The Welshman

MR. DILLWYN'S RECENT SPEECH. I are cexpected make^3' when members of Parliament are expected to make  on P?'"?' subjects, they £ „ in many iDtances feel hopelessly be- wildered as to the particular subiect ? ??.t?'r ?h-??"° ? ? of their discourse. The art of ?S'?M about nothing with! out being considered pre-eminently stupid or dull is indeed an accomplishment worthy of .c<?ij.n. BX 1? doubtful if it is to be acquired even at the expense of ereat labour and long tranunx If poets are born, and not m?de the same may with equal justice be said of orators. And if it may be said of orators, who open their lips to enliven and instruct, with still greater truth may it be said of orators, who speak only in the fulfilment of a dreary duty, and who entertain not the most distant hope of impressing their audience with the idea that they have been the means of communicating anything either novel or interesting. Still, however vapid an address may prove, it must, like a sermon, have a text. The orator may intend talking about nothing, but the conventionalities of public speaking will not permit him to say so. He must pitch upon a handle to his speech. This done, it is by 110 means necessary that he should refer in the most distant manner to the subject which it indicates. Tho license of the pulpit is imported into the rostrum of rusticating legislators and as a charity sermon" by no means implies one preached from a text inculcating the propriety of cultivating that virtue, so in like manner the constituents of some habitually -1 silent member" are not to be astonished at hearing from the representative of their choice what an impartial critic might pronounce to be a harangue rather irrelevant to the topic which they came prepared to hear discussed. It is to be regretted, however, that members of Parliament, with the multitude of subjects from which to make a selection, cannot more frequently hit upon one which will bear an easy ventilation for three-quarters of an hour Great allowance must, of course, be made for the bad habits which they acquire in the House, of alluding in their I speeches to every conceivable topic save the one especially I "lIhmitted for their consideration. They certainly evince a laudable anxiety to select subjects which afford the great- est possible latitude for the indulgence of their favourite weakness. When an hon. member proposes to hold forth on public affairs," or on "things in general," he may, of course, talk about anything, without the risk of being' reminded that he is wandering from the question." His hearers can, of course, no more form an idea beforehand of the nature of the intellectual banquet prepared for them than can a wearied excursionist in the galleries of the Louvre form a conception of the viands of which he will partake if h. joi ns the table de hate at the gigantic hotel on the opposite side of the street. Public affairs" and things in general" have been, we suppose, over-done, notwithstanding the extensive field which they present, for the latest contribution is presented under the imposing title of The past Session." Mr. Dillwyn was, it seems, pre- vailed upon to address a public meeting at Swansea, with the view of replenishing the coffers of a local charity. As it was by no means necessary that there should be any association, however remote, between the subject of his discourse and the institution in aid of whose funds it was to be delivered, carte blanche was given him in the selection of his topic. It would, no doubt, be curious to inquire into the considerations which ultimately led him to fix upon the labours of a particularly barren session but such, how- ever, was the attractive subject selected for exciting cha- ritable emotions in the breasts of the good people of Swansea. Notwithstanding the history of a Parliamentary session affords a tolerably wide scope for general observations, Mr. Dillwyn seemed a little distrustful of its affording sufficient subject matter for his hour's lecture. Accordingly, before telling his provincial friends what was done by their legisla- lators, he entered upon a preliminary inquiry into what had not been done. This seems to open so wide a field, that one may be pardoned for expressing a little surprise that the orator should have been enabled to enumerate the vari- ous sins of omission," as he termed them, with a running commentary of his own, and yet condense his observations within the necessary limits of a charity lecture. The shelving of Reform was, of oourse, pointed out as the great delinquency of the session. The leaders of parties Mr. Dillwyn regarded as in the highest degree blameable for having broken promises and pledges so frequently repeated but at the same time he regretted being obliged to confess that the people had exhibited lukewarmness upon the subject. The two solitary champions of Reform, Mr. Locke King and