The Welshman

"HISTORICUS" VERSUS "W. P." I TO THE EDITOR OF THE "WELSHMAN." I II OIRI-The strictures of "Historicus on w. jr. s Gleanings from Irish Church History," appear to be en from the Romish point of view. He says "I Resume "W. P." considers the antiquity of the Pro- 1 Snt Episcopal Church of England and that of Ire- to be the same." I imagine W. P." does so insider it, and he is right in that opinion. Histori- ellS knows that branches of the Catholic Episcopal Church were planted in both islands in the earliest ugeS of Christianity, before the word Roman Catho- tee was known. The errors from Rome which gradually nPt into, or were forced upon them obscured, but did 11. extinguish these churches. At the Reformation no w Church was formed in either Island, but the Ch IlUsh errors were removed, and the Episcopal hurches, as now established, became Protestant as 1'1 eU as Catholic: Protestant, because they are a living Protest against Romish doctrine; Catholic, because, (estore to Scriptural truth, they belong to the Catholic (or Universal) Church of Christ; He himself being the chief corner stone." Ephesians ii., 20. Has His- toricus ever heard the reply given by a member of the glish Church to a Romanist who said to him, Where was your Church before the Reformation ?" The answer given was homely, but to the point, Where Was your face before it was washed P" I may also qUote the words of one of our old Divines, who said, in speaking of the Reformation, No new foundation was to be laid, but some superfluous moss that had grown Ilpori the holy stones was to be scraped off, some broken Pieces to be cemented, some crazy corners to be pointed )*ith wholesome mortar instead of base clay, with which it Was disgracefully patched up." The remarks of "Historicus" with regard to Easter, Show his Romish predilections still more strongly. The time of keeping this feast (from whatever cause the difference arose) was a lasting dispute between the Eastern Church and that of Rome. I never heard that there was any third time appointed for Easter by other Christian Churches. The ancient British and Irish Churches did not keep it according to the Romish Period. St. Augustine disputed with the British b.hope on this point when he came to Britain, and they objected to change their custom which was derived from the east. With regard to the passage which he disputes from O'Halloran, I will not give an opinion, as I am not acquainted with the book, but will only remark, that the passage quoted by "Historicus" from O'Halloran, namely, The Irish before this Epocha" (the gift of Ireland to England by the Pope in the 12th century) scarcely consulted Rome about her dignitaries," proves the correctness of W. P.'s views as to the indepen- dence of the Irish Church up to that time. That there was intercourse" between the Churches of Ireland and Rome before the 12th century, and even before the time of St. Patrick, would not, I presume, be disputed by anyone. W. P." mentioned that the authority of Henry II., and that of the Pope and his'hierarchy, very soon became antagonistic in Ireland, and there was certainly no "bungling" in the paragraph which fol- lowed, for it is not surprising that Lawrence O'Toole, who set the King's authority at defiance, was canonized by the Romish Church. I fear Mr Puxley, who sets the Romish authority at defiance, has not so good a chance of this distinction! With regard to the two Irish Monks who" W. P." has" melted into one"—that two men, natives of the same country, partially contemporaries, and occasion- ally called by the same name, should be taken for each other, is a pardonable mistake. Historicus" adds more than W. P." gave from the letter of Columbanus, and I notice in it these striking words—" With us it is not the person, it is the right which prevails." It would have been well for the Christian Church bad this noble sentiment always prevailed. It is evident that Columb- anus felt and expressed that respect for Rome which her antiquity and civilization demanded, but it is equally evident that he was uncompromising in his principles and firm in his language to the Romish See. The Pope has added, and continues to add articles of faith, be- cause, unhappily, it is the person and not the right which has prevailed has in no way affected one of the main arguments of "W. P's." letter, namely, the in- dependence of the Irish Church up to the 12th century. Considering the extreme tenderness shown by Historicus" towards the Holy See," I am not sur- prised that he decides all gleanings to be from amongst the tares," which are adverse to the pretensions of the Romish Church. However, it must be observed that if these Gleanings" are only fit to be burned" Histori- cus" has bestowed a remarkable and needless amount of attention, and no small measure of bitterness upon that which he affects to consider so worthless. I am, sir, Yours obediently, H"H" CAMBRIA.

THE WEEK AT HOME. I THE WE'l' HOME. I Ex-President Pierce, whose administration im- mediately preceded that of Mr Buchanan, is seriously ill. Mr Edward Majoribanks, the senior partner in the banking house of Coutts and Co., died at the advanced age of ninety-four. Major-General Thomas Stevens, of the Royal Marines, died a few days ago at Rochester. The Gallant officer was present at the blockading of Brest. A terrible explosion took place in a cartridge manu- factory at Metz on Thursday. Forty-six men and wo- men were killed, and one hundred and ten severely wounded. The Postmaster-General has submitted his thirteenth report to the Treasury. It is accompanied by two state- ments in respect to the year 1866. The total number of letters delivered in England and Wales in 186(; was 623,400,000, as compared with 597,277,616, in the pre- ceding year, or and increase of 4.37 per cent.-or 30 to each person. The Daily Xews has reason to believe that the state- ment which has obtained currency respecting Mr Glad- stone's conversion to the cause of the ballot has origi- nated in a misconception of some sentences in which the right hon. gentleman expressed no more than his sense of the force with which the case for the ballot had been put in a recent publication. On Saturday night another accident befel the Irish Mail, this time at Chester. The poinrsman had inad- vertently left the points open to a siding, down which a laggage train had been shunted. The mail engine ran with sufficient violence to break several of the goods wagons, and the jerk threw the engine off the rails. Many of the passengers received a rough shock, but no serious injuries are reported. An inquest was opened on Thursday into the cause of the fearful accident that occurred at Washington, a village near Newcastle, on Wednesday. At the house of Mr Stokoe, a general dealer, the family, consisting of nine persons, sat down to dinner in the kitchen. In some unexplained manner a jar containing two gallons of what is called diamond oil," which seems to have been placed under the table, was upset, and the fluid reaching the fireplace was ignited. In a moment the whole place and every one present were in flames. The cries of