South Wales Daily News

MR ARCHIBALD FORBES IN SOUTH WALES. Mr Archibald Forbes, war correspondent of the Daily Ketvs, delivertd a lecture in the Music-hall, Swansea, on Tuesday night, upon his recent ixperiunces iu Zululand. Mr LI. Dillwyn, M.P., presided. Mr Forbes, who appeared somewhat aged to those who saw him a couple of years ago. said upon returning from his work in Afghanistan he received from the Daily Neva Office the curt telegram Go and 'do' the Zulu War, "(Iau,hter)-to which lie complied. After speaking of his meeting with Lord Chelmsford, he referred to the Isandula affair, alluded to his famous ride, and touched upon the finding of the Prince Imperial's body. Mr Forbes also gave his lecture on Wednesday evening, at the, Philhar. monic, Cardiff, when the chair was taken by Colonel Page. The audience was pretty large, d the lecture was warmly appreciated. °

CARMARTHEN BOROUGHS. To tlteEditor of the SOUTH WALES DAILY NEWS. SIB,—I have just read in your paper a report of the proceedings at a large and enthusiastic meeting of the supporters of Mr B. T. Williams, as member for the United Boroughs of Carmar- then and Llanelly, which was apparently held here last night. Lest any person might be led to form a false impression as to the character of this meeting, I think the public should be furnished with a plain statement of facte, showing how it—such as it wa. —was got together. On the 20th inst. a post-card v as issued by Mr Thomas DavieekiAe past or present secretary, requeuing the attendance of Liberals at a meeting «f the party, to be held for general purposes of the local Liberal Committee, on the evening of the 24th inst., at the Assembly Rooms, at eight o'clock. On the afternoom of the 24th inst,, apparently with a viewlto avoid excessive publicity, a posting bill was privately circulated among a selected number of the electors, informing them that a meeting, of the supporters of Mr 13. T. Williams woulu be held that evening, at tho very same place and moment as the meeting summoned for the different and more generally interesting pur- pose above-mentioned. In the ideas of the" fcee- I thinking"'division of our party, the above will probably be deemed a smart way of ensuring a satisfactory meeting of persons who may thus be held pledged in the desired manner: but in the name of common honesty I ask the more serious portion of our party, and the ,eneral public, what they thiuk of such smartness," and of the worthiness of a cause requiring and receiving such •id ?—I am, &c., *sl" AN OLD_LIBEKAL. Carmarthen, 25th November, 1879. 1J the Editor of the SOUTH WALES DAILT NEWS. SM-1 wish somebody would sit on Mr ,J. J. Jenkins's candidature for the Cariwrthen Boroughs. He is a mere flash. Mr Williams is really a very sound Liberal. He is, besides, more than a lawyer. He is well-trained and well- educated, and will in time take a good place, as It reselitative man, of sound Liberal views, in ti e r'House of Commons. I do not think there is a more •fitting m m iu the House. Besides, we actually Deed a man like Mr Wiliiams, as a clear and right-thinking lawyer. He would watch over legal matters in Parliament pertinent to Wales.—I am, jta* ALIBEliAL. need a man like Mr Wiliiams, as a clear and right-thinking lawyer. He would watch over legal matters in Parliament pertinent to Wales.—I am, jta* ALIBEliAL.

