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"THE PROGRESS OF CONSTITUTIONAL…

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"THE PROGRESS OF CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY." The tendency of the day," wrote Mr. Disraeli, in 1841, which seems to be towards democracy, may be really towards a now development of monarchy aud the events which followed 184S seemed to prove his prescience. The wild outburst of that year, when nationilties, republicans, and anti-sncid leader, all surged together to the surface, was followed by a retmrkable development ot tue autoenti c principle. Previous t" that year tije sovereigns of Europe, who had not, been seriously monaced for thirty years, bad begun to think their power supported oil opinion. They became, therefore, gradually gentle, and in every country of Europe social reforms were promised or granted from the throne. The Cnurch everywhere was restricted to its functions, and Europe saw with hope rather than amazement a Pope promising constitutional reforms. ,r anhappily, as it may prove, the opinion on which these monarubs leaned w^s not a genuine opinion, was u tuere ac- quiescence varnished over with official courtesy. It gave way at the first shock, and the ruling class found itself, just as it started from sleep, on the brink of the abyss. The sovereigns, thoroughly rouseJ, fell back at once on force, and as force is pro tanto, a real source of power, found themselves restored for the moment to more than their old position. The reaction was accelerated by the strange turn taken by the second French revolution. A man chosen by the people for the sake of the name he represented, suddenly seized the throne, and developing abilities as unexpected as portentous, built up a monarchy more individual than Europe had witnessed since the Western Empire fell. His fellow monlcrbs strove eagerly to copy the great examphtr, The Austrian Emperor dechred his ministers responsible to himself, abolished his constitution, and avowedly ruled his kingdoms by the sword. The Prussian Government, ullwilling wholly to retrace its steps, still reduced the Par- liament to a court for the registration of its decrees. The Emperor Nicholas, always absolute, pressed the yoke down closer on the necks of his patient subjects. The minor sovereigns eagerly followed suit. The petty German princess recalled their liberal constitutions. The King of Denmark ignored his promise to the Holsteiners. The Queen of Spain became, with the tacit consent of her sub- ieicts once more absolute. The sovereigns of Italy, with one exception, threw off all restraint, and ruled rather like tyrants of the old world than kins of any type modern society has seen. England and Piedmont alone of the more civilized monarchies stood firm. England, well governed, as she had escaped the Revolution, so she saw no cause to enlarge the sphere of the Executive. The defeat of the 10th April saved her from a 2nd December. Piedmont, which had suffered terribly, was fortunate in It king in whose miud one master passion, the craving to avenge his father s name, had extinguished even an hereditary lust for power. But throughout the rest of Europe, from Archangel to the Medi- terriupan the result of 1818 was a reaction which changed the iiiild severe igilti(,s of 1847 to hard suspicious autocracies lifting avowedly on force. Then followed ten years of fierce resentmen s, repressed by yet fiercer exhibition of ferocity Everywhere, in France as from 1 arma, from the cells of Bohemia as from the dungeons of Sicily, went up a cry of suffering, which drove sympathising hearts half frantic and caused calm observers to predict, that the next revolution would indeed, wade through a Red Sea to reach the Pro- mised Land. '1 hey had underrated both the goodness of Heaven and the docility of mankind. The suffering intelligence of Etirope-f.,r it was the peculiarity of the reaction that its severity fell wholly on the educated classe.learnt, indeed, from their misery;, lesson of perseverance but they learnt also the value of patience and moderation. The ten years, so to speak, annealed the glowing mass, and when the cycle was accomplished, and the fillger of time once more tra- versed the appointed hour, the sovereigns f und themselves confronted by taces against whose new energy their dearly bought experience was of no avail. They were accustomed to vtolence. They could meet barricades by scientific artil- lery. They cared little even for regular insurrection, for the combination which had crushed Hungary could afford to laugh at feebler imitations. But they were not prepared for moral opposition, for the moral resistance of a people who seemed suddenly imbued with the wise instincts experience sometimes gives to politicians. They met wer, where they expected boys, and found their threats and their tempta tiuns alike "unsuited to the age. When the Duke of Modena threatened a fusillade, the people smiled and dismissed him, loaded