tl-r "V— -i~ —A tne blaze, attract- ing attention, the door was broken in ana me mu tinguished. It was then found that two of Mr Stokoe's children, a girl aged sixteen and a boy aged ten, were dead, and all the remainder most severely injured. The servant, a girl of fourteen, and a girl named Taylor, a cousin of the family, died shortly afterwards, and Mrs Stokoe is not expected to recover. Four others are seriously burnt. "Diamond oil" was stated at the inquest to be even more inflammable than paraffin oil. Mr. Roebuck, not, perhaps, very well satisfied with his recent achievements at the Sheffield banquet to Mr Reverdy Johnson, has published a lengthy adress to his constituents, in which he expresses his hope that as he has grown older he has grown wiser, that age has made him moiv tolerant, more patient," and states that he now thinks that Liberal politicians have no monopoly of wisdom and virtue." Those who have watched Mr. Roebuck in the House of Commons for the last few year would certainly find it hard to believe in his tolerance towards his opponents and his patience with his enemies, but they would never have suspected that those opponents and enemies were the Tories. If so, Mr. Roebuck has indeed loved his enemies,—and hated his friends. With ascetic self-denial he has prayed for Mr. Disraeli and shaken the finger of scorn at Mr. Gladstone. That he has rebuked the sins of the working men of Sheffield with fearless honesty is, to our minds, the one substani, al set-off against a political career of unparalleled venom, boastfulness, and folly. A good specimen of the intemperate language in which the advocates of temperance too often indulge is to be found in a tract composed by J. A. Mowatt, Dublin," under the title of What it is to die a Brewer, Gs per 100 copies, for circulating by temperance societies." It seems that the Bishop of Cork, in a sermon preached at the funeral of Sir Benjamin Guin- ness, said God did bless his untiring endeavours with great prosperity'. We can imitate him in all the honourable and Christian use he made of most of that large wealth which God placed at his disposal." On this Mr Mowatt remarks —" We have it even re- peated by Bishop Gregg that Sir B. L. Guinness's wealth God placed s at his disposal.' In other words, God took the poor man's wages, which ought to have gone to support h-mfe and family, and clothe and educate his children IS d He placed it at Sir B. L. Guinness's disposi ,a the rate of 4d a quart or 3d per small bottle of double X consumed. How fearful to con- template this idea of the Almighty becoming Guinness's potboy and disposing of his porter for him let this oy, an IS to -d' d th D .t is virtually what Dr Gregg's word s made the Deity. Sir B. L Guinness's prosperity' depended on the sale of tourpennv quarts and threepenny bottles of XX, and the Almi°ghty pushed a trade' for him in intoxicating drinks;" We recommend the tract to the notice of teetotallers who wish their cause to be at least re- spected Pall Mall Gazette. It is impossible to fix the exact place in nature oc- cupied by the apprentice boys of Derry, as their duties, responsibilities and privileges are not generally under- stood but it may be inferred from their name that they are the cream of the Protestant boys, the heart's core of the anti-Papists of the North of Ireland. They evidently sniff danger afar off, for they have recently strengthened themselves by enlisting in their ranks Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar, a descendant of the great Duke Bernard, who fought so gallantly for the Protestant cause in the Thirty Year's War. His Serene Apprenticeship will soon have work enough upon his hands if half the published stories of Popish plots are true. We have always believed, notwithstanding his denial, that Mr Gladstone and his Liberal leaders were blessed every evening by the Pope after their efforts to disestablish the Irish Church, the benediction being wired from the Vatican to Westminster. But "Veritas" now wrItes to inform the Guardian that Mr Disraeli is the real ally of the Pope and that the Govern. ment plan for endowing a Roman Catholic University was only the thin end of the wedge, as he aims at nothing less than the extinction of the Irish Protestant Church. All this confirnis the belief that Mr. Disraeli is still educating his party, and we may expect a vigorous Government measure for clearing away the Irish Church which will throw the milder bill of the Opposition into the shade.—Fail Mall, Gazette. The Scotsman throws some light on the flank move- ment" in regard to the Irish Church which it is sup- posed Mr Disracli has in contemplation, if he can only push on the necessary education of his party, and es. pecialiv of one or two of his chief colleagues. "The solution of the problem attributed to Mr Disraeli," says the London correspondent of that journal, is a plan of disestablishment by which the Episcopal Church of Ireland shall cease to be predominant in Ireland as a separate and self-contained Establishment, but shall retain its endowments and also a connection with the State as a branch of the Church of England. In other words, the clergy are to surrender whatever territorial standing now gives them precedence over the priests and dissenting ministers, but will continue to enjoy their emoluments, and also a connection with the State somehow or other through the Archbishop of Canter- bury and the English hierarchy, whose delegates they will become. How far this scheme will ever be developed is more than I can say." l'hi. report will of course be at once denied, just as the year before last the statement was denied that the Government were pre- paring for a reduction of the franchise but there is =ly something of Mr Disiaeli's fantastic subtlety in the project. Father Jahn," the great apostle of gymnastics in Germany, and the butt of Heine's most pungent jokes, is to have a bronze statue in Berlin, to be erected on the great Turnplatz" in the Hasenhaide. All Germany, it appears will contribute to this statue-in the shape of stones for the base. It remains to be seen whether the sculptor has consulted Heine's graphic delineation of the mighty gymnast's physiognomy. A private letter from Mr W. T. Blanford, the geologist to the Abyssinian expedition, dated Aden, September 4, contains the following passage —" I can give you some Abyssinian news. Gobazye has had himself crowned Emperor at Gondar. Kassai of Tigre is on friendly terms with Gobazye, and has written a very friendly letter to Mr Muriziuger, our consul at Massowah. We brought with us letters from Kassai to Lord Napier, and, if in time, I suppose tney will go to Eog!and by to-day's mail." Colonel Charles Hughes, formerly of the 24th Regi- ment, was found dead in his bed on Friday last, at his lodgings iu London. He had reached an advanced age -about eighty-five. The gallant colonel, who was on full pay, served in the Egyptian campaign of 1801, and was engaged with a French squadron in the Mozam- bique Channel in 1810. He served in the Nepaul cam- paign of 1814, 181o, and 1816, and also during the Hahratta war in 