MEETING AT DALKIETH. SPEECH ON DOMESTIC MATTERS. THE LIQUOR AND LAND LAWS. ENTAIL AND SETTLEMENT. DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHURCH. COUNTY GOVERNMENT AND i: HOME RULE. f SPECIAL TELEGRAM.] EDINBURGH, WEDNESDAY This afternoon Mr Gladstone delivered hw second address to the electors of Midlothian The meeting was held in the Com Lxchauge, Dalkieth a building capable of holding 3 000 people, and some time before the advertised hour, every seat was occupied. Amongst others on the platfoim were-Viscount Dalrymple, Sir David Wedder* Wn M P Mr James Cowan, M.P.. Mr iennant, M P MrTrevelyan, M.P., Mr McL gnn, MP Sir W Johnston. Mr Gladstone was accompanied by the cliaii-iii:in of the meeting (ProvostMitchell), Mrs Gladstone, and Viscount Dalryinple, entered the hall before four o'clock. Mr GLADSTONE, who was greatly cheered, said: Mr Provost of Dalkeith, and Gentlemen,—I ask the attention of this crowded ;<ncl immense audienee, in the capacity not of a le der of the Liberal party, buc of one of its most convinced and rot less loyal members—(cheers)—hapwr to follow those who, in the two Houses of Parliament, have ably discharged the duties of leadership under on- favourable ciicumstances, and mpst anxious to con- tribute v part, such as it may ba, towards giving a lis^t direct! in to Ik. ,»«~d U«<W ttathj. occurred during the last half century. (<-heeis.) Gentlemen, iu conducting that portion of this con- Test which falls to my special care I will endeavour to observe fair play. (Hear hear.) I will ™* willingly wound the feelings of any mnn. 1 shall be compiled to use strong language in speaking of measures which seem to me incapable of just description by any language which is weak but to the authors of these measures i shall give, as I am bound to give-it is no merit of mine-I shall "ive ail alike the same implicit credit of honourable and patriotic motives, which I claim on behalf of the "Teat political party in whose ranks I have the honour to stand. (Cheers.; BJ2YIEW OF FOREIGN POLICY. Yesterday, gentlemen, it was my duty to com- mence a detailed exposition of what appears to me necessary to be laid before you. It is no easy task for it involves a survey of a long series of complicated transactions not transactions with wh<ch you are familiar from youth upwards, m the scene and upon the stage of your domestic affairs, but transactions largeiy concerned with the most distant quarters of the globe, and likewise involving a complicated sketch of the foreign relations of thec™n.^wlJ;M!m<g every one of the States of the civilised world. It fs a very difficult task, gentlemen It is only with your help, with the assistance of your kind attention, that I can hope to be useful in address- ing myself to its performance; yet, with that as- sistance, I have the hope, and I will venture to point out the ground that we have already taken up that it may beperfectly clear, that there.rn.ay be no mistake as to the issue which is raised before the county of. Midlothian. (Cheers.) I have arrived, in my judgment, at the time when it is necessary frankly to avow that we disapprove of the course pursued by Her Majesty's Government in affairs of vital moment to the country; that we cannot be satisfied with a longer continu- ance of the Government m office. (Cheers.) Some public writers have said recently that there should not be a dissolution of Parliament, that it is most desirable that the Government should have time to finish those foreign affairs that they have undertaken. (Laugh- ter.) I must enter at this time, gentlemen, into the consideration of these affairs but I will make a frank admission, that if I could hope that those gentlemen in office could finish those affairs, I should say, "In heaven's name let them do it." They have begun them, they have created them, they have staked their reputation on them, they have desired to be remembered, and they will be remembered in connection with them—(cheers and laughter)—and I won't grudge them for a moment the aatisfactiou of finishing tbem. I would share that satisfaction. There is nothing I would delight in, nothing I desire so much as to see them finished. I am afraid, gentle- men, the case stands far otherwise, but that is a matter on which I at once admit that bro :d asser- tions are not to be taken for granted. I ask you not to look to my assertions, but to my proofs and my arguments and having stated that I hope to observe fair play, I will say this, that when I attack the foreign policy of the Government I will not confine myself to the comparatively easy duty of ebjecting to decisions taken in difficult circumstances, but I will endeavour to place before you in a clear and intelligible light those which I conceive to be the true principles of our foreign policy, that you may have an opportunity of comparing them with the false. (Cheers.) LOCAL AFFAIRS NEGLECTED. Now, gentlemen, I wish to say one word on the subject of local questions. The peculiar feature of this crisis is that it is a crisis at which local ques- tions are most unhappily swallowed up in general questions, and domestic questions are to a great '1? extent, absorbed in foreign questions; and, therefore, I must— before I proceed to touch upon those local and those domestic matters—I must remind you how far I conceive myself already to have carried the discussion upon the great and vital question how the foreign affairs of this country, and its affairs beyond seas, are to be administered, and how we are to deal with the consequences of that adminis- tration in our domestic sphere. (Cheers.) .I THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE LIBERAL CABINET. I have endeavoured to point out, gentlemen, that as the affairs of this empire stood before the pre- sent Government acceded to office. the calls of the business of our vast empire afforded much more than ample occupation for the very best and ablest men that could be called to the administration of affairs. A certain progress had been made up to the year 1874 iu dealing with some of these calls, but ttie business of the country still remained com- pacted as in a great mass, at the time the ma- jority of the constituencies, in the exercise of their undoubted right, dismissed us from our office. Since that time I make plain to say that the shoulders, so to speak, of the nation have been loaded bv multitudes of gratuitous, mischievous. and dangerous engagements. I point to Africa, I point to India, I point to Afghanistan, and to Syria, to Asia Minor, to the whole of Turkey in Asia. I point to our assumption of the virtual Government of Egypt; I point to the practical annexation of the island of Cyprus—(laughter}— to the military dangers and responsibilities of un- dertaking the defence of the Turkish frontier.in Armenia—in fact, under enormous and increasing difficulties all over the world, anil challenge all tfcfo, to the first instance, upon the most modest and lowest ground, on the ground of prudence and coinnion.setise-tbat old rule for private and public life; it is the rule of common-sense which every one of you are bound to observe in private concerns, when undertaking eng igements that falls to your hands. BXTENWON OF PPJRE AND INCREASED 13URDENS. My contention is that our hands were full, that we had no ? business to go into South Africa, Afghanistan, Turkey. Asia, and Cyprus; that we Af hfld no business to takethese unnecessary sters, disturbing confidence, perplexing bus un- settlinor the fabric of civiliserl society, all over the •• orld. (Cheers.) I contend, also, that these engagements were bad, and being bad, we ought not to have undertaken them, even if our hands h id been perfectly empty. And now, how can I illustrate what I mean? The country had been appealed to repeatedly on the ground that this Government vat determined there should be no diminution of the Empire, but was not at all dis- posed to increase the Empire, But what does annexing Cyprus mean, and the other annexations which we are bound in honour to. maintain ? We are bound to have troops in Cyprus, and to raise fortifications there, and uphold the British flag which has been there erected.- Now, we 1 avo done the same thing in the Transvaal, where we have chosen unwisely, and I say insanely, to place ourselves in the predicament of the free subjects of a monarchy. annexing the free sub- jects of a Republic. (Cheers.) But, geotlemen, everything of that kind requires money and men. From whence are the money and the men to come ? What do we mean by strengthening the empire ? It is simply loading the empire, it is simply bur- dening the empire. I can understand some extensions of territory. I have no doubt th it "hen the Germane annexed Aisace an 1 Lorraine they reckoned that Alsace and Lorraine would contribute in men and money to the purposes of the empire, just like the rest of the empire but that is not the case with our Minister'. They have undertaken the govern nent of li^ypt, Asia Minor, atil other places, and made us responsible for these places. LTSNTED RESOURCES AND HEAVY RESRONSIBILTTIKS. The meaning of it is that with the limited store of men and funds which this island can supply, we have continually to go on enbtrning our responsi- bilities and dangers all over the surface of the eart (Ifear, hear.) Many of you are agricul- turists. What would you think of the m m who. having a farin ot JUO acres, takes another farm of 200 acres without increasing his farm stock? (Laughter.) That is a partial but a feeble illus- tration of wh _t has been going on. What would you think of the landlord who, having a creat avidity for land, and being possessed of a splendid estate, should purchase another on this condition that we should pay all the tithes, and rates, and charges, and the obligations of every kind, and that somebody else should receive the rents. (Great laughter.) Morally, these illustrations are utterly barren and feeble, for they do not touch the essence of the case. There is no strength to be aided to our country or Government by under- taking our new responsibilities. I is a sheer and pllre burden imposed upon 4ovi and I appeal to you. the Liberals of Midlotnirin,—I appeal to the Tories or Conservatives of Midlothian—(lauahter) —whether their creed of prudence concurs with the undertaking of burdens of this kind. I ill endeavour to give another illustration, I have no doubt they will contend that this country is strong. Thank God it is. Notwithstanding t'j., proceedings of the Beaconsfield dmini tra- tion, this co u.try is strong, hut that is not the reason « hy it should load itself with a multi'tide of needless and mischievous engagements. Those engagements may enchain cveu great strength. If our strength was great bdore the Beaconsfield Goverlime'it came. so we;e our duties great. Ti.eie was no disturbance that could happen in Europe that did not touch us there were ir any calls which the people of this conn ry thought involved their honour. You may recollect that in the late Government, when an attempt was made, which I must call a wicked attempt, between two powers against the freedom and liberty of Belgium, you may recol- lect that the people of this country almost as one man cried out fog me toTje taken in order to ahflW your sympathy with their freedom, and determined within the limits of reason to do their best for them. (Cheers.) We have strength only for duties, and they are numerous enough. We ha ve none to waste, (Cheers.) In 'Gulliver's Travels," in the shape of an allegory, there is conveyed with an infinite vein of humour, a lesson of profound political wisdom. When Gulliver landed among the Lilliputians, he was a man of six feet among men of six inches. There seemed no hope of the Lilliputians overcoming such a man, but they tied him down with their greatest cables, which were about the thickness of packthread, and fastened him to the ground by the most powerful stakes. They contrived by the multitude of their pins and cords to keep him down to the ground, leaving only the arms and legs ree and about that they not care. We know that it is the way we are being ti, d down, gentlemen-(hear, hear)—by all kinds of covenants, here and there, north and south, east and west. (Cheers.) We had enough before to do, with all the strength we possess, but now we have beeu drawn into a position ridiculous and aan- gerous, in consequence of public engagements, contemplating no public advantages, an l beyond the duty and line of responsibility which are of enormous magnitude, and calculated to be injurious to the greatness of our resources woe i required for objects which may be more worthy of them. Gentlemen, on that ground I challenge the prudence of the Government foreign poiicy, be- cause on every hand the Government is involving us in new and strange engagement?. (Hear, hear.) THE DUTY OF THE NEXT GOVERNMENT. Now I will turn for the moment from the foreign policy, in order to touch upon the mt4e of those subjects to which I said I should refer now, namely, the local and special questions in which you feel a special interest. But I cannot do this without first warning you. Don't be deceived as to our position. Don't Fitippose that when you get rid of the present administration you will cret rid uf the consequences of what it has done. lhe present Government, whether it dies intestate or not—( aughter)—will undoubtedly leave aninheri- t n e of financial confusion at home, a financial couf usionin India, and treaties of thg strangest and most entangling kind, which will have to be dealt with in the future. We have had this country brought to a state of things where the troops, the valiant troops of Her Majesty, have had to be sent on military operations to India, where wars have been made; and it would be the duty of the Government succeeding the present one to desire no longer to leave our troops in those countries. All these things, gentlemen, will be committed to us, and it is an utter mistake to suppose that you will find things as they were in 1874,—that you have got nothing to do but to forget all those years of Tory administration, and to proceed quietly and peacefully with the work of reform- ing the Is, a and promoting the interests of the 4-1. _L_ .t. .h", UUUUl/iy. Vii ÚU UUllWitry, bUC 141C14 PH" Al"" tiiA fortunate enough to succeed to this Administra- tion will find all their energies tested in replacing the foundations, in restoring order, and in removing the confusion into which the affairs of India have been brought. All these things are matters of the greatest anxiety; for you know, gentlemen. it is very easy for a man to burn down York Minster, but it is not every wise man who could rebuild it. That is all I shall say to you on your domestic affairs. But do not suppose that we have mcrely lost these six years during which the present Government hae been in office. THE FRANCHISE IN SCOTLAND. I have considered in my own mind what are the subjects that have a special interest for you, ana on* of them is a subject which will, I think, command your interest and I do not think you will disapprove of it, although it is a subject which lirs not been discussed of late in Scotland. It is my firm opinion that Scotland is not represented in the Imperial Parliament up to the full measure which justice demands that she should have. (Cheers, and a voice Whose fault isit?") I will tell you by-and-bye. (Laughter.) If the representation were distributed according to population— (Here there was another interrup- tion from a person who had spoken before.) Have the_kindness, my friends, to give me the toleration which I will gladly accord you when you have to address a meeting of this magnitude. (Cheers.) If Scotland were represented according to popu- lation it would, inst. ad of 60 members, possess 70 members. (Cheers.) If Scotland were represen- ted according to the amount of revenue which it contributes it would, instead of 60 members, possess 78 member?. (Cheers.) I am sony that my friend a.