Mr. Baines, had attempted to redeem the promises which they had made, and remodeled the county and borough constituencies throughout the country; but, though he afforded them a staunch support, they could find no followers even amongst those who were unquestionable friends of reform." The Appropriation of Seats Bill in its original form as presented by Government met with Mr. Dillwyn's approbation; and even when modified, and when the metropolitan borough lost its promised representa- tive, it still continued to find favour in his eyes. The greater probability of the West Riding returning a Con- servative than Chelsea was not a consideration which he thought a Liberal statesman should regard. We know, as a matter of fact, that Ministers, whether Conservative or Liberal, would much prefer giving the electoral franchise to constituencies which would return their own partisans, but we doubt if there are any who would openly avow it. Mr. Dillwyn, however, seems to think it necessary to explain what might have been deemed an act of political .recusancy, by assuring his auditory that to give a repre- sentative to a constituency meriting one in respect of its numbers, wealth, or intelligence is not reprehensivc in a Minister, though the representative may probably turn out a political opponent. The church rates, and the failure on the part of the Liberal party to effect their abolition, of course, came in for a paising remark. Any reaction in popular feeling Mr. Dillwyn stoutly denied, and derived no small consolation from the reflection that now at length the abolition of church rates had become a party question. We should have supposed that it was a party question of many years' standing, and that it was, in fact, the last remaining one which marked the fast-fading line of distinction between Whig and Tory. But, however, this is a matter of opinion, and if Mr. Dillwyn can detect any novel featuro in the church rates abolition question, we can have no objections to offer. A few tears were let fall over the un- timely end of his own offspring, the Endowed Schools Bill. His opponents had, he said, colleoted their forces together without giving him notice of their intention to do so, and, in consequence, he failed to carry his bill into committee. An intimation that he would know how to deal with them on the next occasion, and prevent a similar mishap, excited laughter which seems to have been of a very eq uivocal character. A review of the session would not, of course, have heen complete without an allusion to the affairs of Italy and America; and he concluded his address by in- forming his hearers of the effects which would be produced on slavery in the event of either the Northern or the Southern States proving ultimately victorious. Variety is proverbially charming, and regarded from this point of view, the address of Mr. Dillwyn must have proved an extremely fascinating oae.Trorning Post, v "ld,VI<Cot.V, ,au "Ow VI' is aavisedTn the interests of the Catholic Church to renounce the remnant of his temporal pover, has narrowly eluded the vigilance of the spiritual police, and made his escape from Rome. On the appearance of his remarkable work at Florence, M. Passaglia received a mild intimation through his eclesiastical superior that his pre- sence was desired at head quarters, in order that he might personally explain his views and opinions to the Supreme D_a n # 1. 1 UULlU. certain or nis friends would have dissuaded him from going, believing that once at Rome he would "hever be allowed again to quit it. He had in earlier life belonged to the Company of Jesus, but had left the Order from con. scientious scruples which he has not thought it necessary to make publicly known. The influence of the Society is supposed to be now in the ascendant at the Vatican; and examples have not been wanting to prove that the author- ity of the Inquisition, though limited to the circumscribed confines of the Pontifical States, is still exercised inexorably there. But M. Passaglia scorned to evade the responsibility of his courageous work. If temporal security or advantage had weighed with him it would never have been written, or if written it would never have been published. The gifted friar is in truth a thoroughly earnest man, w ho seeing the barque of Peter on the verge of foundering in the fruitless and frantio effort to make head against the storm, would have the helm put about and the ship suffered to go with the wind. To refuse at such a moment his personal attes- tation of the sincerity of his advice, or to seem to shrink from full explanation of what he believed should be done would have been to nullify the good he had hoped to achieve by his brochure; so he made up his mind at once to a0 resolving at the same time to tivail himself of the social position which the proffered hospitality of an English lady, resident in Rome, was calculated to