1816, 1817, and 1818. On Saturday afternoon Mr Sidney Hasluck, son of Mr D. S. Hasluck, merchant, of Birmingham, was in a boat, accompanied by his sister and two younger chil- dren and the nurse, on a pool near his father's residence at Handsworth. One of the children, a girl ten years of age, accidentally fell into the water, and Mr Hasluck immediately plunged in in the hope of saving his sister. The screams of the nurse brought Thomas Jenkin?on, the gardener, to the spot, who also swam to the rescue. Mr Hasluck seized Jenkinson so tightly that he was powerless, and they both sank together. The bailiff and the coachman saved the little girl; and the bodies of Mr Hasluck and Jenkinson, the gardener, were shortly after found, but they were quite dead. In the appendix to the report of the Select Com- mittee of the House of Commons is printed a tabular statement purporting to show the marketable results of feeding so many bullocks in the ordinary way, and so many upon non-dried malt," an experiment conducted by Mr John Clayden, of Wenden Hall, near Saffron Walden. Most people relying upon the official report of the Inland Revenue Office, imagined that malt as cattle food had been tried and had failed. Mr Clayden's attempt must be regarded as a revival. In 1863 the Inland Revenue Commissioners stated that the legal difficulties connected with the manufacture of malt as food for cattle had at length been overcome, ana in ine spring of the same year the royal assent was given to a bill to allow the making of malt duty free to be used in feeding animals." A year afterwards it was stated that 10,705 quarters of duty-free malt for feeding had been made, and that 8,748 quarters had been mixed with linseed and delivered for consumption." In 1866 the Board reported that, as was anticipated, there has been a great falling off in the number of malsters and also in the quantity of malt made for cattle-feeding purposes." When the Act came first into operation there appear to have been twenty-eight duty-free malsters in the kingdom. Two years' experience re- duced that number to six. This shows that the business could not have been a prosperous one. Mr Clayden took fourteen bullocks valued at X20 a-piece and fed them on their ordinary food—grass, cake, hay and straw, chaff, and turnips-from Midsummer to Christmas. Their daily diet and its cost is given for the six months as divided into three periods of different alimentation. The total expense per beast was £ 16 Is 6d, thus bringing the ultimate cost up to £ 36 Is 6d but they were sold for L29 10s 2d, consequently there was a loss of between jE6 and 17 on each of the fourteen. The malt-fed ani- mals were nine, and they at starting cost L15 each the particulars of their feeding, which also extended over the half-year, are given as in the other case. It came to 17 16s per bullock; the total cost, therefore, at Christmas, was L22 16s but they sold for X26 2s 2d a-piece, therefore a profit of f,3 6s 2d was realized on each head. A man need not be a grazier to see that the conditions of a just comparison between the two systems were absent from Mr Clayden's trial. It would have been desirable that the cattle submitted to the two diets should be equal in number, or nearly so, and it was absolutely essential that in quality they should not deviate-but £ 5 per head difference means, if the price has any significance at all, a great difference in quality, acre, or condition. "The price fixed upon them, Mr Clayden states in a foot-note was the sum upon which they were the same day insured by the Cattle Insurance Association formed at Saffron Walden as a mutual pro- tection against rinderpest," &c.

-I'r- FRIGHTFUL EARTHQUAKE IN SOUTH AMERICA. A frig tful calamity befel Peru and Ecuador between the 13th and 17th of August last. We only know the results as yet by Atlantic telegraph, and there are hopes that the extent of the calamity is exaggerated but private telegrams put it beyond doubt that a calamity of a kind almost if not quite unparalleled even in those regions of periodic calamity has taken place. An earth- quake is said to have destroyed the cities of Arequipa, Iquique, Arica, Pisco, and half-a-dozen others, with a loss of life in Ecuador alone, which suffered most, of 22,000 people, and a loss of property said to amount to L60,000,000 sterling. The huge tidal waves which fol- lowed, wrecked many tessel, and were seen as far north as the coast of Southern California, where, on the 15th August, every half-hour a great wave rushed sixty feet above high-water mark, and then sank as much below it. Preachers sometimes tell us that the great duty of life is to realise that life is but a tenancy-at-will, and in Ecuador and Peru the inhabitants assuredly cannot even for a year escape the certainty that it is so. Yet they are apparently the worse rather than the better for the knowledge-we suppose because with it comes weak- ness and fear, instead of strength and hope. Distrust of Nature seems a very bad school for trust in God. Terrible descriptions are given in private letters of the first shocks of the earthquake at Callao, where, it will be remembered, the effects of the disaster were very small. One dated Aug. 13, says :-This evening, at about 5 o'clock, the three most terrible and alarming shocks of an earthquake which has visited Caillao in seven years were made manifest. For full five minutes the heavy, rolling, rumbling shock continued, rocking the furniture, and even the houses themselves, with such violence that persons could hardly keep their feet, and an instantaneous rush was made for the street. Here the sight beggared description. All the affrighted people kneeling and praying in the open street, crossing themselves, and falling in deep swoons full length on the pavement; old woman kneeling with both arms upraised, screaming and crying, the great bell of Santa Rosa Church tolling and tolling, while the terrified people fled in crowds within the sacred enclosure, and the great steeple swayed and cracked as if every moment it would fall upon and crushed the affrighted masses. As far as the eye could see down the long, narrow street, the very street itself rose and fell in long billowy undulations, while out in the bay. the ships tossed up and down under the violence of the tremendous internal jar. While I write thousands of poor ignorant natives, Cbolos, &c., are on foot and walking with all speed up to Lima, and the cars are so packed with human beings that a special train has been put on to accommodate those fleeing to Lima." Another, dated the 14th, says Last night was the most fearful night of horrors that Peru has ever known. The sea was rising until midnight, and actually came in fifty feet over the mole, and submerged all the lower floors of the stores and buildings on the streets nearest the water. Ships lying at anchor broke their moorings and drifted into each other. There seemed to be a regular under- current of whirlpool, so that ships went whirling round and round! Thousands of people walked the streets all night, and this morning the stores are closed, and Callao seems deserted."