°ked me whose fault it was, for 1 had no intention of making any charge against the members of the present Government in connection with this subject; but as he asks me whose fault it is, I must tell him that it is the fault of those who framed and. carried the Reform Bills of 1867 and 1868 in such a manner as not to accord to Scotland a fairer share of representation. (Another interruption by the same man here re- sulted in his being turned out of the meeting.) Gentlemen, besides the consideration of popula- tion, which I took to be the main one, and besides the consideration of revenue, which also is of some importance, there is another element that enters into the equitable examination of the question— and that is, the element of distance. A smaller number of representatives are elected when they are close to the seat of Government, than when they are far from the seat of Govern- ment. 011 that account it is that the London aud the Metropolitan district, with their vast population of four millions, are one-sixth of the whole representation, and England and Wales do not influence the return more than between 30 and 40 members, which would only be about one- twelfth or one-thirteenth of the population of England and Wale*. It is recognised that near- ness is a question for having a more limited num- ber of members, and consequently the distance improves the claim for a larger number of numbers even than population. (Hear, hear.) I hope, gentlemen, that you will bear this subject in mind, because we are given to understand that Her Majesty's Government have great anxiety to dispose by Act of Parliament, before a dissolu- tion, of five or six seats. I think six is the num- ber that are now vaont. I have no doubt that in the disposal of these seats they may innocently have regard for .the probable use of the franchise of those to whom they may seek to give an in- creased share of the new form of representation, and my fear is that they won't be very anxious to entertain the claims of Scotland. (Applause, and hear, hear.) I very much doubt whether Edinburgh or Glasgow, or whether any of your greater counties, are likely to fare favour- ably at the hands of the Government on the subject, and I commend to your careful and watchful observance, to see that whenever there are seats to dispose of Scotland will receive full justice. (Cheers.) THE QUESTION OF HYPOTHEC. I pass to another matter which is of great in- terest in two pom's of view, and that is the whole Bubject well known to all by the name of Hypothec. (Applause.) I am not going to di>.cuss the merits of the auestion in itself. Happily, it is unnecessary, because opinion has reached that stage and condition in "Scotland in which all parties, it may be said, are agreed that the law of Hypothec ought to be "done away with. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) That being so, I acoeptthe conclusion, and won't waste your time in discussion. It is complained in this catechism that the Liberal fiovernment did nothing to abolish the law of Hypothec. I am bound to say there was a great deal of legislation which it was quite impossible for us to achieve, and the question you will put is —whether we manfully and wisely employed our time, and spent our energies in doing as much as we could. (Applause.) But I must say it its rather hard that this reproach should come from the opposite side, when we consider that -it the last election, when we were dismissed from office, in the address of Lord Beaconsfield (then Mr Dia- raeli). who was the mouthpiece of his party, it WMS- distinctly comphined of us that we had ne- glected foreign affairs, and had been too active in home legislation (Hear, and cheers.) But I will occupy, and not altogether waste, your time in caHmsr your attention to the way in ,hich the question has been worked. (Applause.) A cate- chism las been sent to me iu print, which it has been proposed to administer to me on a convenient opportunity. (Laughter.) Now, I wnnt to know whether you are satisfied with the manner in which the question is worked in Scotland. All the Tories vote for it. with one or two exceptions. Is not that delightful ? What complaint can you make when you find them so rational as this? Let me call your attention to a closer examination of the subject, which I w ill endeavour to make by the aid of the political microscope. (Laughter and cheers.) When 1 look into it I find that Mr Vans Agnew, who is a very steady Conservative, brought in a Bill for the abolition of Hypothec. He has moved it for several year?, ami EO far -as I see, if the present Government and the present Parlia- ment could happily continue, he would regularly go on moving it—(laughter)— from year to year for your satisfaction—(laughter) —until old age or break-down in energy, or death, should remove him from this mortal stage. (Re. newed laughter.) He moved the Bill some day in April or Maich, and he carried the second reading of the Bill by 204 ayes to 77 noes, and sent a thrill, no doubt, through the minds and bear's of all the fanners in Scotland, who are pretty much united on this subject. The Bill was never more heard or. The Government had the control of the Business of the House, but there was very little advance at any attempt to press it forward. But that is not all. Let us examine the division list—most interesting documents, division lists, sometimes. (Laughter.) The Lord Advocate warmly supported the Bill. He sup- ported it with such v armth that he convinced live of his colleagues to vote in t e division for a Bill to Abolish the Law of Hypothec; but he also unfortunately convinced 11 of the other (Gieat la ighter.) If the vote had deoended on the votes of the members of the Government, there would have been— Ave* 6 "Noes," 11; and it would have been turned'out of the House of Commous. So much t tir e,,1 o,,it o for the Government. What for the Tory mem- bers ? Every Tory member for Scotland, except- ing two, voted for the abolition of Hypothec, and I really rather have a respect for these tAO .Lord Elc'.o was one—because their vote must have been a conscientious < m3 in the circumstances, thirteen Scotch Tories vote.! for it. and when I examine the pontoon of the Tory party, I find that the bulk of the Tory party voted against it. Consequently, if your Jaw had been dealt with by the Tory f>avtv, what would it have signified that your Scotch Conservative members voted for the aboli- tion of the la.w when there were the votes of the majority of their colleagues to trust to, to multiply their votes, and maintain the law that you want repealed ? It is a most c'nious system, thoroughly understood in the To-y party. HOW THE TOKIl'S WORK THE ORACLE. x ou have no idea how tolerant that party is in certain circumstances. (Applause.) When the profession of a particular opinion on a given measure is necessary for gaining a seat, there is no bound to the toleration of the Tories. (Laughter.) For that reason members are allowed to stand as good Tories who vote for the abolition of Hvpothecjif they come f om Scotland,and those favourable to Home Rule sre accepted on the Fame ground, if they come from Ireland. And I remember in days before the Ballot Act became law, that a Tory w as accepted as a good sound Tory though he vote for the Ballot, in order that he mig-ht get returned for Stockton. You are good enough observers and mathematicians to see how this works. A oeitain number of Tories are returned as adverse to Hypothec for Scotland, 1 knowingthit their brother Tories in the other two countries will destroy the vote of these Tories. And it was the same with Home Rule in Ireland, They knew that the Home Rule Tories'in Ireland would neutralise the vcte of the HynothecTories in Scotland. And with the Ballot itisjustthesune. TheTory majority in the House of Commons is that which carries the laws and regulates the affairs of this country, and if you are wise you will look to the general conduct of the Conservative parly, and not to the individual concessi, ns of the in di- vidual members who are utilised, and meant to 1 e utilised, by those who have no local interest to remove any law that you may disapprove of. My noble friend Lord Rosebery—(clieirs)—speaking to me of the law of Hypothec, said that the l'ill of Mr Vans Agnew on Hypothec is a Tulcan Bill. A tulcan, I believe, is a figure of a calf stuffed with straw, and it is, as you know, an old Scottish custom among farmers to place the tulcan calf under a cow to induce her to give milk. (Laughter.) That is Lord Rosebery's id¡>3. of the Hypothec Bill proposal. (Hear, hear.) His idea is that the Bill is a tulcan calf, and that the cow is the Liberal party, or the Scottish farmers, and that the Tulcan Bill is placed under them in order to induce them to give milk. (Laughter.) I believe, gentlemen, that illustration is a perfectly just and plain one. In the same way Home Rule is a tulcan calf in Ireland, because it is memt to in Ince the Irish people to givo their milk, that is their votes, to men who are in other respects Tories, and work with the Tory party except with regard to the Home Rule question. (Hear, hear.) THE LIQUOR LAWS. There is so much to say, that; I will not dwell longer upon the subject, but I ought to give you this illustration of the. result of your toleration of Conservative members in Scotland. (Hear, hear.) I promised, gentlemen, to say a v ord in the course of these addresses of mine on the question of the liquor Ia., s of this- country with regard to intem- perance, and we must 11 painf dly feel that it is a national vice and scandal. (Cheers.) I read with the greatest pain lately a book published by Mr Saunders, who is connected with the London press. It is a very able work, and gives the result of a tour he has made on the continent of America, and contains a comparative statement of the liquor consumption of the United States and this coun. try. The population of America as a rule have larger means and higher wages than are current among the masses here, and they have access to spirituous drinks at lowtr prices than in this country but if I remember aright the statement of Mr Saunders is to this effect, that the consump- tion of liquor iu America is about one-half that which it is iu this country. Everyone admits the greatness of this question, but f ere are great differences as to the m thod of dealing with it. I am not here, gentlemen, to give any pledge as to any particular mo 'e of dealing with it, and I think that if a man has served his country for nearly half a century, and if lie has been called upon during that time to give a vote on almost everything which has been under discussion, if you can't find in his course of action something which you can support, then, you ought not to ask him to represent you. You ought to decline to have anything to do with him. CLOSING OF LICENSED HOUSES AND COMPENSATION TO OWNERS. Mv opinion is this, that the three principles which ought to guide the consideration of this difficult question III e the follow.ng Serious efforts ought to be made to abate this terrible mischief. Those efforts should be made such as the remark- able efforts so successfully made in the past ses- sion? to close the public-houses in Ireland. They should be made with a careful regard to the state of public opinion. You cannot judge what laws should be passed at a particular time in the country. Shakespeare, who is full of political wisdom as he is of intellectual wisdom, tells us, There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which take at the flood leads on to fortune." (Cheers.) So, in affairs of this kind, you must have regard to the righteous- ness or unrighteousness of the opinions of men, and of the circumstances of the juncture. And I think that if Parliament should think it fit to introduce such a radical change into the work- ing of the Liquor Law. s to break down the fair prospects of persons who have grown, embarked in it, whether rightly or wrongly—it is not their fault, but ours—in the shadow of those laws, the claim of compensation should be considered, and settled accordingly, as Parliament in its wisdom and liberality shall determine, LOCAL OPTION. It is said, gentlemen, that we are to be asked to vote for the principle of what is called Local Option." Now on the subject of that principle, and of the mode of its application, the conditions of its application, as I understand, are reserved for the future. In that principle I do not see, myself, anything that is justly to be condemned. I do not think it is unfair to say that, within the limits of justice and fairness, the local opinions of a particular district may be considered in the particular conditions of those public laws which regulate the sale of alcoholic liquor. I may say that, because I have voted on that princi- ple. I supported, many years ago, a Bill which unhappily failed in Parliament, through a combination of parties under the Government of Lord Palmerston, but which that Government seriously endeavoured to pass, where the local opinion of Liverpool advised the adop- tion of a particular system, and was embodied in a private measure,, and, as I said, I myself was among the active supporters of that measure. During the term of office of the late Government, we introduced a Bill which again embo lied the principle of local option. It was not in our power to carry that Bill. I do not dwell on its particu- lars. I do not ask whether they were the wisest and best, or the most unwise and worst. I 'speak only of its principle, and as far as I am able to judge, there is no reason why, upon the threshold, the proposition for allowing the operation of local option in regard to the sale of liquors should be rejected, and condemned. (Cheers.) DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHURCH. There is another question of great importance on which I must say a few words, and one I hope to be able to discuss without very great difficulty. It is the question of the Disestablishment of the Church. (Cheers.) I, gentlemen, have very little to sav upon it at this moment, because you are substantially in possession of my opinion. I have no second thoughts kept in reserve in regard to this matter. My mind is perfectly transparent. I do not think it is a question for me to determine so much as it is for the people of Scotland. It is not part of my duty to keep it backward. It is not p rt of my duty to endeavour to thrust it forward. It is our friends of the other way of thinking who en- deavour to stir this question. (Cheers.) They are endeavouring to make use of a weapon against us to sow dissension and division in our ranks. (Hear, hear.) There are, happily, a considerable number of members of the Established Church of Scotland who are good sound Liberals, and if it is their less happy fortune to be as-ociated with that Church and with a great many excellent per. sons who are not good sound Liberals, instead of that being a reason to value those good and sound Liberals less, it is a reason that they should feel for them, and value them more. (Applause.) The Liberal party can stand with a clear con- fidence in the face of the Established Church of Scotland (hear, hear) and say we, at least, can do it no harm. When we came into office we raised no question that tended to disturb its position. (Cheers.) We. conscienciously believed that quietude was the best policy for the Established Church. (Hear, hear.) But those who came aftei wards did not like quietness. They liked a policy such as they have been applying to foreign affairs. (Laughter.) They liked a policy of dis- quietude, and they succeeded, in one way or another, in trying to force the subject into a certain amount of prominency, m iking it one, really, of the factors in political discussions. I make no imputation upon them all I say is that it is for them to apply this to the agitation of this question. But I am not going to make any criti- cism upon them. (Laughter.) We had a debate upon the Scotch Established Church in the House of Commons. I do not know if you read the speeches that were then made by gentlemen who call themselves the friends of the Church but if you do yon will be astonished to see how poor and meagre is the colour of these speeches. Instead of saying that by this great and sacred connection the Government is prepared to stand or fall, an 1 that the member is prepare 1 to devote the years of his life to maintain it, that high, roman- tic side of policy seems to be, by the Tories of the present day, quite inconsistent with the pre- sent Church of Scotland. (Laughter.) Mr Dalrymnle made one of the strongest speeches. Well, I had the curiosity to turn to Hansard, and what did I find Mr Dalrymple to say ? He said he would leave the defence of the Estab- lished Church to some future time. (Laugh- ter.) Mr Cross, on the part of the Govern- ment, said that when it was attacked they would be quite ready to defend it. (Loud cheers.) But it bad been attacked; the Free Kirk, the United Presbyterians, were up in armu, and important bodies weie discussing the matter—(cheers)—and the friends of the Estab- lished Church, if I might give them a piece of advice, should not look so much at this moment at the attitude of tLe Liberal party, but to the atti- tu le of their frionds, and see if they can inspire a little mo e pith into their opinions and inten- tio::s. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, on this subject I have got a practical remark to make. As I understand, there is a real anxiety—and, as I think, a just and fair anxiety—prevailing among the members of the Established Church, and it is on this g ound that their >cause should have a fair and op n trial, and that they should not be con- (ii mn,3 I without that trial. j, They hope, if I un- <1, rs'aud thorn rightly, that no Parliament will dispose finally of the case of the Church of Scot- land unless that Parliament has been elected under circumstances when the people of Scotland shall have an opportunity of pronouncing a full and fair judgment upon it. (Cheers.) I think the hope is a reasonable hope. (Hear, hear.) It is the object of the opposite party to ii shiuate a. belief that my purpose is to smuggle the Established Church of Scotland out of its existence. THE IRISH AND SCOTCH CHDROHES. Lord Salisbury has been about the country, and he raises the question, and I take the question as he has raised it. He wishes to inspire a great dis- trust of me in this matter, and he has pointed to what happened in the casS of the Church of Ire- ]-in I. I have never said that the case of the Irish Church was like the case of the Established Church of Scotlaud, and I do not think that any who may be unfriendJy to this^ establishment would ever put the two things on the same foot- ing. But the question now at issue is this--M-ay the ministers and the members of the Established Church of Scotland make themselves assured that so far as direct certainty in liumnn affairs is possible, there will be a full considera- tion of this matter by the people, before the Par- liament that is to deal with the question proceedi to deal with it. Lord Salisbury says no. and asks what happened in the case of the Irish Church? I go with him to that case, and it proves exactly the reverse of what he Buys. Down to the year 1865, and the oissoiution of that yeax\ the whole question of the Irish Church was not paid attention to in Eng- land. Circumstances occurred which drew the attention of England to the Irish Church. I had myself said, in 1805, that it was out of the range of practical politic4 It came to this, that a great gaol, in the heart of the Metropolis, was bioke open. and in Manchester, policemen' were murdered in the discharge of their duty. At once attention beoame directed to Irel ni, and the question came within the range of p actical poli- tjc. I myself moved resolutions declaring the view of the House of Commons, that the Church of Ireland should r.o longer last, but thee resolu- tion! did not bring an end to the Church. No na expected they would. Parliament was dissolved, and the country returned to Parliament a. vast ma- jority empowered to speak and act for the country. The very chain of facts, therefore, which is chosen by the Government in o:der to in-pire suspicion into the mind of the Liberals who are Established Churchmen, the very chain of tacts shows that even in the case of the Irish Church the opinion of the people had been timply tested, a dissolution on the subject taken. and a verdict given by th'3 country and after the fair trial and considera- tion, which is that the Established Church of Scotland fairly, and justly asks, the steps were taken. The Liberal Churchmen are placed on ex- actly the same conditions with regard to the ques- tion of the Established Church as the Scotch farmer is with regard to the law of Hypothec. The Established Church is attempted to be made into a Tulcan question, to draw the milk of the Liber d Churcli iicn—(laughter)—who are good Liberal*, and persuvds them that there is a danger of the destruction of the Church upon so manygronn Is, without the fairest trial and tha fullest consideration. (Cheers.) THE LAXD LAWS AND THE LEASES. There is one question upon which I think it is quite necessary I should detain you, but there is no reason why I should b, long. It is the great and important question of the condition of the Land Laws. (Cheers.) I propose to consider those in connection with the various points which touch the interest of the cultivators of the land, the tenant farmers of the count y. (Chees.) I won't dwell upon the law of Hypothec, because upon that subject I think the public is agreed, as far na the merits of the measure are concerned. I won't dwell upon the subject of game, which deeply in- terests the Scotch farmers in many portions of the country, because upon that subject, by the able exertions of Mr McLagan, M.P., a Bill has been passed which, I believe, has done very considerable good, and has perhaps rendered unnecessary—("No, no")—t any rate, at the present, any further interference in the present pressure of so many subjects. Neither will I dwell upon what is commonly called' security of tenure, because, ha; pily, in Scotland, the education of the country is so far advanced, both among landlords and tenants, that to a certain extent security is attained by a system of leases, aud no desire exists to disturb the sys- tem either on the part of the landlord or the tenant. There tire o'her matters upon which it may be well to say a few words as to the practice of inserting in leases a number of covenants which direct particular modes of cultivation, an 1 by directing it so restraining its freedom. (Har, hear.) A goo itenant, agoodfar.ner.feelsthathe is the best jud>e of the best method of conducting his own business. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, there is something that should be said in equity for the landlord, nd that that during the closing years of a lease, if the ,tenant does not wish to renew it. there should be a covenant restraining him from a wasteful use ot the farm. But it is not for me to offer instruction, perhaps even to offer suggestions, to you upon this matter. But there is a par.icu- lar form of lease that some English landlords use. I will take the supposititious case of a lease ex. piring. and the nature of the expedients under which that particular lease endeavours to do jus- tice both to the interests of the landlord and the tenant, And one is, to leave the tenant free in the pursuit of his business, but at the same time to secure the landlord against the rare instance—I Ih nk that the instances of it are rare in Scotland —of a tenant leaving a faym behind him in a worse state than when he received it. That method is We say the landlord gives his tenant a lease for 21 years. In the lease there are a number of directing and controlling covenants, but' there is a clause that these shall not apply during the first seven- teen years, and at th<j expiration of that period the tenant is to declare whether he wishes to renew the lease or not, (Hear, hear.) If he exercises his option aud resigns his lease, he receives another lease which "immediately comes into operation and then the provision* directing and restraining the operation come into force during the last three years only, so that the landlord is protected in his interests during tha greater part of the existence of the lease. That provision, gentlemen, is approved of by mauv gentlemen of position. I hold as strongly as any of you hold that it is most necessary to rid the tenantry of all the fetters to their action. They are making a great struggle. Time will not allow me to enter into the particulars of that struggle, but I wish you to believe that I am heartily associated with you iu my capacity as a landlord and in my capacity as a candidate before you, in the desire not only of gaining your suffrages, but upon higher and national grounds—(cheers);—to give all possible freedom to the cultivation of tha soil, iu order that the agriculture of E igland may have full and fair play with the agriculture of the world. THE LAW OF ENTAIL AND SETTLEMENT. I pass on to another subject of great importance— the law of entail and settlement. I believe the, view of the law which yon hold is that it is one of restraint upon the agriculture of the country. Gentlemen, I need not dwell on the matter. I heartily agree with you. I approve of the aboli- tion of the law on social and on moral grounds. I disapprove of the relation which it creates be- tween the father and the eldest son. I disapprove of the manner in which it makes provision for the interests of children yet unborn. Was there ever a stranger expaditiBt in the hiatory of the world ? The practice both in England and Scot- land, in the case of gentleman dying intestate, is that the estate goes to the eldest son. That is not as it should be; but setting aside the case of intestacy, the case is thus The son is going to marry. If he marries, and his father dies, he becomes absolute landlord; but if the law is in operation, the estate is settled upon the children thereafter. Now, what is the meaning of that process ? It is this, that the actual owner of the estate induces the son to make provision for his own children by giving him an income for his life. The provision for the children is not made by the free will of the father, but by the free will of the grandfather; and it is made by the free will of the grandfather in order to secure the future and further tyin" up of the estate. Why, it app ars to ° me that if there is one law written mo-e dis- tinctly than another upon the constitution ot human society by the finger of the Almighty it is this—that the parent is responsible for the sufficient provision on behalf of the child But tha law of England is wiser than the AlL mighty: it improves upan Divine Providence' it won't trust the father to make provision for his son it caUs in the aid of the grandfather com- mits to him the functions of the parent, introduc- ing a false, in my opinion, and an unnatural rela- tion into the constitution of that primary element of society, the sncred constitution of the family (Cheers.) Not only to liberate agriculture cren- tlemen, but upon other grounds, r will UPOIl what I think still higher grounds, help to do'awav with this law of settlement and entail. COUNTY GOVERNMENT. Now I have gone through I think all the ques- tions, except one, that greatly affect the interest of the occupiers of the soil; I mean all questions capable of being dealt with by legislation. I am not speaking now of the great question of the competition of foreign countries, which I niust revert elsewhere; but there is one which remains —the state of local and county governments It is, gentlemen, a strange anomaly that in this most important matter of local government we who have representative institutions everywhere else, have been content, do vn to this time to ie. main without them. That is one of the greatest subjects that awaits the consideration of a future Parliament and that, I hope, will receive that consideration so soon as those immediate and pressing iin: e liinents to which I h ive referred can be tak n, by care and skill, out of the way (Cheers.) There was no question upon which the last Government was more severely criticise I than its treatment of the subject of local govermeut What did we do in regard to it ? "\Ye avowed from the beginning that the styte of our county govern- ment was wholly unsatisfactory, and must be radically reformed. Wo thought the Law of Liability in England, which threw the whole of the responsibility for the rates on the tenant was .-•n unjust law, and we proposed to divide it as it is divided in Scotland. We knew there was a great desire m the country to relieve the ratepayers from the Consolidated Fund. (Cheers.) We see in that desire, and in the power to relieve the ratepayers from the consolidated fund, a strong leverage placed in the hands of the execu- tive Government to iuduce local interests to come freely into the changes that must be made in order to establish a sound system of county go- vernment, and to give to you, gentlemen, a free end thorough control over your own local taxes. We therefore said, we will not give this money away until we are able to make it the means of brinsins the parties to cope with the difficulties of establishing a new system of government, and so come to the enjoyment of whatever aid it may be right to giv-è from the Imperial Treasury for the behoof of the ratepayers. That, gsntlemei, is our position. We were seve;eiy censured for it, but we were unable to depart fron it. Before it was in our power to de II thoroughly with the subject, we were removed from office, and our successors, taking a ) entirely opposite view from our view, relieved the ratepayers from year to year by large sums, handed to them from the Consolidated Fund. This continued during the five years of office, before they produced even the phantom of a Local Government Bill. (Applause.) And when they produced one they contrived to frame it in such a way that no party or section of a party in the House of Commons showed the slightest desire to have it. 'Hear, hear.) The consequence is that 1 fal government remains in the unsatisfactory position in which it formerly stood, whereas the Imperial Government, which is the only propelling power in the legislation of that kind, has gratui- tously and prematurely partwl with the great in- ducement they held in their hands to bring all parties into a reasonable settlement, and to induce magistrates to come under constituted authority. In spite of this they gave up the lever by which they ought to propel the question, and the ques- tion remains in that neglected and abandoned state in which they have left almost every other subject they;have handled. (Laughter and loud cheers.) THE TWO PRFSSING SUBJECTS—COUNTY GOVERN- MENT AND THE LAND LAWS. No-v, gentlemen, I have detained you too long. (Liwdcries of "No," Hnd cheers.) I have en- deavoured to be practical and intelligible in my remarks. I have endeavoured to show that sub- jects of local and domestic interest do not esc..pe my attention. I have warned you what immense Imperial difficulties we have to contend with. I have not held out to you too sanguine expecta- tions. I have told you that when you succeed in returning, what shall I say, a more enlightened Parliament—(laughter)—and obtain an adminis- tration better qualified to give effect to your convictions, there will be much to give cause for forbearance before we can see a peaceful course of legislation. Let me say that iu my opinion, these l two great subjects of-local government and the land laws ought to occupy the foremost place in the thoughts of every man who desires to be a llegiSlator. (Cheers.) THE HOME BTJLE QUESTION. | It will not be ia my power to enter largely, while I am in the coanty, upon the important question of the condition of Ireland, but yott know well how, unhappily, tha actum of Parliament has been impeded and disorganised fro n considerations- no doubt conscientiously entertained-by a por- tion of the Irish representatives, through thoir desire to establish what they term Home Rule. If you ask me what I think of Home Rule, I must tell you that I will only answer you when you tell me how Home Rule is related to local government. (Applause.) I am friendly to local government. I am friendly to large local prerogative. I desire, I may almost say, intensely desire, to see Parlia- ment relieved of some portion of its duties. I see the efficiency of Parliament overweighed by the enormous weight that is placed on the time, and the shoulders, and the minds of those whom you send to represent you. They have got an overweighted part, and if Ireland or any other portion of the country is desirous and able to so arrange its affairs that by taking some local part of its transactions off the hands of Parlia- ment, it may liberate and strengthen Parliament for Imperial concerns, I say I will not only accord a reluctant assent, but I will give a zealous assent to any such scheme. (Applause.) One limit, and one only, I know to the extension of local govern- ment. It is this Nothing can be done by any wise statesman or right-minded Briton to weaken or compromise the authority of the Imperial Par- liament. (Apolause.) The I mperial Parliament must be supreme in these three kingdoms, and anything that creates a doubt of that supremacy cannot be supported by any intelligent or patriotic mind. (Applause.) If we cm make arrangements under w hich Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, aud portions of England, can d^al with questions of local and special in- terest more effectually t :-in Parliament now can, itwould be the accomplishment of a great natirnal (rood. The Scotch members, who always show in Parliament—I must speak of them as an average, and prhaps it is all the more true because the majority of them are Liberals—(laughter)—always show in the transaction of Scotch business a re- markable amount of shrewdness and efficiency; ail complain seriously and correctly that they can- not get Scotch business done. (Hear, hear.) Par- liament is overdone. If we could take off its shoulders the superfluous weight by the consti- tution of secondary and subordinate authorities- 1am not going to be frightened o it of serious measures of the kind, because it may be said I am condescen ling to the prejudices of Home Rulers; I would consent to no such prejudice (hear, hear); I tvould consent to give to Ireland nothing that is not to be upon equal terms offered to ScotIanl-out the man who s'¡;ll devise machinery by which some portion of the excessive and impossible task now laid upon the House of Commons sh-dl be shifted to the more free, r.n i considerably more efficient hands of secondary and local authorities, will confer a blessing upou his country that will entitle him to be reckoned among the permanent benefactors of the laud. (Loud clie. rs.) The proceedings, which lasted an hour and three quarters, were brought to a close by a vote of thnnks to Mr Gladstone, who, in reply, ex- pressed his gratification at seeing so great a meet- ing, which he believed augured ell for a trium- phant success.