afford. Some days after his arrival the Priest was admitted to an audience by his Holiness, who peevishly upbraided him with taking part at such a time against the beleaguered 1 citadel of Catholicity. Faithfully and fervently the good father expostulated on his part with Pio Nono, against the fatal course which the infatuated men about him had of I late led him to pursue. With bold though gentle plainness of speech be pointed out the rapid decay of Papal influ- ence throughout the Peninsula, and the infinite danger of a national schism, if the Italians found it ultimately im- possible to reconcile their reverence for the Vatican with their patriotic resolution to be politically governed from the Quirinal. The unhappy Pope seemed only irritated by arguments he knew not how to answer; and then Passaglia saw his face no more. He remained for some weeks however, domesticated with the family of Mrs. FoU jambe, to whom he had for some time acted as private chaplain. His society was much sought after by persons of distinction of all shades of opinion he seems to have adoped little reserve, and was known to exercise most exemplarily the duties of his calling. Far from de- siring to be mixed up in political intrigue, he apprised Cardinal Antonelli of his being in correspondence with Baron Ricasoli, and inquired from the Minister of the Pope whether he thought it better that he should oontinue or relinquish it. He was told that the former was oon- sidered the most expedient course; and no indication was given, until very recently, that he was likely to be marked out as an object of persecution. Proceedings having been taken, however, to bring his notable pamphlet under the notice of the Congregation, it was formally con- aemnea as neretical, and placed upon the Index. This occuired some ten days ago, and thenceforth his protectress, with the keen insight of woman, discerned the approach of danger to her reverend friend. She communicated her misgivings to the British Consul, and endeavoured to per- suade him to confer upon M. Passaglia some character of quasi-English citizenship, which might stand him in good stead in case of need. Mr Severn though anxious to do what he could, was unable to devise any more plausible pretext for his protection, than that of appointing the Abbe to be his private secretary; but feeling that this oould hardly be sustained as more than a colourable appointment, he hesitated to act without instructions, and he telegraphed to Lord Russell for precise directions how to act. The reply came in cipher, to which he had not the key but from the number of the despatch he perceived that one or, more messages from the Foreign Office in London had never reached him, his inference being that they had been seques- trated by the Roman police. He could only beg to have an answer in a less occult form and after some delay, he re- ceived a message expressive of the anxiety of the British Government that every possible aid and succour should be extended to M. Passaglia, should he become the object of active persecution, but reminding the Consul at the same time that between the existing Government at homo and any lawful denizen of the place, it was impossible for him with propriety to interfere. Meanwhile, another friend had telegraphed to Sir James Hudson to engage the assistance of the Government at Turin on behalf of the menaced Abbe but little was to be hoped from any interposition of that kind. M. Passaglia's friends grew hourly more uneasy, though he himself could hardly be persuaded of his peril. At length, at nine a.m on the morning of the 15th inst., the Palazzo Spada was suddenly surrounded by sendarmcs, ana me apartments occupied by Mrs. Foljambe and her family were subjected to the most rigorous perquisition, t he «o!l,Ki being to discover certain treasonable and here- n '°PP°''??? in the custody of the lady's dis- f n gr L .!ue.t M. Passaglia had barely time to effect his retreat ^ef°rf the lblrn entered. The same evening he ? '??- '°?? from Rome to the nearest ?point ? on \thhe mf, rontier. Everywhere throughout Umbria he was received with marks of respect and rejoicing and once more safe at Florence it will not be easy to turn the ci-demnt Jesuit back into the toils. At twelve o'clock on the day of the domiciliary visit already referred to, the Car- dinal's Secretary of State sent a polite messege to the British Consul to say that such a measure was in contemp- lation, and to beg that he would assure Mrs. Foljambe that there was no intention of causing her any annoyance or disturbance. When Mr. Severn proceeded to expostulate upon the mockery of such a noti ce, and upon the offensive character of the proceeding towards an English subject am a woman, much surprise, real or assumed, was expressed a i his declaration that he believed M. Passaglia's person? safety was threatened, and still more when he proceeded t inform the Papal Minister that the quarry had flown. is hardly necessary to say that no documents were foutl implicating the author of the pamphlet or any of his co.- respondents in political transactions.—Examiner. |

EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS. 1 t Ever since the war in the Onosea mere nas oeen re ■ throughout the immense Empire of Russia an impul; towards Reform. This impulse, however prudent, is not the less thoroughly sincere, and the origin of it is traceafe to the highest authority in the State. The characterise feature of the present rein is the adoption of an ente and complete system of administrative reform extending.o every branch of the public service-a reform which, takig into consideration the vast extent of the empire, and ie condition into which it had sunk at the close of the ast war, assumes the importance of a positive social and ali- tical regeneration. Of these reforms some hate ahady begun to be carried into effect others are underjon- sideration. We will first direct our attention to the fomer. The Emperor Alexander has decreed that serfebm shall be abolished. This vast measure is the keystow of all other reforms in contemplation. According to tho ytoomy predictions of not a few, it was destined to be -,Ie fatal stumblingblock in the way of their accomplishmen, and it Cdrtainly encountered great opposition on the irt of a considerable number of the retrograde lords, as wdas many of the peasant landholders. Nevertheless, to b honour and glory of the Emperor be it said, this opposbn failed, notwithstanding the power of such a party to inhence his determination. The results which have alread- followed this reform, and those consequences it is destine, to entail in the future history of Russia, amply merit theatfention of Europe. Twenty-three million souls completely at t!ie nercy of their lords, of their stewards, and of all employes grtit and small, henceforth enjoy the rights, civil, political, and religious, which by the Constitution of Russia belong b the free peasant. From the 19th February, 1861cuo such leing as a serf exists in Russia. It may be easily conceived that in an empire so vid in extent, and in which the means of publicity are com^ely wanting, the nobles and their representatives mustave frequently abused the absolute power which was fven them over their serfs. During the whole of the precling reign, not a month passed that was not marked by an sur- rection of serfs against their masters. Sometimes thlord was killed or beaten or driven out of his lands; at hers the steward was the victim of their fury. On an arage the Emperor Nicholas would receive a report of somjuch occurrence onoe a fortnight; and this may account his sincere desire to liberate the serfs, which he was or de- terred from accomplishing by the determined oppositn of the great lords immediately about him. His son, ttEm- peror Alexander, has shown more energy of wilthan Nicholas, who, nevertheless, was certainly not dcient in strength of character or perseverance and the apire is now delivered from the prospect which had gvowivery day more darkly threatening, of a jacquerie, inthblind rage of which the good landholder and the bad wou have been equally involved. The abolition of serfdom seoures to Russia an inense development of her intellectual and physical resourc, and with it of the welfare of the mass of the people. r this one sweeping reform the way is cleared for a great mber of ameliorative measures,—as for instance a reform the system of military service, and of recruiting for thirmy. The term of service in the army was formerly twey-five years nor was it easy in any way to abridge its dttion for the soldier who had been a serf, on returninto his village became a free man, and it was not just to [e too many recruits from the lords in order to return theno him after a few years as freemen. Now, however, the aperor has already been enabled to roduce the term of ilitary service to fifteen years. n In a political point ot view the gain to the E, mp,r rrora this measure of emancipation has been great, f, it has bound the people to him by the ties of enthustic and lasting gratitude. It strengthens his dynasty, whi hence- forth rests on the affection and contented spirof the masses; and while the hand s of the Sovereigne enor- mously strengthened thereby, in the same ratio df it tend to consummate the speedy extinction of the rograde party which grows ever more and more feebl clearly exhibiting the utter insignificance of the so-cal aristo- cratic party, which possesses no influence in thiountry, and exists only by favour of the Court. Weraniversil suffrage to be introduced into Russia at this moot, it would be quite safe to predict that the entire ril popula- tion would enthusiastically proclaim the Emperoilexander as their Sovereign not only by hereditary righut by the voice of the people. The