CARMARTHENSHIRE ELECTION. I TO THE EDITOR OF THE WELSHMAN." I SlB,—I am quite in a fix. I have promised to vote for Messrs. Puxley and Pugb, and plump" for Mr Sartoris. Can you sir, or any of the numerous readers of the WELSHMAN, help me out of my difficulties? A practical suggestion, through the medium of the WELSH- MAN, would greatly oblige Yours most respectfully AN INDEPENDENT MINISTEK.

MR. PUGH'S MEETING AT ST. CLEARS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE WELSHMAN." SIR,-I was sorry to perceive by a report in your paper of Friday, September 11th, that Mr Powell, of taesgwynne, had convened a meeting at St. Clears and at which he presided, with the view of securing support for Mr Pugh as a candidate for the representa- tion of our county. I sincerely regret that he has thought right to take this step, as by it he has no doubt dealt a heavy blow and great disparagement to the Conservative cause in Carmarthenshire nevertheless I by no means regard it as likely to prove a fatal one. It would be hard to object to Mr Powell getting up a meeting in favour of Mr Pugh on personal grounds and lie win tnerteOy induce a majority of tne electors o the county to vote for Mr Pugh must surely be a expectation, for I have no doubt the constituency Carmarthenshire are quite independent enough to Squire that their political opinions should be repre- sented in Parliament, as Mr Pugh can be that his own Political notions should be supported there by himself. In the movement which Mr Powell has thought pro- per to make at this critical juncture, I cannot help thinking his partiality has blinded his judgment and led him to lose sight altogether of the nature of the re- presentative system of the Government under which we live, and by which a member is supposed to go to Parliament to represent the collective political opinions of the majority of the electors who choose him, and with whom his own opinions should certainly accord, otherwise he could hardly be regarded as an honest and true representative of an enfranchised body of electors. At all events a candidate is certainly expected to repre- sent something broader than his own narrow and restri^ cted notions on great State questions; neither the practice nor theory of our Constitution ever has or expect ever will recognise such a notion as personal representation. What is the meaning of all appeal to the county ? What has the present ■•iouse of Commons been sent back to their con- stituencies for but to ascertain the opinion of the hol.e, or rather of the majority of the whole ective body of the nation on this, I may say, unparalleled question of the disenfranchisement of the Irish Church, and which would certainly be followed, as its base-born offspring, by the separation of Church and tate, and the splitting up of the present united Established Church of England into as many shreds of religious creeds as constitute Dissent, which contains Within its ample folds some fifty or sixty vague denomi- nations. I cannot help thinking Mr Pugh shews a ?nt of respect to the electors of our county by with- holding a declaration of his intentions on the question ^hich is now agitating the whole of the United King- "?n. Sic volo sic jubeo is a position I am satisfied the ??y will not permit Mr Pugh to assume. As to ^yself I have only to complain that I had no notice of t "? Meeting, and to which, as an inhabitant and land- 1 Wrier in the district where Mr Powell boasts there is a be?"?J?y for Mr Pugh, I was entitled. Had I bee5 -fF avoured with a notice of this meeting, or known oi ? ?°? certainly, either by myself or some re- pt e' ^ave shewn that there are some voters, snd ? not a few, living in the district between Llan- dissoil ? and Cannarthen who are by uo means prepared to acc Mr ?"8? on the terms he himself proposes in .8 r,s8 ?? which Mr Powell, as his sponsor, en d o!-H Not havi had an opportunity of expressing my onini ?? ?t tf e meeting referred to, I ask your assist- m?x 0 enable me to do so by publishing this letter. Your very obedient servant, Gloucester Sept. 21st, 1868. W. H. YELVERTON. ep. 1st, 1868.

u THE COMING ELECTION. To the Electors of the Counties of Carmarthen and Fern- | broke, and the Contribution Boroughs therein. GENTLEMEN AND BROTHER-ELECTORS,—The bill of in- dictment against Her Majesty's Government has been preferred before you, as the Grand Inquest on this occa- sion. I hope it will meet with the attention which its importance demands of the men who are the depositaries of the most sacred trust which can belong to them as members of a free community. Would that the electors may lay to heart their deep responsibility in the execu- tion of the high trust which the nation has reposed in them-a responsibility always great, but increased ten- fold at the present crisis-when the fearful and un- believing see in perspective the destruction of the Church and the ruin of the Monarchy, destruction on destruction." "The whole land is spoiled by the at- tempt to disestablish the Irish Protestant Church" is the senseless and hypocritical cry of many of the parsons, whilst a few of that body, to their honour be it named, see through the eyes of even handed justice the national good it would effect by casting aside the cry of No Popery," The Church is in danger." It is, doubtless, the act of a patriot on the approach of danger to warn his country. Your Tory representa- tives, trembling with agony of their dark forebodings, threaten a fearful catastrophe from disestablishment, while others, again, take a dispassionate and disinter- ested view, and see the wisdom of Mr Gladstone's policy in destroying that abhorrent bone of contention, which policy will heal and pacify the Irish nation and destroy rebellion and anarchy, so prevalent for the last century, and save the English tax-payers several millions a year in the payment of the army and police. I submit, gentlemen, that it is your duty to enter without delay on the enquiry; your country claims it at your hands; may you determine, like patriotic and christian men, as wise and reflective men, you will not suffer yourselves to be duped by any loud blustering determination to support the principles of the British constitution in Church Estate, nor be led astray from this calm enquiry as mariners have been too often from a safe harbour by the false lights purposely held out to lure them to de- struction. You will bear in mind that loud professions of loyalty to the Throne and unbounded attachment to the British constitution have been too often employed to conceal ulterior designs. Your present Tory repre- sentatives inveigh, with extraordinary bitterness, against r.tor "accepting 'the support 61, vl,0, M.149_y say Radicals," for this they cannot do well, knowing how legitimate that support would have been pronounced, and how gladly it would have been received by Mr Disraeli and his party had the bait been swallowed of a grant for maintaining a Catholic University, which was, happily, thrown over-board by the intrepidity of Mr Gladstone. On what is all this declamation founded ? On what grounds do they presume to charge the Queen's late Government with being banded in one common tie of hostility to the Protestant Church and the constitutional monarchy with Radicals and Catho- lics ? Is it avowed by Mr Gladstone or my Lord John Russell P Is it founded on the English Tithe Bill, which has not, unhappily, been called the Parson's Bill"? Is it the declaration made in the House by Lord John Russell, that he was decidedly averse to any organic changes in the constitution of the House of Peers, or to any changes which the season of things and the new aspect of society did not require ? Are these the grounds I ask? If they be not let them point them out; let them bring forth strong reasons, and you are ready to listen impartially; but what does Mr Disraeli think will be the opinion that the electors of the Counties of Carmarthen and Pembroke will form of the morality and policy of the course he approves ? what effect can he expect from reiterating for the thousandth and first time the slanders which every Tory journal throughout the country has been repeating ad nauseam from the Standard down ? Is there nothing of mortification on finding that when the peace and pros- perity of the empire was in hazard, when the civil and religious liberties of the country were menaced, that these slandered Radicals, Whigs, and Catholics, merging all minor differences in a common love of country, present one united front, firmly resolved to repossess the