NIGHT MEETING. Subsequently, Mr Gladstone, Mrs Gladstone, and Miss Gladstone were present at a crowded meeting, held in the Foresters' Hall, Dalkeith, the chair being occupied by the Provost. Mr Gladstone was presented with a costly album, containing views of Scotch scenery, subscribe I for by the ladies of Midlothian and also with a vel- vet pile tablecloth, the gift of the female employes engaged in the carpet factory of Messrs Widnells, of Rosslvn. The presentation was made by Mr John Todd, of Lasswade Paper Mills. Mrs Glad- stone was cheet-e I on rising to acknowledge the presentation, which she did in a fewwords, stating that Mr Gladstone would also make some obser- vations. Mr GLADSTONE had a warm reception on rising. He said: Mr Provost, Ladies, an t Gentlemen,— I have to perform a duty of returning thanks on behalf of my wife and myself, and at the same time I think that I can really add very little to the simple words which she has used to express a sentiment which comes from the very root of her feelings and mine. (Hear, hear.) You have re- ferred, sir, to the family relations on which I have h"cl the happiness to stand, and the inestimable blessing, and not from any deserving, which has been permitted me thronghout long life, that those family relations have been a source 'of unclouded and unvarying consolation, without a break, with- out a shadow of a doubt, without change. (Cheers.) So far as I may be permitted, I would venture to reach so far as I could the eloquent and beauti- ful eulogy which you have so admirably pro- nounced, even if its terns be warmer than strict justice would warrant. Well, sir, you have spoken to me on a subject which always commands and stirs my feeling, and that m upon the sub- ject of Scotland. It is only two days since I entered it, and how many tokens, and how many unquestionable proofs have I not had presented me at every turn of every road, and at every hour of each of those days, and every moment of those hours, that I have came back, not only to a land of beautiful national characteristics, not only to the Land of brown heath and shaggy wood, Land of the mountain and the flood." (Cheers.) I am come back to that which is better still, to the land which has deserved that preroga- tive, and which is described by one of ti:e latest, an 1 certainly not the least, of your writers of beautiful songs-I mean the late Lady Nairn (cheers), and from her time it will ever be remem- bered to the latest posterity-as The land of the leal." With regard to the special occasion w hich has brought us together to-night, I understand it to be your wish that I should say some words as to the particular share that ladies and that women may be said to have taken in the cri,is of the day. I use the expression women with gre iter satisfac- tion than I use the name of ladies, because it is to them not only in virtue of their particular circumstances, not only by reason of their possessing a greater portion of the goods of life than have been grauted to the humble classes, that I appeal to them—I appeal to them in virtue of the common nature which rum through all, —(cheers)—and I am very 'glad that you intro- duced to my special notice the factory girls who on this occasion have been desirous of testifying their feelings. (Cheers.) I hope you will convey to them the assurance that their particular act is not forgotten, and that the gift they offer is accepted with as lively and as profound thankful- ness and gratification as the most splendid offering that could be tendered by the noblest in the land. (Cheers.) I speak to you la lies as women, and I do think end feel that the political crisis has to do not only with human in- terests at large, but especially with those interests which are most appropriate, and ought to be most dear to you. The harder and sterner artd dryer lessons of political economy are little to your taste. You do not concern your- selves with abstract propositions. It is that side of politics which is associated with the heart of man that I must call your side of p ditics. (Cheers.) When I look at the inscription which faces me on yonder gallery, I see the words "Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform." All of these words, ladies, are connected with the pro- motion of human happiness. What some would eall the desert of this world, and of the political w rid, would be an arid desert indeed, if we could not hope that our labours were addressed to the increase of human happiness and to diminish the sin and sorrow in the world, to do something to reduce it grievons and overwhelming mass; t,) alleviate a little the bur- den of lite for some to take out of the way of struggling excellence those impediments at least w hich the folly or the grave offences of man has offered as obstacles b his purpose. (Cheers.) These are the hopes that cheer, and ought to cheer, the human heart amidst the labours and struggles of public life but of these three words, Peace, retrenchment, and reform,"—the one word upon which I shall say a few more worda to you on this occasion is the word "Peace." (Cheers.) Cast your eyes abroad over tha woild. Think what has taken place there during the last three orfo r years. Think of the events which, have deluged many a hill and many a plain with blood, and think with regret and pain of the share, not which you individually, but your country has had in those grevious operations. We cast our eves to South Africa. Whatdo you behold ? That a nation of whom we term savages have, in defence of their own land, offered their naked bodies to the terribly improved artillery and armies of modern Eurooean science, -in 1 h tve been mowed down bv hundreds and by thousands, and who have com- mitted no offence but that of having with a iude* aud ignorant courage performed faithfully and bravely what was for them the duties of patriotism. (Cheers.) You may talk of glory and offer rewards, and you have a light to give re- wards to your gallant soldiers, who, I think, are entitled not only to your admiration for courage b t to your compassion for the nature of the duties they have been called i poii to perform. I (Hear, hear.) Go from South Africa to the mountains of Central Asia, and go into the hills of Afghanistan, and what do v. e hear of and what do we see? I fear that there has been a sadd:r sight there than has been seen in the land of the Zulus. It is true that with regard to the Afghan War we kno v but very little. You ha.ve had official accounts—hardly any but official reports- an: many of the facts belonging to that war have not been brought under the genpral notice of the British public. I think that is a great calamity. (Hear, hear.) I think it might be necessary and wise soinetim- vo restrain what might be the injudicious and the exaggerated, and therefore the dangerous accounts from irresponsible persons yet I deeply regret that we have not been more fully informed of our proceedings in Afghanistan. What we know is that our gallant troops have been called i pon to ascend mountains to an elevation of many thou- sand feet in the winter months. I am now going to speak of what las occurred eight or nino mon'hs' since amidst the snows of winter. We know that it was not done i I the territory of Afghanistan proper, but on the I border lands inhabited by tribes who enjoyed more or less of political independence, and did not own a regular allegiance to the Afghan ruler. You have seen that last winter, from time to time, attacks had been made on the British forces, and though, in consequence of this, villages have been blirne,i-h-tve you ever thought of the meaning of tho e words? Don't suppose that I am pronouncing a censure, for I am not, either u, on the military commanders or those who had to obey their order*. I am trying to point out the responsibility I which folow such terrible consequences. (Hear, hear.) Theaehi'ltribesh.td committed no re: lotfence against ns. We iu pursuitof our political objects, chose to establish military position# in their I country. If they resisted, would not you have done the same? And when going- forth from I their villages they resisted, what y ou see is this, that those who so went forfeit were slain, and ithe villages were burned. Again I say, have yon con- s dere I the meaning of the e words, "The villages were burned." The meaning of these words is that women and children were driven forth to perish in the snows of winter. This is not a supposition it is a fac\ for such I fear it must be reckoned, and does that not ap- mnst be reckoned, and does that not ap- peal to your hearts as women, and make a special claim on your instincts; which does raise in you a sentiment of horror and grief to think that the name of England, under 110 political necessity, but for a war as frivolous as ever was waged in the history of man. should be aRsoei.fted With ooneequeuces such as this war. (Cheers.) I have carried you from South Africa to Central Asia, from Central Asia to Eastern Europe, aud in the history of Eastern Europe in the last few years do you not feel that this is not a matter of dry political argument, that there was a wide theatre upon which for many generations a cruel and a crying oppression arcs3, not upon superior civilisation, not upon su; erior knowledge, but upon a dominion of mere force, which crushed down to the earth races which 400 or 500 years ago excelled our own forefathers greatly in their civilization, which crushed those races to the earth, faculties which belonged to freemen, which ground them almost out of their position, and which succeeded in impressing upon thern some of the features of the slave—(cheers)— and in addition to which, when from time to time the impulses of humanity would not be suppressed, and an effort was made by these people to secure for themselves their long lost liberties, these efforts had been put down with a cruelty in- creciible and unequalled—perhaps entirely un. equalled in the annals of mankind; and not only with cruelty, but with a development of other horrors, and the treatment of men and women and children, which even decency does not permit us to mention? I will not delay this matter further than to say that I think that after all these scenes, if peace be our motto, we must feel that a strong appeal is made to you as women specially, and to what- ever there is best in man. (Cheers.) Ladies, I am not here as one of those who has even professed to believe that the state which society has reached permits us to make a vow of universal peace, and to pronounce upon all cases the alternative of war but I am here to say that a long experience of life leads me not towards any abstract doctrine upon the s ibject, hut leads me to a deeper and deeper conviction of the enormous mischief of war, even under the best aud most favour- able circumstances, and of the mischief, unde3cribable and unredeemed, of causeless aud unnecessary war. (Ciieeis.) Look back over the pages of history, and consider the feelings with which we now regard what our forefathersin their time sup:>orted with the most pernicious euthu- siasm, of which we have had some development in this country within the last three years. (Cheers.) Can you credit, for example. that the Americau war, now deemed foolish by 99 men i i every 1,000 in this country—(cheers)—was a war which for long years was support d, whic i for some years was enthusiastically supported, by the iiiass of the population, ard then se, how powerful and deadly are the fascinations of passion and pride. And if it be tiue that the errors of former times are recorded for our instruction, in order that we may avoid their repitition, then I beg andentre it you to be on your guard against this deadly fasci- nation. Do not suffer appeals to national pride to blind you to the dictate of justice. (Cheers.) Reme:uber that the rights of those savages, as we may call them, an J the sanctity of lire allong the hill tribes, and the happiness of their honourable home amid the winter sno ws of Afghanistan, are as sacred in the eyes of Almighty God as are your own. Remember that He who has united you together as human being3 of the same flesh and blood has bound you in mutual love, and that mutual love is not U nited by the shores of this country, neither limited by the boun- daries of Christian civil ization-tilat it passes over the wide surface of the eaith, and embraces the meanest as well as the greatest in its wide scope. (Cheers.) And, there- fore, I think that in appealing to you ungrudgingly to open your own feelings and to bear your own part in a politic d crisis like this I am making no inappropriate demand, but am beseeching you aa women to perform a task which belongs to you, which, so far from involving any departure from your character and the performances of its duties, and the neglect of which would in some future ti'ne be to you a source of pain and just mortification, the accomplishment of which will serve to guild your own future years with sweet remembrances, and which will warrant you in hoping that each of you, within your own place and sphere have r issd your voice for justice, and Etriven to mitigate the sorrows and misfortnnes of mankind. (Load cheers, during which the right hon. gentleman resumed his seat.) A vote of thanks to Mr Gladstone for his ad. dress having been passed, the proceedings ter- minated. Mr Gladstone and party drove to the rail way station, their route being kept by some hundreds of men, holding torches aloft. _r jnJ