salutary consequences of emancipation e already strikingly apparent, and in these results moreotabundant proof is afforded that the best instincts of thatioa are unshaken, and retain all their vitality. It has en alrea(ly said that under the preceding reign the serfs, gled by the tyranny of their masters or of their mastei stewards, frequently rose against them and vented their rntinent in acts of murder. From the day, however, t; the Em- peror Alexander ascended the throne, when (serfs were assured that through him their emancipation at hand, not a lord, nor a steward, nor an agent ofly kind has been murdered, ill-treated, or driven to flight The eman- cipation of the serfs was neither ushered in 1 followed by the frightful 3eejj;njnVuli3llliTOTv°i twenty- deliverance, and vast as is the empire, througl^"i,.yoke extent not a single crime has been oommitted.. i¡J their a !etv u "o l e rencea at Cazan and Pinza, in which a few unLVj°le victims lost their lives, were solely occasioned by <t" plorable misunderstanding. Everywhere the peasants I peacefully disposed, paying the rent due to their lords" ploughing their fields, and quietly biding their time until I their relations towards the proprietor of the soil are defini- tively settled by their Sovereign. A further proof of the orderly instincts of the peasants, and of their intelligence, is exhibited in the fact that when called upon for the first time to exercise the right of voting —which is a part of the system of communal adminis tration conferred upon them, and to be hereafter referred to —the magistrates whom they elected were everywhere chosen with surprising discernment. Of excellent auirurv moreover, it is for the success of the emancipation and the eventual attainment of the fruitful benefits with which it should be fraught, that the serfs since their liberation are losing much of that extreme and inveterate distrust with which every one oonnected with the Administration inspired them. To cite an instance of this, the Government has appointed arbitrators of peace to each district, whose offioe, entirely of a conciliatory character, is tosettle by amicable arrangement any points of dispute arising- between the enfranchised peasantry and the holders of the land and, so far as present experience goes, the decisions which' these arbitrators have given have been received by the peasantry with perfect trust in their impartiality. Taking the moral view of the question, the emancipation will work good, not only with the serfs, but with the class of lords; for the sad truth is, that the possession of serfs produced a pernicious and demoralising effect upon the masters or the soil. A new generation will now spring up in Russia, with entirely new ideas on the subject. The grandsons of the present nobility and the grandsons of the present race of peasants will be brought up to think and to feel otherwise than their forefathers with respect to the dignity of man, and their hearts will not be corrupted by the spectacle of serfdom, with all its repulsive consequences, degrading alike to the master and to the human heincr f  whom he had absolute power. The future sovereigns of Russia will be called to reign over subjects of an entirely different description, and approaching more to the charaa;er of citizens. There is, however, a reverse, for the emancipation cannot be effctually carried out until many an obstacle has been surmounted. The picture is not without its shadows and these we will proceed to trace with a pencil no less truthful than when employed in marking its lights and composipg its bright tints. It is inevitable that the nobles should be materially losers by emancipation To compensate as "far as Possible for the sacrifices it entails, which, if immediately felt, are only mo- mentary, they must devote themselves to improving the cul- tivation of their lands; and to this end farms mu<t be esta- blished, free labourers hired, all the necessary buildings for carrying on farming operations erected, and agricultural implements and machinery imported from the West while the most recent improvements in the tillage of land, and in breeing and feeding cattle, in usage over the rest of the Continent, and more especially in England, must be adopted. Bailiffs of skill and experience will have to be engaged, unless the proprietor of the soil should intend himself to superientend its cultivation, in which case the requisite course of agricultural studies must be entered nnnn tn -1' which hitherto not one of them has given a thought. But all the ameliorations cannot be effected without advances amounting to considerable sums and all this will require time to accomplish,-for the acreage of a Russian lord's patrimonial estate is immense, and many a property has been left comparatively a wilderness from the very vastness of its extent. On the other hand, the Russian poasant, possessed