with the silver handle filched from his own palace. When the young King of Naples granted a constitution, the people again smiled at the bride their fathers would have grasped. The Emperor of Russia tele- graphed his amazement at an emeute in \Yaisaw made by unarmed incii and the Austrian Kaiser, with an army able to crush Hungary, is paralyzed by a resistance which never violates the law. The reaction of 1818 has, we believe, spent its force; and. as the great pendulum swillgâslowly back, the signs Of a better order of things begin gradually to np- near. This time it is not The Revolution, .in the old sense of that terrible impersonation, which triumphs for the Nothing in the history of the past twelve mnuth? is more marked than the progress made by the cause of constitu- tional monarchy. The new Revolution beats down the republicans as thoroughly .s the autocrats, erases the Mazziuians as completely as the ty.au-s whose oppression gave them biith. A monarchy controlled by law, and acting in witil opinion, whether expressed by assemblies or in auy other mode, seems the intimate out turn of every political emeuie. Throughout Em ope the o:dt sovereigns not even in appearance colistitu'ional are the CZar and the Sultan—the Czar who has jut liberated forty millions of slaves, and the Sultan who promises to limit his ficpeuditute in accordance with the necessities of the ad- ministration In France, after a fair trial of autocracy, the Emperor, tired of a Cnamuer of scrviles," has con- ceded a large measure of liberty of epeech, an 1 altered hi,s financial arrangements in deference to the opinion of a par- liamentary majority. The Emperor of Austria, twelve, months ago absolute, has granted a Constitution after the Fnglish model. The Emperor of Russia creates tn Polaud a State Council, avowedly intended to represent the people. The King of Denmark offers the Holsteiners a "ConstiLution absolute, which, if accepted, would be as free as that of Britain The Prussian Chamber has recovered its freedom ot speech and stops the march of armies by a vote. The Chamber of Bavatia formally rebukes its King. The Chamber of Wurtemberg rejects a concordat already signed by the sovereign. Above all, a new Parliament, of the first class, a Parliament free as that of Great Britain, yet devoted to the monarchial regime, has replaced the pettv tyrannies of Italy. Nowhere, save in Turkey, does the royal authority remain unfettered, and in turkey it is still theoretically absolute only because the Sultan is also Caliph, and as vicegerent of the Deity can only submit informally to restraint. Nowhere (ilher has this new revo- lution brought gain to the republicans. In Italy the whole population, supposed to be infected with Mazzinian ideas, has voted deliberately over and over again for Victor Emmanuel. In France the liberals plead not for the over- throw of the throne, but for the restoration of authority to the law. Throughout Germany the republican party seems temporarily defunct. In Prussia and the smaller states the liberals, instead of struggling for authority WIth the throne are urging the King to assume the leadership of Teutonic unity In Russia, the struggle as yet is for social freedom rather than political liberty, and the few who whisper of a republic, intend by the phraso an nligarey modelled on that of Venice. The liish movement, which was partially repub- lican, though not nominally hostile to the throne, has died away. But, above all, the tendency to republicanism, a tendency far more important than any momentary direction d political strife, seems visibly on the decline. The excesses of 1848 shocked the educated class, who are sure perma- nently the bear rule. The want of administrative capacity so marked in the republicans of Southern Europe, and which is the defect of their wonderful leader, disgusts all who see that to contend with bayonets the populace must be sub- jected to restraining discipline. The events now occutring in America, the palpable inefficiency of republican institu- tions to bind a determined minority, have uisheai tened those leaders of opinion who alone on the Continent learn wisdom from foreign politics. Above all, the prostitution of uni- versal suffrage, which in France sanctions a despotism, in Savoy authorizes plunder, and in America gives the victory to slave-owners, has deprived the republicans of their best weapon-a creed in which mere logic could find no fla w. Add to this the increasing tendency of Europe to aggregate itself in masses, and the consequent necessity for strong administrations-a necessity acknowledged as cheerfully in Berlin as in Paris, by Ilerr von Vincke as by Jules Favre- and "e have a body of opinion fatal for the hour to the dominion of extreme politicians. The men who are striving to secure national existence will not risk tlHt great and substantial gain for any principle whatever, least of all for one which logically tends always to disintegrate great States. How long this new