sword of power which had been yielded to those who have wielded it so inauspiciously for the nation, and so awfully wasted the wealth of the nation by ex- pending more than double the four millions hoarded by Mr Gladstone in less than two years ? But the gist of your Tory representatives' addresses is, The Church is in danger," through the teaching of Her Majesty's late Ministers. Do they refer, I again ask, to the Bill for Disestablishment? or to the Ecclesiastical Com- missioners' suggestions ? for the former abuses, surely they are temperate enough or is the proposal to sub stitute in lieu of Church Rates, which are now happily nearly abolished, or partially so, at all events ? They may find too late that there are those who watch the movements of public men beside the clergy. Gentle- men, perhaps you will think with me, although all may appear smooth on the surface in these Counties of Car- marthen and Pembroke, and favourable for the avowal of high Tory doctrines, that their ill-advised and in- temperate addresses are drawn too largely on their credit for purity of intention and sincerity of attach- ment-things unknown to the Disraeli Cabinet. Dead calms in political and moral, as well as natural worlds, are portentious. A storm may be slowly and silently gathering, the tempest may arise suddenly and shake them terribly a spirit lives, though like the spirit of the deep, it be hushed into calmness and repose. One cheer more for the party who gave the working man the big loaf by the repeal of the Corn Laws, namely, the Liberals. Electors, consider well the following questions and answers, and then judge for yourselves which of the two political parties you should support. Who upheld the Bill of pains and penalties for wor- shipping God according to your conscience ? The Conservatives. Who repealed that abhorrent Act ? The Liberals. Who always opposed Reform, and for a long time prevented any measure being carried ? The Conserva- tives. Who carried the first Reform Bill, and compelled the Tory party, against their will, to carry another ? The Liberals. Who are afraid our divine religion will die out with- out State protection ? The Conservatives. Who are content to know that the true Church is founded on a rock and must prevail ? The Liberals. Who are for levelling up all religions in Ireland by payments of money for their support out of the public purse ? The Conservatives. Who are for giving a fair field and no favour ? The Liberals.. Who for years fought strenuously against the aboli- tion of the iniquitous Church Rates ? The Conserva- tives. Who succeeded in abolishing them ? The Liberals. Who dishonour the Queen's name by dragging it into party controversy ? The Conservatives. Who love and trust the Queen, and know she will do justice to all her subjects ? The Liberals. Who increased the National Debt by three millions within the last two years ? The Conservatives. Who always laboured successfully for retrenchment in the public expenditure ? The Liberals. Who gave the people the Penny Postage ? The Liberals. I have the honour to remain Gentlemen and Brother-Electors, Your obedient, humble servant, September 19th, 1868. JAMES MARK CHILD. September 19th, 1868. j

THE DREAMS OF WORKING MEN. I Given a social state and economic arrangements in which, for the mass of men who work with their hands, everything is not for the best in the best possible of worlds-how change that state and those arrangements so as to render more tolerable the conditions of the working man's life ? This great problem is one with which in every form all classes in this country and Amer- ica are now pretty familiar,—which philanthrophists and politicians, and working men themselves, are busily trying to solve in a thousand different ways. It is one also, we may say, in which the drift of preponderating influences entirely favours the majority. If institutions are against their welfare, the set of political ideas tends to give them the power to alter institutions when altera- tions promise a balance of advantage. We refer not merely to democratic notions on the suffrage, but to the concurrence of manifold agencies in spreading educa- tion, by which the privilege of voting may become a real power. But more than anything else the economic conditions of life at the present day tend to improve the lot of the masses. The inventions which multiply pro- ductive power and increase wealth create a situation in which the labourer must receive the greatest propor. tionate benefit. By making less and less arduous the bare struggle for existence which the race maintains they produce an ever increasing fund for the employ- ment of labour, and for more intelligence in the labour. since human skill alone can gratify the wants of taste and luxury. And as intelligence is naturally limited and the competition keen, and the demand is for ever higher degrees of intelligence, the tendency is to give the command of the market to the labourer. The whole class rises, as larger and larger sections come under the influence of this keen competition, while the inventions themselves tend to diminish the proportion of work which ignorant labour can accomplish. Thus wealth increases, the proportion to be given to workers in- creases still faster—the circumstances render almost in- conceivable the continuance of a very poor proletariat, unless we suppose that the holders of wealth, having tastes to gratify and possessing the ordinary impatience of humanity to gratify them, prefer of set purpose to go without enjoyment rather than compete for the necessary labour. The only fact which makes against this statement of the position is the pro- gressive increase of population; but, in point of fact, population even in England increases more slowly than wealth, and we think must do so, whatever the rate of increase, while actual men and women are needed to create and reproduce the wealth itself. Such being the circumstances, working men need have no internecine quarrel with the social state and its economic arrange- ments. Provided only they pursue the redress of dis- tinct grievances, and take care not to destroy, they have the game in their own hands. In a society based on un- limited competition they have much more than a chance. Co-operation, and State education, and better sanitary laws, and amendments in the laws of sucession to pro- perty, and more effective State management of mono- polies, and the stimulus of public opinion against war, are all important ends to aim at but the stars in their courses" are now fighting for workers, and the fact should be recognized when they look abroad and estimate their prospects. If the truth lies in this account of the matter, we should attach less consequence to the dreams which the working men were dreaming last week in their Congress at Brussels their vague ideas of what is wrong in their case their impracticable notions of what would be improvement of which they dream. We are disposed to think the whole proceedings very harmless indeed. It is true enough, no doubt, that all concerned should watch what is simmering in working men's minds; but we must also believe that practice is different from theory, and that, in spite of themselves, when it comes to practice, the facts will drag the working men another way than they dream, unless they continue very blind indeed. We must not shut our eyea to the truth that they are only beginners in an intricate debate, that their errors are so vague as to lead to no action, that before action comes, they are likely to have more light. In any case they cannot but feel many advantages m the present circumstances,—and this actually cropped up in the debate of machinery, which is one of their stock topics of complaint,—and as these advantages will in- crease with the progress of time, they will be less and less likely to throw them away for a mere Utopia, even if any practical proposition to carry their dreams is ever submitted. Take the most formidable proposition of any, which was only assented to, by the way, by a majority of the Congress-that quarries, mines, and railways ought to belong to the community as represented by the State, but the State regenerated, and itself submitted to the law of justice;" that the economic evolution of society will make it necessary to subject agricultural property to the same rule and that quarries, mines, railways, and land should be worked by concessions, not to companies of capitalists, but com- panies of workmen. It is clear, at first sight, that those who talk thus, and they indeed expressly say so, do not contemplate imme(l; :L: 'I, .?