upon that path. (Cheers.) Well, then, if these proposals that I have enumerated to you are of very little avail, I, for one, am forced to the conclusion that before many weeks are over you will see Parliament driven before irresist- ible circumstances to consider the giving to Ireland of some plan for a greatly extended government of her- self. (Hear, hear.) The difficulties of forming a scheme are enormous. Whether Lord Salisbury undertakes the task, or whether he shrinks from it, the Parliament of Great Britain has a terribly rough journey in front They say, "Well, but if you 'give any sort of self- government to Ireland the imperial law will not be obeyed." I think that was the argument that I read in the Spectator last week. Is the imperial law obeyed in Ireland now? "No," and" Hear, hear.") I They say, "If you give anything like self- government to Ireland you will weaken the Empire," but is ot the Empire weakened now?! (Hear, hear.) I confess that I have a great difficulty in imagining anything happening in Ireland so weaken- ing to the Empire as happens to us now from the presence of the Irish members in the very heart and centre of your Government. (Cheers.) They thwart your policy, they reject national measures, they put Ministers out. (Hear, hear.) When a scheme is proposed and discussed, a thousand objections and difficulties can of course be made to arise, good objec- tions and real difficulties. But answer all those who dwell upon these difficulties alone by asking them a question, "How will you rescue the Empire as it I is- Parliament as it is—from the difficulties that beset and infest it ?" The task would be a loiJg: one. It would stir deep passions, it would perhaps .estroy a great party. But w" he outcome, I say that it is the d> may be is Liberals to view the question every one o .ad steadfastly feeling t.h*' *'< ca«» ircent- a duty as has beon •' be, 18 as lines the oivii wars of t> -<*JKfed oa. English c,tiZe«»s s impossible to overra* je l'th cfu ^mk it, )f this crisis. WIK ,ie -e iiiagrittidj at,.d the nan into office, P ,Pt°Ple talk al:]QU/J PUttWg Ul,S small soul (' ';nat lr'an out, that shows a very 'U*PS a«. *'+ vtlear, hear,) There are much larger 'Hear than the personal occupancy of office. Km.r> 'e"r^ You have a stake the integrity of the 1^' -ff. which I am as much for as any Jingo. (Hc?r, You have at stake the success and efficacy of Parliamentary institutions. You have at stake the honour of your country. I, for one, believe that if we all use our minds, if we look this problem fairly and fully in the face. I have enough faith in the political genius and sagacity of Englishmen, enough faith in their patience and their fortitude, to believe that when the end comes to this enormous difficulty, we shall not have proved ourselves unworthy of the heritage that has descended to us, and of the grave responsi- bilities that have been laid upou us. (Loud cheers.)

---THE LATE SIR WATKIN WILLIAMS…

. LOCAL LAW CASE.

----------+------LIQUID MANURE.

-__-.--..-----LLANAFAN.

YSTHAD MEURIG,

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