movement may endure is not a point we can discuss at the fag end of an essay like the present. There are signs abroad that the Revolution has only post. poned, not abandoned, its distinctive tenets that the vic- tory of constitutional monarchy is only tolerated because social equality cannot exist without national independence. But we may observe, as a fact bearing directly on the politics of the future, that the must pronounced passion ol the day among all classes is material progress, and that mateiiul progress is most rapid and most secure under a monarchy exempt from change, yet capable of progress and controlled by lav/. —Spectator. PROGRESS OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN FRANCE, i _.1. f-h. f, ..li '1 "First the blade, then the ear, aiierwuiuN uio »ui u»ni i» the ear." All growth is interesting-for growth is the manifestation of life. It is especially interesting ill its earlier stages, partly on account of its contrast with the past, partly on account of its promise for the future. Who can walk ahroad at this season of the year without being charmed by the general budding forth of nature? How we all rejoice in the brightening verdure of hedgerows and meadows before the recollection of the terrible rigour of winti r has faded out of our mind? How the feeling of joy is enhanced by the anticipation of that fuller and more matured loveliness to which the first flushes of spring- time distinctly point our attention With feelings very much akin to these intelligent Englishmen will have watched the expansion of political life in France ,-is indicated in the debates on the Address which have the Legislative Chambers. Freedom of speccl 13 the arlipst flower which marks the return of CrJllstltutlOnal Like the primrose, it reminds us of the long hard now happily gone, while it tells us of other and beauteous flowers which are surely coming. Our readers will remember that the Emperor )¡ :lp,dCOll spontaneously initiated the reform which has given a tongne to Franee. At the moment when this concession \Vas made we rated its worth somewhat more highly than those of our contemporaries who looked at it only ill the broad light of our own free Constitution. We confess, however, that we were not prepared to witness such a rapid develop- ment of the politicalvis viteeiu consequence of the seemingly slight relaxation of the Imperial system as the late debates have displayed. We are not about to criticise them in regard either to their literary, their oratorical, or their political merits or demerits. It is no part of our intention to discuss, whether with a view to praise or to censure, the opinions expressed by the various speakers. We are quite alive to the fact that very much of what was uttered on this occasion would find no echo in the hearts of Englishmen. IJut one conclusion we must all feel bound to admit—and, after all, it is precisely the one conclusion which ought to be most satisfactory to us-and that is that the debate hu been a reality that those who took part in it spoke in no muffled tones that whatever the views which were pro- pounded by the various speakers, both in the Senate and in the Corps Legislatif, they were enuueuted with singular boldness; and that all parties in Era ice, even those most opposed to the policy of the Emperor, have been fearlessly represented without M or hindrance. If it was, as we believe it was, the desire of Napoleon III. to ascertain what was really thought and felt by French- men on the leading topics of public interest, the desire has I been unhesitatingly responded to. There has been no mincing of terms—no adulatory or timid suppression of convictions — very little of that restraint that indicates the secret pressure of prerogative. True, the Address was voted in both Chambers just as it was proposed, and was only a formal reiteration of the thoughts embodied in the Speech from the throne but every paragraph it contained was searchingly discussed. and the defence of Government was anything but a holiday pastime. In a word, the Emperor has stood face to faci with political parties in France, has submitted to have his proceedings thoioughly canvassed in the hearing of the nation, and has vindicated his policy by explanations an,1 arguments. And this, call it what we will, is Consti- tutionalism in the germ. In the germ, we say, for either it must be stifled or it will grow. It cannot remain just as and what it now is. Political freedom, when once instinct with life, expands by a law of its own nature. The recent debates may convince us that, however crabbed, cabined, and confined" it may he in France, under the forms and restrictions imposed upon it by the Impeiial will, it is yet a living tiling. It not only fit's the entire space allotted to it by the Emperor, but it presses upon its confines. It cannot do otherwise. Its inherent elasticity is part of itself, and can only cease to operate when that of which it is an essential quality ceases to be. Once quickened