-  condition?' T?areiul idling of agricultural property may show that even the dreamers do not all think of confiscation, but if confis -"•Hon is discarded there is nothing alarming in the pro- posal ttio whole community may discuss its ex- pediency and the collective ownership of railways at least is within the pale of practical schemes. Even if confiscation is not discarded in this dream, people may be reassured about it by the tendency of things to make workmen holders of property the proportion of good things held by those who do not work at all is per- petually diminishing, and thus every year makes the sheer confiscation of property less and less likely. Those who are not absolutely idle will have less to gain, and their own condition will tempt them less to violence. If we come at length to a Socialistic organization it will be from other motives than the mere desire to appro- priate individual possessions. How little the proposi- tion has been thought out is shown in the idea that concessions for working the mines and land are to be given not to capitalists, but to workers. It is as certain as two and two are four that the workmen who get a concession must to some extent be capitalists or com- mand capital, or they could not work a day, and the want will come out when a practical scheme is thought of. The other propositions were of a similarly harmless, inconsequential description. Denouncing the injuries of machinery to workmen, the members of Congress could not propose to stop the invention or making of machines. They did not admit that machinery bene- fitted themselves most, though some admitted that it benefitted them a little, but they could suggest nothing more than a vague resolution to get the control of the genii into their own hands. In the same way, educational reformers who profess themselves at war with Governments could propose nothing practical of any sort to extend and improve the education of their classes except public libraries and lectures," which they are to get in some mysterious way. Strangest of all, beholding the marvels of "credit," they dream of establishing mutual-credit institutions, of "abolishing credit," and producing immediate changes" between producers and con- sumers-as if any such institutions, how cleverly so- ever devised, could dispense with the assistance of capital-the means left from yesterday to support those who produce to-day. It is rather amusing to see the workmen taken in by the currency delusion, but it is a peculiarly harmless ona there is nothing to hinder the establishment to-morrow of any number of mutual- credit" institutions, were it not that mutual credit, where no one has any capital, or far too little for the purpose, is a thing which could never get floated at all. We do not except from our assertion of harmlessness the proposal to strike against war. If the great majority of workmen of two countries are really opposed to a war it is not likely to come to much and if they are not all opposed, the strike of a minority will be as powerless as Mrs Partington's mop against the Atlantic tide. If the idleness of a large minority again were likely to hamper military operations, govern- ments, as yet, would be unregenerate enough to dragoon I the unpatriotic citizens into work. Workmen must know in their hearts that strikes before or after the commencement of a war will not compensate the want of that political influence which is the real thing to seek after. When they get it, it remains to be proved that they too will not have their disputes and wars, But if harmless in one sense, as not heralds of a revolution which their shadow seems to portend, the dreams of working men are mischievous enough if too much indulged in. They are so much subtracted from the energy of walking life which might be devoted to better things. Thus, instead of protesting against war, they might engage zealously in winning political power, that is, practical influence under the existing forms of government. Instead of vapouring about collective property and devising new credit institutions, they might do much to put capital into better hands by pro- moting the amendment of the laws of succession, and to give themselves capital by means of savings' banks, friendly societies, and co-operative institutions. Things are tending that way, and they produce some improvement, if they do not give that ideal per- fection which is unattainable, Instead of denouncing machinery or doubting its benefits, they might devise schemes to draft off to other places and employments the workmen whom new machines displace, schemes in which we are sure capitalists would not be sorry to help them. In the present circumstances of the world, emigration holds out a boundless field for displaced labour, and an emigration fund could effect systemati- cally what is already done partially and feebly. It would pay far better than strikes. Instead of dream- ing about education in an ideal State, they could lend a hand to many active efforts by which education is being extended at once. All this no doubt, would amount to an admission that the principles of existing society are not radically noxious and the notion plainly is that everything is wrong: and that a revolu- tion is needed. The State and its institutions are all against them, and they must be overthrown they can hardly endure even the name of the State. They have a vague notion, too, that the capitalists, meaning by the word those who hold capital and are not themselves workers, are sucking the blood of labourers, filching away all the profits, and living in plenty by the work- man's sweat. All thia is very pitiful, at a time when they are weighing more in the State every day, and when capitalists who are not workers are also dwindling in comparison. They only delay their own improve- ment by neglecting the facts, though we do not suppose the truth can long be hid from them. A little more investigation of the machinery of society, assisted by a few practical tests, will soon reveal at least the small- ness of the share of production which the idle holders of capital secure as profits or interest. They ought not to confound, though it is natural they should, the evils of imperfect distribution, which is capable of being amended, with those inherent in the system itself. There was only one thing which the Congress really did of a practical kind, and that was to forward the arrangements for Strikes. To combine and strike is the one instrument which workmen have been able to wield to secure better terms for themselves. And the instru- ment is so powerful that it may help them to accom- plish too much. It has not been without its uses during the lingering prevalence of ideas about the absolute right of employers to dictate the arrangements of working but neither is it for Unions wholly to pre- scribe the terms. Such as it is, the only practical effort of the Congress is the suggestion of English workmen and it is noticeable that they appear to have possessed all the practical sense of the gathering. It was they who led the opposition to the condemnation of machinery. They even saw through the credit delu- sion, and although the proposal by one of them of a bank to swallow up all others was extravagant enough- the State to make a profit of forty millions by the busi- ness, after compensating the present bankers, we sup- pose-and although, too, if practicable, it would do workmen a little good, it was yet a proposal conceivable on present methods, and which might be put into a projet de loi or Act ot Parliament. The same practical mind was shown in the willingness to work with the State as at present, and not merely wait for an ideal State in the matter of education. The English work- men have evidently gained by the insular habit of busi- ness and the freedom of the political atmosphere. They do not think of existing arrangements in so purely hos- tile a spirit as their Continental associates. If Conti- nental demagogues would only learn, the Congress would not be without its advantages. Whether they do so or not, the attitude of the English workmen is some assurance of the safety of England at least from Socialistic storms. If the delegates who unite with Continental democracy are so guarded and practical, and so respectful of existing arrangements, the feeling which guides them, we may feel sure, is stronger and freer from admixture among the large sections of work- men whom they could not pretend to represent. Spee- tator.

