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MOTIVES OF THE FEDERALISTS…

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MOTIVES OF THE FEDERALISTS IN COERCING THE SECESSIONISTS. There may exist at the North much difference of opinion as to the desirability of continuing the present war, but there exists none as to the desirableness of the object for which the war was undertaken. Many persons doubt the possibility of coercing the South back into the IU- ni III, and the wisdom of attempting what is not possible but no one there appears to doubt that if the South could be so re- annexed, it would be a consummation devoutly to be wished. With scarcely an exception the Northerners are passionately attached to the Union, even where anti-abolitionists and anti-belligerents. We have long been most anxious to ob- tain from them, or their advocates and spokesmen here, some precise and defined reasons for this passionate attach- ment, beyond the mere vague declamation about "right," "freedom," and "grandeur," which is so copiously in- dulged in,—some distinct statement why they so dread arid abhor the idea of disruption that they are not only willing to avert it at the cost of a civil war, but are prepared to tig-ht merely to make disruption difficult and costly, even when conscious that it is hopeless ultimately to prevent it. We have recently received several explanations of their feelings and resolute determinations on this head,—some private, some public,-but all from thoughtful, capable, or authoritative respondents. We are beginning therefore to understand more clearly than we did the true motives of their sentiments and conduct ;—and, though the various reasons assigned by no means convince us that the Unionists are right, or that it would be well they should succeed, they quite satisfy us that they now know what they intend and have strong incentives for the course they are pursuing. We will endeavour, this week and next, to give a respectful consideration to the representations which have beeu put forth, -beginning with the most influential. There can be no question that the severance into two of the great American Republic materially diminishes its im- mediate grandeur, and impairs its prestige in the eyes of Europe. Its power is indisputably curtailed, and its empire, both over the territory of the New World and the imagina- tion of the Old World, considerably shaken. It is one thing to reign over a whole continent, and another to reign over only half. It is one thing to command thirty mil- lions, and another thing to command only twenty. It is a heavy blow and a great discouragement to lose a splendid territory, which is vast in extent even now, and which is capable of indefinite extension to the South. But this, we are assured, is not the real ground on which Secession is so vehemently dreaded and denounced by the citizens of the Free States,-and "e credit the assurance. They fear that Secession once permitted will not stop short of wide and general dismemberment;—that severance between North and South if consummated-at least if consummated without a terrible and deterring conftict-will be speedily followed by aeverance between East and West, between Pacific and Atlantic States, perhars even by indefinite and continuous separation -and that, ultimately, in place of one great Re. public—which was very grand aud which every one dreaded and admired, America will present half a dozen moderate sized Republics—which will attain no marvellous dimen- sions, and which no one need adulate or fear. In a word, they apprehend the fate and the character of the South American revolted colonies of Spain. We take leave to say that the apprehension is not complimentary either to the moderation of their ,iews or to the vigour of their nature. Let us assume that in the ooarsa of time, as interest-i be- oome discrepant and population increases, the anticipation of the akrmed Federalists are so far realised that the pre- sent area of the (lately) United States shall be ultimately divided into even six distinct Governments or nations ;-we affirm that even then there will be extent and power enough for each as much as is good for themselves-perhaps as much as is compatible with justice or tranquillity to others. Suppose that New England with New York and Pennsyl- vania, as comprising a district whose interests and character are tolerably homogeneous, should "slough off" and form one State. Its extent will be as follows Square Miles. Maine 31,766 New Hampshire 9,280 Vermont 10,214 Massachusetts 7,800 Connecticut 4,674 New Jersey 8,320 Rhude Island. 1,306 New York 47,000 Pennsylvania 46,000 166,360 The North Eastern Confederation, therefore, alone would bo half as large again as the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, whose entire area is only 110,800 square miles. The newer States of the Weit, the citizens of whish are for the most part similar in character and habits, being all "backwoodsmen" and corn-growers, will probdbly sooner or later form a Republic of their own, large enough in all conscience to satisfy any moderate ambition. Square Miles. Ohio. 40,000 Indiana. 33.000 Michigan. 56,000 IUiuoia. 55,000 Wisconsin.. 54,000 Iowa 51,000 289,000 The Western Confederation would thus be considerably larger than the Entire Empire of Austria, which comprises only 248.000 square miles. The Border States, in which slavery still lingers, but cannot, it is clear, maintain itself as a permanent institu- tion,-one having recently become a free State, and the others employing both .lue and free Itbour-are seven in number, and may probably hang together. Square Miles. KapAWiiy 'it,TG0 Virginia 61.300 Maryland 11,100 Missouri. 67,300 Tennessee 45,600 Delaware. 2,100 340.100 Ths Central Confederation would, therefore, be more than 50 per cent, larger than France, which has an area of only 212,300 square miles. The territories which lie on the pacific are so distant from the rest of the old Union that their ultimate indepen- dence can only be a question of time. <'1- U!1_- aquure mum. California contains 156,000 Washington 123,000 Oregon 185,000 464,000 The Pacific Confederation formed of these three States would, therefore, be as large as Austria and France together, as large as Great Britain, Prussia, and Spain together, and more than four times the size of Prussia, which has only 107,300 square miles. The comparatively unknown territory which lies between Missouri and California, the resources of which are as yet uuexplored, comprises- Square Miles, Nebraska, with 335,000 Minnesora 81,000 Utah 188,000 New Mexico 210,700 814.700 and would constitute a State equal in extent to the com- bined territories of four out of the five graat Monarchies of Europe, with Spain (176,000 square miles) added to them, —a State four times as large as France, and nearly eight times the size of Great Britaiu. Finally, the Slave-States properly so called are as follows Square Miles. Caroliuas 80,000 Georgia. 58,000 Florida 59,000 Mississippi. 47,100 Louisiana. 41,200 Alabama 50,700 Arkansas 52,200 Texas 237,500 625,700 The Southern Confederation would thus be as large as Eng- land, France, and Austria together, and twice as large as England, Spain, and Prussia. One would fancy that in this sketch are involved possi- bilities splendid enough to content the most gra<ping and gorgeous imagination. Why should all the six contingent independencies be ruled from one seat of Government? Why should all gravitate towards one Capitol ? Why should the Continent of America be bound into a single State and nation, when the not larger Continent of Europe affords scope and verge enough for the development, prosperity, security, and independence of six or eight entirely distinct peoples, each with its own favourite institutions and its own specific civilisation ? Why—when France and England the two great luminaries of the Old World, have only 300,000 square miles between them, and have found this ample for all lawful aims, should American Republics deem 3,000,000 scarcely enough to satisfy their longings; Why. in a word, should the dream of universal domi- nion," long since banished from one hemisphere, be per- mitted to take refuge in the other. -Ewnoinivt.

THE EMPEROR AND THE CARDINAL.

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