into vitality, no matter in how diminutive a form, it will either kfll Absolutism or Absolutism must kill it. Its growth may be slow, its pro- gress may be oscillating and unsteady, but it will advance as surely as a flowing tide. Freedom of debate is the form to which the life of Con- stitutionalism is at present confined in France. But now let us observe its inseparable concomitants and its inevitable tendencies. Let us admit that it is as yet devoid of all legislative virtue. Nevertheless, it is as great a reality as life from the dead. The Speech from the throne at the opening of the Legislative Session, uttered, as it is meant to be, in the hearing of all Europe, states the main facts in which France is interested, and announces the policy asso- ciated with those facts. The Address in response to the Speech is there, as it is here, a faithful echo of both its statements and its sentiments. But every paragraph which it contains undergoes searching criticism, is looked at by different speakers from different points of view, and the policy which it embodies is submitted to as many tests as there may chance to be political schools represented in the Chambers. The speeches are published in extenso in the Monitcur, and may be copied into every newspaper in the kingdom. All France, therefore, so far at least as it is in- telligent and educated, may be regarded as present at this unrestrained discussion of its leading public affairs, and thus becomes acquainted with whatever may be said for or against the action of the Government. "What is this but an invitation to all France to think, to weigh reasons, and to adopt conclusions touching the principal movements of the ruling authority ? In other words, what is it but a solemn appeal to public opinion ? But it will soon be found that an appeal to public opinion, in order to be safe, necessitates two conditions -first, an ex- tension of the freedom of debate in the Chambers to freedom of comment in the press and, secondly, a modification of policy by the Government so as to conform it in its essential features to the ascertained sentiments of the nation. A free press and a responsible Ministry follow in the wake of free discussion in the Legislature. The first of these results will, after a while, be deemed necessary for the sake of the Government. It is now at an obvious disadvantage. It is assailed in the Chambers from the most opposite quarters and every assailant has leisure to choose his point of attack, to elaborate his arguments, and to put his case into the most convincing form. Replies can only come from one or two members of the Administration, and must, to a great extent, be unpremeditated, and, in many respects, defective and unsatisfactory. In fact, the policy of the Emperor cannot, under the existing system- have fair play in the discussion. The deficiency will, no doubt, be supplied by means of the press -at first, perhaps, by pamphlets, but afterwards, on account of their greater convenience, by the newspapers. The liberty which Go- vernment may be expected to claim for itself it will be obliged, in part at least, to extend to its opponents. The discussions commenced by the Legislature will have to be continued, competed, exhausted by the press. The re- strictions by which it is fettered will gradually fall into desueiude, and, no doubt, experience will show in France what it has shown in England, that there is no safety- valve for popular disquietude equally efficacious as what our forefathers used to fall unlicensed printing." A practically responsible Ministry follows as a matter of course. Public opinion cannot be at the same time sys- t -niatieally appealed to and systematically disregarded. No formal concessions of this constitutional privilege may be made for many years to come, but freedom of debate will ensure it in substanoe. Policy will be shaped, modified, explained, defended, with a view to win a verdict from pub- lie opinion and this, in effect, means Ministeiial responsi- bility. We may detect the rudiments of it in the late debates on the Address and unless the privileges recently granted to the Legislative Bodies be revoked, which we do not anticipMte, those small beginnings will assuredly ripen into a hll-formed principle. It always has been so else- where it will eventually be so in France. And now our readers will see why so much importance is to be attache! to the first vigorous exercise of the right of free discussion under the Imperial system established across the Straits. Possibiy the Emperor himself has been taken by surprise at the manifest tendency of his own concession. But his sagacity will be sure to see that his position, instead of bfiiifj weakened, has been strengthened by the ordeal of criticism to which his policy has been subjected. Having taken one decided step in the direction of Constitu- tionalism, he will best consult the interests both of his own dynasty and of France by taking such others as circum- stances may seem