THE WEEK ABROAD. News from China states that the cotton crop is a failure this vear. According to lno In(/pena,.vo TUg*. the Grand Duchy of Baden acceded to the North German Confederation some weeks ago and the French Government, although made aware of the fact, resolved for the present to con- sider this step a purely German question, not being yet prepared to engage in war This news, however, is too important to be accepted without confirmation. Mr George Peabody has instructed a Hungarian juris- consult to select for him a country seat in the neighbour- hood of Pesth. The price has been limited by him to 200,000 florins. Mr Peabody, it is reported, intends to reside part of next year in the Hungarian capital. On his Hungarian estate he will build a large steam-mill, in which only grain for export is to be converted into flour. The King of Prussia has made another pacific speech. His Majesty paid a visit to the Bourse at Hamburg on Monday, and in reply to a congratulatory address his Majesty said:—"What you want we all want- namely, peace, and I entertain the most confident hopes that it will not be disturbed. The language I have already used at Kiel should have been accepted as a most emphatic expression of my confidence in its main- tenance, and it is inexplicable how an opposite interpre- tation could even for one moment have arisen." A peculiar state of things seems to have been brought about in Austria by the abolition of the Concordat: an abolition which the Government do not seem able or in- clined to carry out in real earnest. It would seem im- possible otherwise that the Bohemian episcopate could pubhely issue instructions to their clergy about the new marriage laws, in which the Catholics living in civil marriage" are called "public sinners;" outcasts to whom no absolution can be vouchsafed, for whom no mass is to be read, and who are in no wise to be admitted as godfather or godmother. A public writer, well known in America, has lately discussed the intentions of his Goverment with refer- ence to Mexico. He is convinced that there is a project on foot to do with Mexico what was done with Texas and California. The acquisition of these States was opposed by John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay, and Texas for many years remained a place of resort for criminal and political adventurers." It has never quite realized the hopeful expectations of the annexation party. The writer in question begs his countrymen not to be in too great a hurry to take Mexico. Let them finish their own war, and wait till they can control the Mexicans before having anything to do with them. There are eight millions of Roman Catholics in Mexico, whose only redeeming feature is that they are native Indians. "I say this is a redeeming feature, and a view of our negro and Celtic society will confirm it." This from such a thorough Radical Republican as The Veteran Observer" has a'ways been, is rather severe upon the Irish, to say nothing of the negroes. Opinions of the same kind are commonly expressed, and it is hard to reconcile them with Mr Maguire's account of the estimation in which Celtic society" is held across the Atlantic. The writer remarks in conclusion: In the name of common sense and common virtue don't let us take Mexico till we are stronger and Mexico is riper." The terms of an agreement recently made by M. Alexandre Dumas pere with M. Ulmann, the well- known impressario, have just been published. The celebrated writer was to have gone to America to read extracts from his dramas, novels, books of travel, and memoirs and some of the scenes of his plays were to have been acted by a troop of players who were to have accompanied Alexandre Dumas and M. Ulmann to America for that purpose. Alexandre Dumas has boasted in his memoirs of his talent for cooking and it appears that of this, as of his other talents, he was to give palpable demonstration. After giving a reading and presiding at a performance he was to cook a dinner, of which the public was to be allowed to partake, at the rate of five dollars a head. Admittance to the literary banquet was to cost but one dollar. For reading, reciting, and cooking, Dumas was to receive 25,000 francs a moth, besides a share in the profits. The execu- tion of the contract, however, has been postponed by mutual consent in view of thePresidential election, which. by diverting public attention, might, it was thought, interfere with the success of the enterprise. Accord- ingly the departure of M. Dumas for the United States has been postponed until next year. It is all very well for fresh lines of railway to be laid down in India, and for more steamers to be started on the rivers of the Peninsula but if all the coal had to be brought out from England, it would be almost better to go back to the old modes of conveyance. English coal at Calcutta costs from 25 to 30 rupees a ton but fortunately, the Raneengungee coal can be had for 10 rupees; and, though it is not so good as our coal, it answers very well for steam purposes. The wonder is, that this coal, first worked as long ago as 1814, has not been more extensively used. It is very easy to get at- the seams seldom lying more than 100 feet below the surface. Indeed, it is very generally quaried, and when a quarry is worked out, a series of workings are run in at right angles to its face, as in an ordinary mine. The finest seams are eight or nine feet thick, th- dip being very slight. The East India Railway has a station at Raneegungee, and has made an extension of twenty- two mines, to pick up the coal through the whole district. Besides the Bengal Coal Company's workings, there are a great many in the hands of natives, by whom the the whole of the pit-work is managed without any interference from outsiders; Sic transit I The last progeny of the noble Foscarx has. according to the Gazetta di Venczia, been presented by Victor Emmanuel with the sum of 500 lire. 1 hero have also been hopes held out to him that be may have a chance of obtaining the desired appointment of portev in the wholom palace of his family, which is now to be changed into a commercial school. This palace, on the Grand Canal, is known as one of the most magnificent in Venice. The Anstrians had used it as a barrack. An awkward, though perhaps not quite undeserveå accident happened lately to the s^rni-offieial Sorth German Gazette. It gravely announced from Londou that in his perplexity upon whom to bestow the Gover- nor-Generalship of India, the Premier had at last chosen the Lord Mayor," and this appointment had caused no inconsiderable Ptir in