CHURCH PARADE AT CARDIFF. We understand the corps of the 16th Rifles will have a Church parade on Sunday next, on which occasion the band will take part in the musical portion of the service. In the evening the Yener. able the Archdeacon of Llandaff will preach. No doubt there will be crowded congregations both morning and evening.

THE STRIKE IN THE RHONDDA. MAGISTERIAL DECISION. At the Pontypridd police-co irt, on Wednesday, David George, Edward's-town; John Davies, Brynteg; James Harris, Cymmer; and Robert Palmer, Potth, colliers, lately in the employ of the Glynfach Colliery Company, Porth, Rhondda Valley, were charged by Messrs Morris B os., the proprietary, with breach of contract. Mr Walter Morgan appeared for complainants and Mr T. Stockwood, Bridgend, for defendants. Each de- fendant was fiued 21 compensation and costs, and it was suggested that the other 70 men should pay a like amount each, to prevent further claims.

THE SOUTH WALES COAL TRADE. At the meeting of delegates at Aberdare, held last week, a deputation from the steam-coal colliers was appointed to wait upon the masters, to urge on them to give an advance of wages. At that meeting the question of the desirability of forming a sliding-scale arrangement was discussed, but adjourned. Although a large number of delegates were in favour of such arrangemeut, the chief point to be sought for in their opinion was an advance of wages. At the meeting of the Masters' Association, held on the 11th, it was stated that a committee had been appointed with fnll power to confer with the work- men, and settle a sliding-scale to regu- late wages in future. We were not then in possession of the names of the gentlemen appointed on the commitee, but the men will be glad to learn that they are among the leading employers of labour, and with whom the workmen can negotiate for a binding agree- < ment on behalf of the collieries in the Association. The committee consists of Mr Menelaus, Dov. lais; Mr J. Nixo'i, Navigation Collieries Mr W. S. Lewis, Mardy; Mr W.?.Cartwright, Newport; Mr ■■ J. Rowbotham, Ebbw Vale and Mr F. A. Yeo, Swansea. They will meet at the Royal Hotel, Cardiff, on Friday, to receive the deputation from the workmen, and it is hoped that at that meeting a scheme will be submitted that will meet the views of the woikmen on the points which they are authorised to lay before the masters.

THE DEPUTY TOWN CLERKSHIP OF NEWPORT. To the Editor of the SOUTH WALEa DAILY NEWS. SIR, I iiave not hitherto taken any active interest in the proceedings of our Council Board, but recent events have encouraged the belief that it is necessary for myself and others to awake out of sleep." i Proceedings freely spoken of amongst my fellow- townsmen have le 1 me to -slc-Can they be true ? Ans vers, not altogether satisfactory, haviugcome, I am tempted to repeat the inquiries through the medium of your valuable paper. i.st-Is it true that a clique in the Corporation having determined upon the office of deputy town clerk for one of themselves, have also made up their minds that another of their number shall en- joy the position of financial clerk ? 2nd—Is it true that his Worship the Mayor in remaining neutral in the two most important divi- sions of the Council on the 19th an l 24th instant, has no. acted in conformity with the tradition of liis office ? 3rd. Is it true that the next move of the clique, after tiie appointments of deputy town clerk and financial clerk, is to a-k that power be sought whereby the charter of our borough may be so amended as that Newport henceforward shall be designated Newport under Lyae ? Newport is certainly wortLy of a chief magis- trate who has the courage of his opinions. If Alderman Lyne is to wield the sceptre let him do so from the chair, nJ also bear the burden whica the position of Mayor of this borough entails, and let his Worship retire aud stand aside until he shall have become, to use his own words, more I experienced." In obedience to a requisition of ratepayers, a ublic meeting, doubtless, w ill shortly be called, at which the procedure of the Council with refer- ence to the appointments of deputy town clerk and financial clerk will be freely and, I trubt, fully denounced.—Yours, &c., ONE OF THE YOUNG NEWPORT SCHOOL. Newport, Mon., 25th Nov., 1879.