to require. Peradventure it may yet be his glory to lead on France through successive changes to a system of well-ordered and permanent political and com- mercial freedom. If so, his country and Europe will forgive and forget the acts by which he raised himself to the Impe- rial throne. —Illustrated Loudon News. I THE SHEFFIELD "TEAR'EM." It is not a month since Mr. Roebuck surprised, if not his enemies, at lea-t his friends, by his su Iden avowal of sym- pathy with Austria. On that occasion the House of Com- mons had to lament the unhappy breakdown and complete failure, from a moral point of vipw, of Tear'em, the British watchdog. Tear'em had made great pretensions to ferocity. At a banquet given some time ago by the master cutlers of Sheffield, he had pointed out the duties he meant to per- form, and enlarged, with apparent satisfaction, upon his own fidelity. He had, in the first instance, confidently and perhaps hastily, christened himself by the name in question. "I am the British watchdog," he had said, amidst the cheers of the master cutlers, who from that moment ceased to feel insecure; "lam Tear'em." It was understood thenceforward that England was safe under his protecting care. It was his duty to worry "emperors and kings, to bark whenever he was spoken to by foreigners, and to make himself generally as disagreeClhle as possible to the world. For some time after this announcement it was acknow- ledged that there was no part of his duty which he left un- discharged. "Tear' em," said the Englishmen of Sheffield, never is asleep. Tear'em has got his eye upon the Em- peror of the French, and things in general. No danger is to be apprehended from any quarter." If, in the hour of festive pride, when he appointed himself to his new office, some Master Cutler had risen, like a shadow at the banquet to say, Remember, Tear'em, that even tbou art mortal!" the injudicious monitor would have met with no sympathy at Sheffield. But things are altered during the last few months. Tear'em has been travelling on the Continent, and foreign experience has given to the British guardian of the flock a touch of foreign manners. The member for Sheffield, after a bath of Vienna air returns home a Vien- nese. The Austrians have been taking a lively interest in him, and he, iu consequeuce, begins to feel a lively admi- ration for the Austrian Constitution. Tear'em, the sternest and stanchest of Britons, has become a diplomatist, and learnt to entertain serious doubts about the propriety of Italian unity. He is afraid that Garibaldi, after all, is but ( what the Americans would call a filibuster. He is for taking a broad and expansive aspect of Continental politics. lie has been studying the map of Europe He wishes to look at. the status of Italy from the point of view of universal statesman-hip. Accordingly, he demands that enlightened Austria should retain Venice, lest, if Italy become too power- ful, she may fall too much under the influence of France. Then, again, there is Russia. Gracious heavens how awkward it would have been for a politician like Tear'em to ha*e forgotten Russia! The steady advance of Russia to- wards ihe East naturally requires that Austria should be left in possession of the bank of the Mindo. In Austria says the honourable member for ShetE?td, British interests '.?iH ever find "a protector." "Austria is our natural Continental ally." :This is very strange language from Itadieal lins. We think we liked Tear'em better before he had seen the world and come back with the diplomacy and foreign travel on him. No wonder that the Master-Cutlers of Sheffield are disconcerted at the remarkable transforma- tion that has taken place. inese are curious manners lor the English watchdog to put on. Can anybody, they say, have bet n creating the faithful creature a Count of the Austrian empire ? What can have put all this nonsense into his brain ? Somebody, beyond all doubt, has been p:ittiiig (itir Tear'ein's head. From a correspondence which has this last week appeared in !he daily papers, it would seem that a few of the Shef- field electors who look upon their representative s odd behaviour with little favour, have issued an i ti,it-,tti(,u to summon him to give an account of himself at a meeting of his constituents. Every member of Parliament knows what such an invitation portends. The prospect of meeting their constituents prematurely is sufficient to cloud the it de- pendent minds of all those very disinterested politicians who happened to have changed their opinions since they were last elected. To be reminded that even Parliament, die, and that members do not always survive them, is a wholesome, though unpalatable check upon the soaring fancy of great but versatile statesmen. Mr. Horsnaan had scarcely time to elaborate a new and original theory of the British Constitution before he felt a pull at the string whioh was tied round his leg, and knew that the electors of Stroud began to take an inconveniently close interest