Welsh Newspapers

Search 15 million Welsh newspaper articles

Hide Articles List

6 articles on this Page

THE EX-MINISTERIALISTS AND…

News
Cite
Share

THE EX-MINISTERIALISTS AND THE FRAN- CHISE. THERE is nothing which the enemies of political freedom 80 much dread, as the extensiop of the elective franchise, with due provision for its independence. They have no faith in their cause or its merits they cannot trust to its chance of progressing without the aid of external forces C, Z3 they may sometimes flatter the people at large, but at heart they fear and dislike them. Some of the leading organs of the party who lately held office, have been developing their views upon this subject, and they should be carefully studied. Baffled and frustrated, as the anti progress gentlemen have re- cently been, it is a great mistake to look upon them as entirely defeated, as some persons seem hastily to have concluded. When an efficient reform bill shall be pro- posed, we shall find as bitter an enmity to it, as there was in 1830; and though the phalanx arrayed against it will be less numerous in proportion to that of its sup- porters, and, in some sense, less powerful than that which was beaten then, there will be, on the other hand, more skill and caution displayed on that side. Notwith- standing all the platitudes that have been uttered about the former Act being a final settlement, the leaders of the party are too wise to make a dead stand, even against all further parliamentary reform. Were they to do so, signal discomfiture would certainly await them. Their object will, therefore, be to neutralize the efficiency of any bill which may pass. But it is not to the mere fact of obstruction to the progress of parliamentary reform that we are anxious to call attention it is to the boldly- avowed principles upon which their policy is based. The Standard" (which, not very long since enunciated the barbaric sentiment that England would be as great and powerful, and all useful Englishmen would be as rich as they are, though one ruin should engulph all the manufacturing towns and districts of Great Bri- tain") now contents itself, since so enlightened an aspi- ration cannot be realized,with a devout wish for the utter debasement of the towns, which, as they were the NUCLEI of the country's liberties when they were in their infancy, have ever been the objects of deep hatred to the oppressor and his servile minions. Referring to the statement made before the Bridgnorth election com- mittee, that the influence of the Whitmore family was sufficient to return any person for that town, this paper gratuitously and unfoundedly asserting that such influ- ence may be certainly regarded as having been fairly acquired, says We are not ashamed or afraid to say that this is precisely the vendition to which we should wish to see the majority of our readers brought." And let not our readers, in their natural contempt for I those who can thus shamefully avow their desire to de- stroy the liberties of the borough constituencies, pass over the disgraceful declaration, as beneath notice. Utterly contemptible as such individuals may be, they do not thus write without many approving readers; and what is here unblushingly declared, is only what the powerful party whom the above journal represents, have long been I making great efforts to realize. Before the Reform Bill, the boroughs in this much-desired "condition" were nu- merous. The imperfections of that measure left many still in existence; and, where the ''influence" has de- clined, corruption has been resorted to, by way of re- storing the preponderance. But the leaders of the party to which we are referring, are ordinarily more specious in their objections and their arguments respecting the alleged grievance of the unenfranchised, often produce considerable effect. We invite, however, the timid among liberally-disposed poli- ticians to examine the meaning of that class of objec- tions, as given by the recognised party exponent above alluded to; and to consider the dangerous amount of re- striction to which the adoption of such notions would lead. It says,—" To make an ignorant and inexpe- rienced man a politician is almost inevitably to make him a democrat. And when we speak of an ignorant and in- experienced man, we speak not of a man deficient in elementary education, or in such instruction as is obtain- able in Mechanics' Institutes, Lyceums, Reading Rooms, all very good things as far as they go, but insufficient to fit a man for the exercise of political power. The igno- rant, inexperienced man of whom we speak, is he who is unacquainted with the habits, feelings, and modes of thought of his superiors in worldly condition. He sees, and, seeing, must envy their happier lot; and envy leads, too generally, to suspicion and dislike. Invest him with political power, and, without taking the trouble of ex- amining the details of any measuse, or calculating its con- sequences, he will almost certainly adopt that view of it which flatters his order, his personal vanity, and, if a bribe be in the way, his cupidity." This paragraph has too much of what has been called the Jenkins" style about it to give any very clear idea of what is intended. Probably the writer has in his eye some line of demarca- tion, very pleasing, beyond which, all, to his apprehen- sion, politically, are outside barbarians." Taking his words, however, in their literal and grammatical sense, there should be a wholesale disfranchisement of every man who is unacquainted with the habits and feelings, and modes of thought of his superiors in worldly condi- tion." Now, unless the knowledge thus held to be re- quisite, be reduced to such a MINIMUM as to render the argument worthless, it is evident that a vast number of our present limited constituency, of all grades, must be cut off from the franchise while every footman, coach- man, and groom, &c., &c., from their continual contact with their superiors in worldly condition," and conse- quent acquaintance with their "habits, feelings,and modes of thought," would, of course, be at once enfranchised, The parasite, the hanger-on, the