of more shrewd cunning than he gains credit for, attributes to the effects of emancipation a magnitude which they can never attain. He imagines that in the space of two years I he will hold the land on which he is settled free of all obligations to the noble proprietor that he will only pay a land-tax to the Czar, and that the Czar will confer emolu- mentg upon the noblemen corresponding to the value and | raportanoe of the services rendered by them in the Army, je AdlIUDlstratJOn, or the Court This conviction accounts frthe nf ,a? e„ 'ranqui' attitude of the rural population, and thIs state of tranquillity continue for two years at lest, an interval which the Government and the nobility I least an Uterval L ^n fh best ad,antage. It is because of these notions all en* ^ertained by the peasantry that they refuse to sign all contracts e 'en the most advantageous refuse to sien fi (hem by.Proprietors, lest they should therphy future rights. Nothing, there- leases J?co!I mpromi.se their future rights Nothing there- UuJ .ta' l'™1 th*n u»t proprietor, of tho .Ud re, the resources of the land, and I cnsequently, to invest large sums which, with    they do not possess. But there IS e'ery ground to hope that the taci t resistance Of the —.r.o„bs'.x K'jsrs.itoJid .?-I 1 Z him t0 exP°ct -t.h--fre p038CS- sion of the land. u I are 0ffered to him on Iase, and that the apprehensions of the landholders, stimu- lated and exaggerated, no doubt, by regret at the loss ?t?.?? dominion, will s.?baide when they are made fullvaw! n .e that emancipation is an established fact Xt »M "'??"'? against it are powerless—and that in ? £ to reap they must in future sow. Some Pr0" nrietor! of the soi1' and among them Counts NesselNde Md H? ?? ??' ?"? ?'°°°S ?sm Counts Nesselrode and Bloudoff have already entered into an amicable settle- mpn"t ''??? ?e peasantry upon their lands and examples of im k amicable arrangements repeatedly occurring in each district will produce the most favourable effects upon tho whole population. When he has seen among his neighbours an instance—or, to express it more correctly, when he has had before him a sample-of a final settlement 80 concluded, the peasant will cease to chorish his illusions, and will accept the law of 186L as it is. In a word, the nobles must sow ere they can reap. If they do so in time the future will prove to them that the emancipation, far from having diminished their revenues, will have enlarged them considerably. For it is not hazarding too bold a prediction to reckon that in I the space often years the lands of Russia, cultivated as they it are capable of bei n cultivated, will yield double their pre- sent produce. What a notable increase will this be in the revenues of the State and in the fortunes of private indi- viduals. Unfortunately, Russia is deficient both in capital and in instruction. Many landed proprietors were in the habit of spending every farthing of revenues, and not a few exceeded them only one here and there laid by anything. Their acquirements were superficial. The most refined had only received, so to speak, a sort of drawing-room polish. Few only had followed a course of regular and earnest study, and still smaller was the number of those who had acquired any knowledge of agricalture or rural economy. Equally without capital are the liberated serfs, who, as we have seen, expect to become small landowners without purchas- ing their land, but by receiving it as a free gift at the end of two years. i mong Want of capital, there, and deficient instruction among the nobles, and the unfounded expectations of the peasant, constitute the obstacle to a realisation of the full results of emancipation in developing to an immense extent the ma- terial resources of Russia. The Government, in its un- ceasing and watchful solicitude to provide a remedy for this condition of things, has already proposed to assist the peasantry in purchasing the lauds now in possession of the nobles, and of which they were enjoying the usufruct. But 'such a remedy is insufficient, and it is necessary that the nobles should establish in each Government land-banks, after the example of the enlightened nobility of Estbonia, Livonia, and Courland, who for many years past have been distinguished for their superior instruction, at once sound and practical, and among whom it is the custom that one in each family should apply himself to agricultural studies and remain on the estate in order to superintend its culti- vation. From the undeniable facts which have been here laid before the reader, he may judge for himself whether the emancipation of the Russian peasants is likely to involve any such cataclysm as has been predicted, or, whether on the contrary, it is not destined to develop in an immense degree the intellectual power of Russia, the natural riches of its soil, and its industrial and commercial activity.— Press.