in his pro- ceedings. Mr. Roebuck has just developed a grand political view of European affairs, when the Sheffield collar, in an unaccountable way, is suddenly tightened round his neck. After being placed in a position of European notoriety, it was very trying to Mr. Horsman to be threatened with political extinction by the good people of Stroud. Mr. Roebuck's situation may possibly prove quite as undignified. Sheffield does not understand about Russia advancing to the East, nor how a united Italy is leiis likely than a dis- united Italy to be at the feet of France, nor what her member says about the necessity of an Austrian camp upon the Po, Some of her incredulous citizens seem to look at Tear'em as if they suspected him, and were unable to com- prehend the important political airs with which ho is walk- ing up and down. They appear to be of opinion that what- ever be the talent wnich he shows for political travels for ,commeroial enterprise, and for dealing with Continental matters from a grandly diplomatic point of view, Tear'em, viewed relatively to Sheffield, is a moral wreck. Tear'em, on the other hand, is sagacious enough to look with sus- pieion 11 pon all their overtures for a personal inici'dew at cloic quarters. Upon being called upon to explain himself, lie shows a natural dislike to what he knows '.s before him. It is rather difficult for anybody to succeed in whittling him in. Perfectly alive to his situation, he prefers sand- ing and looking at his masters from a little distance. Tear'em would very much like to be able to close his ears both to menace and to blandishment. He would rather not go home to Sheffield tilt everything has blown over. If at last he consents to a conference, it is reluctantly and because he cannot help it. We confess that it is with more amusement than pity that from a little distance we watch the embarrassment of Tear'em. These violent professions of patriotic Liberalism have often violent ends. Having started with so loud a cry, he should have taken care not to terminate his pro- ceedings in domestic disgrace. Nor are we sorry to see a speech so damaging to his political reputation as his last visited with gentle severity upon his own head. In ancient States, it was the custom for this or that citizen of note to take under his especial protection the interests of some foreign nation to which he was bound by friendly feeling, commercial intercourse, or ties of hospitality. It was his business, his pleasure, and perhaps to his advantage, to espouse her cause, to assist her in difficulty, and to act as consul to her flag. We are not anxious to see the custom reproduced again in these times. Austria has her own am- bassador, and does not want a Proxenus. Mr. Roebuck, so far as he is a member of Parliament, is a representative of the claims, not of Austria, but of Sheffield. We have no wish tosee him stand to the former in the relation in which a statesman of still greater ability, and of as pronounced views, for a year or two past has stood to France. Mr. Cobden is a man of whom we do not wish to speak without respect; but the peculiar character of his position at Paris, coupled with his commercial views, has rendered him in- capable of looking at Continental politics except from the point of view of cotton. The honourable member for Shof- field is not a man of Mr. Cobden's distinction. He has never converted a country to Free-trade. There is no. danger of his converting any Emperor to auything. Indeed, it seems to be more possible that he may bll converted him- self by the first comer. But even were he all that he is not, we do not care to have amongst us an Austrian Cobden.-— Saturday Review. I COUNT CAVOUR ON ROME. It is only in Italy that we find the powers of the Admi- j niatrator, the intriguant, and the debater, each displayed in the highest degree, all united in one man. The Count Cavour who organised Piedmont till the little Stite became all sinew, who, in 1855, forced the diplomatists of Europe to sanction the first move towards Italian independence, and who, in 1860, while accepting the peace of Villafranca, changed it from a treaty into an unfortunate hypothesis," is the same Count Cavour who, to-day, controls the stormy Parliament of united Italy. We question if he considers the last the lightest of the three tasks. So dolicate are the relations of the monarchy to its allies, so intricate some of its internal complications, that the readiest of English debaters might well shrink fiom the task the Italian noble so readily undertakes. What question, for example, could be more formidable than that of the volunteers. These men, scattered all over Italy, feel that they have given two kingdoms to Victor Emmanuel, and have received only their dismissal in return. The mere discussion of their claims excites them to madness, yet it is essential to refuse them, without an irreparable breach between the Gari- baldians and the monarchy. In the midst, however, of an ordinary discussion