SWANSEA U.D. SCHOOL BOARD. Attendance of members for the three £ years ended 5tii November, 1879 :— f. I I •"3 o "3 8 i "oS • ?9 j? ■?s6!| si-fa' 8 5|§ Si "-S SI | i l| !'5i8)i2 g 3 I | «g yj« fi -a|^ (5^! <3 3| a 3 I Name. 41 I 43 33 33 s> 4 2 I 2W I Mr T t,w 34 25 30 21 29 8 4 2 163 20t>i Mr W F. Kichftftls(a) 21 11 12 0 I 67 20« M-sE Brock ,.32 82 2o 9 4 102 130 Mr C V. Crabb ^40 38 31 23 9 2 1 149 105 MrIf.Dav,« 26 11 « 1? 1 »| «> 132 Mr LI. Davies (l>) f 8 3 1 | 11 2j Mr W. l>avies(cj 21 1 ? 1 8 3 I | 1 99 }{ev W. E. Joneg 24 24 6 1 G5 182 Mr Navsmith 33 *1 80 10 3 1 118 16j Mr Pl'illips, jun. 21 25 3 10 1 60 163 Rev. Can.mKitilmrds (<!)•• 34 1° }' I o i»l JJt Mr E. KobertS (d) S2 13 31 17 7 2 102 ir>7 Mr W.Stone l« 30 2:) 20 6 j, 1 134 ICo Rev. J)i. Walters 30 28 12 13 5 1 89 .03 llev. 1!, Williams 35 'H 10 ] 21 7 1 1 10< 163 Rev. Canon Wilson 32 I 21 ill 1 3 3 1 SI 132 (a,) Absent from England and by illness for 14 months. (b) Resigned 29th May, 1877. (c) Elected November 5th, 1877. (d) Became niembom of Bclioolg Management Com- mittee 29th January, 1878. Not a member of this committee.

f WABwniG.—RECKITT*S i'ARIB it$Lux.-Tile Manp i nfacturers beg to Caution the public against imitation isquare Blue of verj inferior quality. The Paris Blue, in bsuarea (used in the Prince of Waies' Laundry. Sold in wrappm bearing tbeirmame and Trade Muk 7900 418

THE AGITATION IN IRELAND. THE TRIAL OF KILLEN. The cha rge of sedition against John Bryce Killen was proceeded with on Wednesday morn. ing-, before the magistrates at Sligo. Mr Monroe, for the prosecution, read thlanguage used by Air Killen, at the Gorteen meeting. The quotations were to the following effect :-In the 700 years, during which we have had the happiness to be under tie control of England, there have been at least three confiscations of the land of Ireland. Every single acre of the land has changed hands three times during that period. It has not, how- ever, passed into the Itandô of another chss of people, but from the bauds of one class of aristoc- racy into another class of aristocracy. N v e want a fourth confiscation, or rather a restitu- tion to the people of what originally belonged to them -the land of their forefathers. I need not tell you not to pay all tiie rent that is asked from you. You can't do it. I know you cau't; and what I say is that I am sure the landiords in all classes will not act so generously towards you ns in the generosity of your own soulsyouthink they should. I would like notuing better than to see thousands of men coining over these mountains rifie in hand. os Mr Johnson, shorthand writer, was called, and proved the shorthand notes. In the cross-exami- nation, Mr Kea put iiTelevant questions, and the magistrate interposed and raid, that if Mr Rea did not go OIl the bench wo dd order down the witness, and have Mr Ilea put out of court. Sub- sequently the lea :ing advocate promised not to ask irrelevant questions, and if he did so to submit to be removed from the court,^ but not by less th;m six policemen. Mr Rea went on t-> question witness as to his name, age and early life the composition of the staff of Messrs Gurnet*, the Government shorthand wri ters, aud the proprietorship of the Daily Express. Witness was also examined regarding the Skib- bercen Eagle. Mr Rea You do not considertbese proceedings of greater importance than the ques- tion whether the electors received 1!20 from R'chard Armstrong "the Virtuous," or fromFrauk McDonogh '•"the Celestial?" (Laughter.) Mr .Mon- roe I th!nk it is true the bench should interfere to prevent slanders being u-ed in reference to other people. There has not been a relevant question asked for the past hour.—Mr Rea again cross-examined witness as to his age and hit name, and then alluded to th.) Government, which he said should be abolished, but the yueen should be allowed to remain a- she was a good old illustrious lady, and took a deep interest in Irelanl.— Sub-constable Sullivan was then called, but Mr Rea Oiscoveied that the witness had re-written his notes, and that in the second edition they were very much different. Mr Rea, utterly disregarding the relevancy of the questions, the witness was ordered out of the box, and his cross-examination put a stop to and his' depositions read. Mr R-te asked, ho vever, to be allowed to go on with the examination, and the magistrates allowed that course on the under- standing that the questions should be relevant. Mr Monroe having about this time made an in- terruption was toldthat lie would not be law ad vissr much longer, and the clerk of petty-sessions was instructed to prepare for the post. On Mr Rea asking the witness at what time he came into Siigo last week, the magistrate pat a stop to the examination finally, and the constable signed his depositions. Mr lieu shouted out that he wanted the Lord.Lieutenant in the chair in tlw morning, or else CoLK'ng H irman, or the senior magistrate of the county. The ooort adjourned at a quarter to six. The greatest possible amusement wascansed in court during the whole of the dav, but it would be altogether impossible to give an adequate idea of all the funny things said, or the alternate black looks and convulsive laughter of the bench. It is very %i ell understood, indeed, Mr Rea himself has said so in open court, that he h s been sent down to conduct the defence by Mr Biggar, M.P., and that he has received 2100 already, with permission to spend as much more as is neeessary. Six of the strongest men in the constabulary in Sligo were told off in the morning to be in readiness to carry the learned advocate out of court should such a course be necessary.

RUMOURED CLERICAL 3HANGES IN ROATH. It was freely stated in Roath oa Wednesday that some sweeping changes are about to be made in the clerical oversight of the parish of Roath, so far as the Established Church is concerned. The rumours referred to are that the Rev. F. W. Puner, the vicar, has rec-ived the offer of a living in the North of England; some even hazard • guess that it is in Yorkshire; and further that the rev. gentleman 1 as accepted that offer. Aaother rumour is that the Rev. Mr Sniythies, one of the curates, has received and accepted an t offer of preferment in the cotmty of Monmouth. We give the statements for what they are worth, but we have the best reason to believe that they are correct in substance, if not in detail. In cleiical circles the subject was the general topic of conversation on Wednesday evening. These changes, if they take place, will of course necessitate other changes in the clerical staff of the parish. The living is in the gift of Lord Bute or rather of those to whom his lordship assigns the duty of making presentations. So far as the present system of working the district is concerned, the removal of the vicar and his curates will be greatly felt. We have never professed to approve of the extreme religious principles of these gentle- men, but we have never denied that they have made great sacrifices on behalf of those prin- ciples. Mr Smythies, we are given to under- stand, spends the whole, or nearly the whole, of a handsome income on his pastoral work, and is an assiduous visitor. The withdrawal from the paiish of the energy and the financial resources which have been lavished upon it, cannot but result in very striking changes, and it is to be hoped of considerable modifications in the system at present in existence.

PONTYPRIDD ASSESSMENT COM- MITTEE. The above committee met on Wednesday.— Messrs Nixon and Co. appealed by adjournment against the valuation of Navigation Colliery and house, Mountain Ash. It was decided to refer the matter to committee.

MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARCE AT RHYMNEY. Mr George Hall, of d's-row, left home on Monday, the 17th iust., and had not returned up "to Wednesday, the 2titli inst. He was seen in Cardiff on the evening of the 17th inst., but up to date no intelligence as to his whereabouts has leached his friends.

PONTYPRIDD BOARD OF GUARDIANS. The fortnightly meeting of the Pontypridd Board of Gnardians was held on Wednesday. There were prese-it-itev. D. W. Williams, Fairfield, chairman, J. Leigh, M. Cule, J. Lewis, D. Jones, T. Morgan, E. John, G. Griffiths, G. Richards, W. Williams, R. Jenkins, T. Williams, E. Evans, C. J. N. Gray, A. Cule. T. Jones, W. Jeffreys, E. Evans (Carditf Arms). D. John, E. H. Davies, W. Daviea, W. Williams, and C. Da vies. The clerk (Mr Spickett) again read the letter which the Local Government Board had written respecting the defalcations of D. P. Davies, Ystra 1. the ex-relieving officer. It was decided to give special notice to every guardian that the subject would be dealt with at the next meeting.