London. It is obvious that a sagacious editor or printer must have supplemented Lord Mayo's name with an r, inspired by that unfailing faith in the potentate of the Mansion House which stillliveit in the hearts of our foreign brethren. Nor was the pro- vincial press behindhand in commenting on this recog- nition of the merite of the highest functionary chosen by his fellows." M. Guizot, in the article which he has just contributed to theRevurdrs Dcux Monties, tells an interesting anecdote of Mr Gladstone The story is related in illustration of the remark that England furnishes a rare instance of power and greatness moderating and restraining instead of intoxicating men. bome twenty years since," says M. Guizot, if I mistake not, there was a grave outbreak of sedition in one of the English colonies- Ceylon. The Governor, Lord Torrington, repressed it firmly-as some said, ruthlessly; a Buddhist priest was executed. These severities made a great noise at London, where I happened to te at the time and Lord Torrington was very much attacked. I was talking of this one day with Mr Gladstone. 'What would you have ?' be said it is impossible to govern our colonies aa we used to do; everything that happens, everything our governors say or do, is as much known, as much dis- cussed and criticised in England, as if it had happened in London itself the responsibility of the governor of a colony thousands of miles away is as comprehensive as sensitive, as minute, as difficult to bear as that of a member of the Cabinet who is present every day in Parliament. That cannot continue. One cannot judge so quickly at such a distance, on the strength of letters or public rumour, the acts of one who is absent in an almost unknown theatre nor will the absent man endure the burden of office if he feels himself every moment responsible, even for his most trifling acts or words, to judges so remote and so imperfectly informed. Under these circumstances the colonies should be left pretty much to govern themselves, and the mother country should not have to answer at all hours for the whole of their government. That would be a new colonial system to establish; but where is it that something new is not needed nowadays ?'" The Indian Government continues to be of opinion that the outbreak on the North-west frontier threatens to become very serious, and as the information at the command of the Government is necessarily much greater than any one outside of it possesses, it is probably fully justified in its conclusions. The Wababees, that sect which has given us so much trouble, are said to be 4,000 strong under the leadership of Feroze Shah, and they boast that the Maharajah of Cashmere is on their side. This was also said during the Sittana affair, apparently without any reason. The Agrov valley, in which the present disturbance began, declared for the insurgent tribes, and some of the English levies also deserted to the enomy. The large force concentrated by the Government upon the spot is the best security for the restoration of peace, and the regular troops seem to have been burning with eagerness to meet the mount- aineers. "Already," writes a correspondent with tbe forces, the war-cry has been taken up Trans- Indus, and Husunzais and Chiggunzais are coming to join their brethren of the Black Mountain, bringing with them, we hear and sincerely trust the mercenary swords of Mulka fanatics. Let them come." The probability seems to be that the rising was stopped at its commence- ment, and if the Russians have been fanning the spark, as the Indian papers allege, no evidence of the fact haa been made public, The biography of the embosser Antonio Vechte, known as Le Benvenuto Francais, has followed the announcement in the Paris journals of his recent death at the age of sixty-nine. The first twenty-five years of this celebrated man's life were passed in utter obscurity, and he was no more than a common artizan. In 1820 he entered the establishment of M. Soyer, who after- wards cast the July Column, and worked with a chisel, his request to try his talent for designing and modelling being refused with disdain. At the age of thirty he married, quitted Soyer, schooled himself by reading his. tory and mythology and copying casts and engravings, and gained a living by decorating helmets, breastplates, and other military appendages. His genius was at last discovered by a fraudulent dealer in works of art, who for several years ordered him to produce articles for which he paid on the completion of each, and which he resold as the genuine productions of Benvenuto Cellini. The fame of Vecbte had been already established by the execution of several reputed masterpieces, among which was a silver equestrian statue of a female, made by order of Baron Nathaniel Rothschild, when, in 1850, Vechte left France for England to work for a London silver- smith, and remained there for ten years, though some of his productions were shown at the French Exposition of 1855 and gained the great medal. During his sojourn in England he completed a small vase which afrerwards became celebrated as L'Amour et Psyche and after his return to France he chiefly devoted himself to a silver vase, called La Creation," which, together with another known as La Guerre des Titans," was sent to the London Exhibition of 1862. The last revelation of his talent was the cover of an illuminated Bible, exe- cuted in platina by order of the Due d'Aumale, and ex- hibited last year at Paris.

RISING IN SPAIN. MADRID, SEPT. 19.—Advices received from Cadiz of yesterday state that the whole fleet stationed in that port has risen against the present Government under Rear- Admiral Topete. At the same time the Generals recently exiled to the Canary Islands arrived at Cadiz yesterday, on board the Buenaventura, a trading steamer. Pre- vious to their lauding the garrison of Cadiz had made a pronunciamento in favour of the insurrectionists. Marshal the Duke de la Torre, formerly President of the Senate, has placed himself at the head of the movement. It is asserted that this letter is directed against the reigning dynasty, land the insurrectionists demand the establish- ment of a Constituent Assembly aud a Provisional Gov- ernment. The telegraph wires in Andaiusia were im- mediately cut. Several towns have joined the insurrec- tionary movement. Great panic prevails at the Royal Court in Madrid. Troops have been despatched from the capital towards the south. Marshal Concha has been appointed to the command of the Government troops in Andalusia, and General Calonge has been nominated Captain-General of Madrid.