on the Army, Brofferio brought up their services and their treatment. General Sirtori, foaming with excitement, declared that they had been treated from the first as foes, and in a few moments the House would have been split into Piedmontese and Southerners. Count Cavour, however, was equal to the occasion. After an unavailing appeal to General La Marmora, he called lor the division, the House acceded, and after outvoting La Marmora by an immense majority, passed to subjec's which can be discussed without lashing the speakers into madness. This was a mere instance of official tact, but in the debate on Rome qualities much higher than Parliamentary tact were demanded and displayed. It is difficult to imagine a situation more embarrassing than that of the Italian Premier. M. Audiuot demanded that Rome should be the capital of Italy, that the Minister should explain ail great obstacles that stood iu the way of that great end. It was necessary for Count. Cavour, in reply, to prove that he desired Rome as ardently as his countrymen, yet to abstain from menacing Catholicism to explain the policy of his government, yet avoid giving a hint of its plans to resist the French occupation of Rome, yet to arouse none of the susceptibilities of the most susceptible of European peoples. To say that he attained all these objects, so various and so conflicting, is to express but half the merit of his s peech. Without a word which could be interpreted as an indication of his plans, without losing for a moment his air of deference to France, he contrived to leave on his hearers the impression that the question approached solution, that the Italian troops were, so to speak, already in March to Rome. Italy, he said, could not be con-titut d without Rome, and the declaration cleared away a thousand doubts which had hung around his policy. It was the one distinct utterance of his speech, and the one to which half Italy looked in jealous fear, lest Naples or the Marches should be subjeeted, not to -an Italian metropol s, but to an Italian province. The national sentiment thus soothed, the Premier turned to the Catholics. He repudiated al- together the notion of atbchiug spiritual power to tem- poral authority. That plan, he argued, with a double glance at the Papacy and the Napoleons, proiuce.1 a h- hommedan regime. lie denied that such a couise could ever be pursued in Catholic Italy. The object of ItAy not to destroy the Papacy, but to reconcile it with civil government. The temporal power must disappear, but the independence of the Pope would thereby be increased. The concordats and other shackles which fettered the Papacy were necessary only because of the temporal power. As for the guarantee of independency, it should be de- clared the fundamental law of the monarchy, i.e. placed we presume beyond the authority of Parliament. That indepence once secured, Catholic opinion would permit the Emperor of the French to withdraw his troops from Rome. Force against France could never be employed, for Italy would not imitate the ingratitude Austria had displayed, when, at the Congress of Paris, she resisted terms of peace for the Power which had saved her in 1819. And so the Premier sat down, having affirmed the right of Italy to Rome, repudiated ingratitude to France, and reassured the Catholics as to the independence of the Church, to bear the Parliament decree by an unanimous vote that the Italian metropolis was Rome. There are many who will deem vote and speech alike mere words, contributing nothing towards the removal of the 20,000 bayonets by whom, and not by the 1 ope, Rome is at at present isolated from Italy. l hcse worshippers of force mistake, however, the key to the situation If Louis Napoleon were determined per j (i,v ant nefas to remain at Rome, bayonets would doubtless be more valuable than oratory. But this is by no means the case. Aot to mention that a Prince who ieigns by universal sutliage cannot afford to break wholly with the Uevolution, the Emperor is plainly desirous to quit Rome. All he asks is to quit it without offending either the self-respect of the trench army, or the Catholic feeling of the French peasants. Both these feelings will be soothed if Italy, while deferring to France, guarantees the independcnce "f the Papacy. I he C^atholics of Europe cannot officially declare the Pope less free when protected by three hundred thousand Catholic Italians, than when receiving orders from the General of twenty tnousand Ilrench. Nor can the French army be insulted by an ad- vance avowedly postponed for months, only because Italy was unable to cross bayonets witii France. Ihe only real difficulty in the way is the -Pope himself, who may, ns he threatens, resist even when the Italian troops are mounting guard at the Vatican. But his resistance, to be effective, must be followed by flight, and the Pope once gone, the excuse for the French occupation is destroyed. — Spectator.

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