tuft-hunter, would be the models of what may be called the secondary class of electors and flunkeyism would be synonymous with fit- aess for the possession of the suffrage. Let none say that we have, in the slightest degree, overslrained the ar- gument. that knowledge of those above him in fortune, j which a man may obtain by reading the newspapers, which contain so much information respecting them; the books which describe their habits, and the various publi- cations in which they themselves declare their opinions, and exhibit their feelings—by listening to their speeches and lectures-or by such observation as is not gained by personal contact, is here expressly excluded. The mem- bers of Mechanics Institutes or Lyceums, even though they may, in the first place, have enjoyed that ele- mentary instruction," for want of which some cannot realize the advantages of these institutions; though they have access to such extensive and varied libraries, as few of their superiors have under their roofs; though they may learn in classes, what their unaided reading might fail to convey to their minds, and receive from erudite, wealthy, and even noble individuals, the stimulus and encouragement of oral teaching; though they may daily peruse the proceedings of the legislature, and may cor- rect a hasty or prejudiced judgment by learning the va- rious opinions of the ablest periodical writers of all par- ties; yet, in the judgment of this writer, they are unfit for political power. Are our" moderate men," our con- scientious conservatives, those who have no sinister mo- tives for desiring to increase the untenably large propor- tion of non-electors to the population, prepared to en- dorse such a perilous proposition as this ? The calumny which this wretched slanderer throws upon the bulk of his countrymen-viz., that,being unacquainted with the habits, feeling?, and modes of thought of their superiors in worldly condition," they see, and seeing, must envy their happier lot"—is fortunately too gross to need refuta- tion but it is well for the people to mark the quarter whence they are thus reviled, that they may not be deluded when they are blandly asked, with a practised power of face, to put confidence in this very party, as they will be. Had the feeling thus falsely imputed been at all general, society would, long ago, have been over- turned. As to men judging of measures on superficial and interested grounds, that is a theory existent in all grades of society, among legislators, as well as electors- the enfranchised, as well as the unenfranchised. Finally, if the poorer classes are so unfit for the fran- chise, what becomes of the freeman, always the especial favourites of the II Standard's" party P The particular tactics of the anti-reformers are more fully developed in the chief morning advocate of the ex- government, the Morning Herald." While the intel- ligence and honesty of the country see, in the election disclosures, a strong argument against small, dependent, purchaseable, constituencies, and in favour of protection to the voter; the luminary of Shoe-lane informs its readers that these disclosures have destroyed all chance of a thorough reform bill; and with that impudence so characteristic of the unprincipled, and that hatred to the towns to which we have already alluded, proposes a sweeping disfranchisement among them, and a transfer- ence of seats to the county constituencies. The writer asserts that bribery is universal, except in the small towns and the counties; and hence, to them the voters must chiefly be confined. The first, however, is purposely kept out of sight, that corruption is not resorted to in these cases, simply because intimidation is much cheaper and easier. We deny that to be general in the large towns. The great bulk of the borough constituency is incorrupt; but there are purchaseable individuals every- where, and the absence of a decided majority renders a comparatively small number able to turn an election. In the counties and small boroughs, as we have observed, intimidation does better; but it is idle to say that, even in the former, and still more in the latter, there are not corruptible persons, if a sufficient inducement be offered. The Herald," in its hostility to the urban constituen- cies, dwells upon the £10 electors as having been bribed but says nothing of its favourites, the freemen. But, while there are Elo electors who will sell their votes for a direct sum of money, just as there are county voters who will do it for the profits of a gentleman's custom, or for a nobleman's influence in their favour, every one prac- tically acquainted with our large towns, knows that the freemen are the generally venal class. The country also knows very well how elections are managed in the quiet little towns" of "Reigate, Calne, Morpeth, and Buckingham," the pocket boroughs which are spoken of with such unction, but which the reform act ought not to have spared. Persons really familiar with the subject will, however, not think the Herald's" selection of places of large population," very accurate and will be specially amused at finding in the list the little town of Clithero, which, at the last general election, sent only 409 electors to the poll, there being 221 on one side, and 188 on the other. The Herald" further proposes, in order to gild over the transference of so much power, to restore an ascendancy to its supporters, stronger than that before the Reform Bill-that the county occupying franchise shall be lowered to X20. To this we will readily consent, if they will give us also the ballot; and even without it, we should not hesitate to take the extension PER SE. But that great party whose especial mission it is to guard their country's liberties, know too well what would be the fatal effect af the Herald's scheme, ever to suffer it to be accomplished. Counties there are, which ought to be divided for the purpose of giving them more members; but this must be part of a general plan, in which large towns now unrepresented, must have members also.

LOCAL INTELLIGENCE.

NEWPORT CATTLE MARKET, WEDNESDAY.

INEWPORT ATHENjEUM.

ABERGAVENNY RACES,

Advertising