MARRIAGE OF MR T. A. RLES, LLANDOVERY. The uuptials of Mr T. A. Rees, of Tonn, Llan- dovery, aud Miss Edith Mackenzie Lo v (daughter of Mr W. Low. of Grove Park, Wrexltam), took place in the grand old church of the latier place on Wednesday. The following were the ulaids:- Miss Bertha Low, Miss C. Davies (1 >ev!yu, near Llandovery), Ali.s Cbre Ca.rew Smith (Loudon), and Miss Elsie Davies (Pias Darlaud, Wrexham). Mr F. L. ,C. Ricnardson (Rhayerder) acted as "best man," other groomsmen being Dr. R. M. P, Low, Mr A. A. Low, and Master J. Davies (Plas Darland. Wrexham). The Vicar of Wrexham (Rev. David Howell, B.D.), and others officiated. The bride was attired in a bite satin dress trimmed with brocade and Honitou lace, stephauotis, orange blossoms and myrtle, with Honiton lace veil, and wreaths of stephanotio, orange blossoms and myrtle. The bridesmaids weie elegantly attired, and each wore a locket and chain bearing the monogram of the bride ,nd bridegroom, present!- of tl e latter. Fifty persons partook of the breakfast. The party drove to Chester in the afternoon etA route to Paris and the South of France. The presents were very numer- ous and handsome, not the least costly being a large and elegant epergue (Elkingtou's) presented by the representative of the employes of the Vron and Coed north Collieries. "Various festivities were held.

AMERICAN WEATHER FORECAST. A disturbance will arrive on the North British and Norwegian coasts between the 28th aud 30th south, veering to north-west strong winds sno .v in the north possibly rains in the British Islands.

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-4 THE IRON AND STEEL TRADES OF SOUTH WALES. IMPORTANT EXPERIMENTS. The recent impulse given to the steel aud iros tiades has naturally directe 1 public attention te possible improvements tbePein-anci in the mani* facture of iron especially, South Wales is parties larly interested. It may be desirable, therefore that we should mention an invention of Sir H. 0. Bull, by which it is proposed to dephosphorise iron by a process which would consist in the dimilla. tion of phosphorus by converting it into phog. phuretted hydro-en. Mr Bull, who asserts that the same chemical reaction, take placer that occur in the laboratory, when phosphuretted hy lr-en is produced fur experimental purposes by any of the well known chemical formula, has recently obtained several patents in the engineering line, aud ha* hit upon a plan by which he intends that iron siiOidJ, as stated, be dephosphorized. If this turn out generally successful, the invention will be of great benefit to the iron trade of South Wales, because of facilities v. hich it affords for converting Welsh iron ore into the best quality of iron, equal to the best Swedish brand of iron, and into any quality of bteeL Mr Bull has been in London for some time, and it is understood lie has beeu ia negotiation with firms iu the trade in South Watfe and other parts of the country in regard to the adoption of his process in this manufacture. Not long ago Mr Bull came personally to South Walej in order to see to the carrying out of his proce-ts in a practical manner. Very propsrly Mr Bull imagined that in this district he would find the material ready to his hand, for here if anywlKm a scheme of this kind is likely to turn out a suc- cessful speculation, for not only will the pro- prietors of the different works benefit, but be public generally, if irou can be c-in- vert-d in the manner described by Mr BulL A few weeks ago Mr Bull arrived at large works in Monmouthshire, and voluuteered his ^ervioes in this matter. These were accepted, and ex- reriments were made, but on a somewhat small scale. The experiments consisted in the woifciug up of a certain quantity of iron ore through Sie. men's proves*, for the purpose of dephosphorizing iron; and it • ould appear that these turned out very satisfactory, both to the promoter and to the proprietors of the works. Necessaiily, how. ever, in the Siemens process, and under local cir- cumstances, the experiments were confinefl within a small scale. This arose from varioui reasons. In the firs1 place, the nature of tht scheme seems to us, if fully carried out—that i, as regards the quantity of the m ke—to require the adoption of the Bessemer process and in the next place, the opportunities for successfully trying Sir Bull's plan were not what might alto- gather be desired, Mr Bull is understood to have patented a cood many invention in the iron and steel trades, and he considered that a field laid open to iu the direction iacll cated to pursue his investigation. It is under- stood that a few days ago, at perhaps one of till largest works in South Wales, Mr Bull was per. mitted to experiment iu dephosphorising iron. At these works the Bessemer process is iu full play, there being several converters in active op The advantage of the Bessemer over the Siemeu process when dephosphorising iron comes into account is thia, that the largest quantity of the manufactured article can be sent into the market at the least cost in a shape of labour, aud that IT can also be turned out in a shorter period of time. The Bessemer process consists in the converting of the raw material of irou, taken from the blast furnace, into steel, and steel. all is well known, is now one of the staph trades of the country, having superseded iron, especially in raiimaking. By the Bessemer pr& cess a very much larger quantity of steel can be produced during the 24hours than by the Siemens'. The iron is taken from the blast furnace to the Bessemer converters in a molten condition, and there blown for a certain time with powerful biatt engines—from 12 to 15 minutes, sometimes 20 minutes being occupied in blowiag-and after- wards the iron receives the spiegel mixture. and is run into ingots, ready for rolling purposes at the mill some of these ingots are of very large dimensions, and the pro- cess does away with puddling, which to a certaia extent Is a fact to be deplored, for many beads have been in consequence turned adrift, But at the same time the Bessemer process has been and is a great benefit to South Wales it is one of the chief agencies In rail-producing, and employs large number of persons, and the materia manufactured is of very superior quality. In connection with this, Mr Bull propos* in carrying out the process in tha Bessemer converter to force steam through the molten iron after all the silicon, manganese, ami carbon are removed, the steam to be decompoeecl. some of the iron oxydised, and the free hydrogen in a nascent state combined with phosphorus forming phosphuretted hydrogen. He suggests that the melted iron should ba mixed with as large a percentage of roll or hammer-scaled as is produced on the works, and that it should be sub- jected to strongly oxidising flamea impinging 08 the surface, while a jet of steam is forced through it—preferably through the tapping-out hole—the Silicon, carbon, and manganese to be oxydised by the joint action of the steam, free oxygen of the fl ime, and the oxygen of the roll or hammer scales. When the iron he suggests is free from th silicon, carbon and manganese, and not till then, the steam should be decomposed by the iron and pbospurctted hydrogeu thua formed. He points out, we understand, in answer to objections that have been urged against his scheme, that phosphuretted hydrogen is formed only hen the metal is oxydised by water, or steam, the nascent hydrogen then being set free combines with the phosphorus. At the large works we have last mentioned, where the Bessemer process has been adopted, Mr Bull's experiments have been successfully tried. In matters of this kind, where the minutiae of the iron and steel trades are concerned, one experiment is not considered by adepts, even if successful, as aSordiag sufficient ground for the adoption ef particular plan, but when general successive ex- periments come to be made and carried out with the success the most sanguine could desire, the sciieme resta on an altogether different footing. The Siemens' process is worked in a different manner entirely from that of the Bessemer, the latter being worked by air.* Mr Bull pro and has actually succeeded in proving to a cer- tain extent, that by combining the agencies of IIÍI and steam, the steam to come into play with the air blowing, that so important an alteration will be made as may remove entirely from the iron alF the phosphoric element. This is u hat ie most wanted in the trade the present time, so as W make the material produced quite equal is value, if not superior in quality, to the beal iron yet manufac'ured. It is anticipated that providing Mr Bull's plan turns out successful—and it is not the first time we have had the a-tvautagt ot American ingenuity—a material may be pro- duced which will answer in the market as weli.Jif not better, than the best quality of the steel oow produced by the Bessemer process. As at present conducted, the air introduced into the converter holds up the mass of molten iron from the bottom or even from coming into contact with the tuveres-brick pipes constituted to convey the blast through into the converter—audi by the new process Mr Bull proposes to attain t same result in conjunction with steam. The sae- cess of this project was a matter of great doubt when it was first tried, but now the most eK- perienced men in the iron trade a e very much astonished at the result. And many of them seem to think that Mr Bull will attain the object he has ill view of dephospLorisinz iron. It may be desirable to mention that the trials have hitherto chiefly been made with metal from the foreign ore. But from what we hear it is Me Bull's firm conviction that he wiil be able to pro- duce the same results by his process from the native ores. If this be the case, South Wales iron- m:isters will be in a position, as regards their par- ticular manufacture, to compete with rivals of any part of the world. Messrs Thomas and Gilchrist, as may be remembered, have made endeavours, and expende I considerable sums of money, with the same object in view, but it would appear that their efforts have been hitherto unsuccessful. At :dl eveuts, this is the general belief iu South Wales. The invention of Mr Bull has several pointe which may commend it to the attention of iron- masters. It is simple in character: it is cheap, for no new machinery is required—only a steampipe leading fiotn the engine or boilers into the air pines, having communication, of course, with the converter. At the same time it out to be added that it has been suggested that a special pioe for the conveyance of steam might answer the pttr* pose better, and this, it is said, would attain the necessary results. If the quality of ironsoughtfor should ultimate!* be obtained, then spiegel, it appears, will na necessarily be required-aud the manufacture el spiegel is very expensive. -Ai

PAUPERISM IN THE P0NTYPRID# UNION. At the Pontypridd Hoard of Guardians, oft Wednesday, the Rev. D-. W. Williams, oh airman, drew the attention of the board to the great num- ber of able-bodied paupers who were ut present ia the house. H-e severely deprecated the circum- stance, and proposed that the whole of then* bt brought before the board at the next meeting with a view to revising the in-door list.

HOLLOW AY'S OINTMENT AND PIUA. Colds, Coughs, Shortness of Breath.—These corrective remedies are infallible for these ptctora.! complaints, which I toed often end in <1¡tI¡ma, bronchitis, or consumption < The Ointint-lit well rubbed upon the chest "nù melt. penetrating the skin, is carried directly to the lung" whence it expels all impurities. All the blooti in the body constantly pusses through the lungs, and there all noxious particles tending to produce disease can be quickly, thoroughly, and permanently ren- dered harmless, or ejected from the system, liollowaj's Ointment and Pills perfectly accomplish this purifies* tion and through the bioo-J, thus cleansed, the inHwnse of these wonderful medicaments reaches the resaotMfe parts of the human body, and thus oures ail diseased Moat whether- internal or external,