I TAKING THE SCHOOLMASTER'S HED OUT OF HIS POCKET. It certainly seemed to be fair that a schoolmaster should live by his brains, and that the contents of his skull should be in some degree a measure of the weight to be carried in his purse. The now educational minute objects, however, to the schoolmaster who shall think of putting his head into his pocket. The other day the Times, in an artiole which read like an official defence of the new education code, triumphantly represented that the managers of I schools are freed by it from much troublesome interfe- rence which is only read by themselves to mean that they will be deprived of mush service which they consider necessary to the full exercise of their functions. They may," it is said, make their own terms with their masters and pupil teachers,"—that is to say, with reduced means of I remuneration and a narrowed means of choice which the 1 diminished inducements will ensure. They have besides the advantage of obtaining, where it is wished, a teacher of lower qualifications, and therefore it may be presumed on more reasonable terms!" "The certified teachers should also remember that they have been raised to their present position of afiuence and comfort"-i.e., the affluence and comfort of an average of £ 94 a year, but in the cases of large bodies of them, of a much less amount:—raised thus from poverty by the expenditure of public money." That is to say, by doing public service that involves very hard work of the head for a remuneration that would barely satisfy a maker of joint-stools. It is entirely true, and we have ourselves strongly urged it, that what is wanted above all things in a teacher is the I aptitude for teaching, and that a man with his head half I full is of more worth than a man with a head quite full, if like a half empty bottle he can pour out his contents more freely. The chief thing to be ascertained by examination of a teacher is not his power of retention but his power of communication. But while this is a fundamental truth which cannot be too strongly insisted on, we hold that the proposal to introduce cheap teachers of lower qualifications for more elementary instruction is founded on a vulgar error. The more the elementary branches of instruction are nar- rowed, the higher and more rare, even among trained teachers, are the qualifications necessary to them. Expe- rience has shown that the most important and most difflcu! of all to get are good infant school teachers. It is found that the teachers who have highest qualifications teacn tho lowest class the best; and it is an instructive fact that ill the training colleges the best pupil teachers are chill-ge I with the children of the lowest attainments. It is observed, however, that those masters who have the highest qualifica- tions are not uniformly the best teachers. The origin of that evil ill, we repeat, the misdirection of the examinations for tho certificates, which are commonly designed chiefly to ascertain what the candidate has himself learned, or what is proved to be his power of learning, instead of being as it were clinical, to elicit evidence of his power in teaching others. The revised code seriously damages the important princi- ple of paying for results obtained, by imposing trammels of unnecessary conditions as to times, and absurd classifica- tions according to aa;es, which beget just ridicule of the "official ignorance" in which they have been framed, whilst the attainment of equal results "wn:Jr'Jqlli, render by different teachers utterly impossible. The researches of Mr. Ghadwick prove the immense gain derivable from ad- ministrative consolidation. By this alone and by careful arrangements can anything like fair equality of conditions be obtained, for payments for results, with gradations of ank and increased emoluments to teachers without increase expense to the public. The Quarterly Review, in its oei" umber, agrees that educational legislation must pro- asrairhe direction of consolidation. As it is, it involves school at, ilollc to teach a class of ten boys in a village a class of fit, on the large scale in a town school to teach by a capitatiorr-»le teacher in the small school will receive in the larger one. -ince only ono-fifth the amount paid at certain seasons to nupils in the rural school swarm off picking. The poor teacuending, potato-getting, or hop- these irregular scholars foho has the most trouble with keep them going will coramouim it is a special toil to by Mr. Lingen's now code the least the worst results, and ing employment. for his mot harass- But how the revised code affects the g, is thus described in a report of the Cov&ohool managers Board, made at the instance of the Rev. ? Educational Educational who is an Inspector of Reformatories: "tephenson, According to the revised code the whole rib sponsibility are thrown upon the managers, who re- to advance the wages week by week to the pupil tekave (in the case of schools with seven pupil teasers this wô'ri amount to L105), and should the pupil teaclr fail in exammatlon or be dismissed inrough misconduct, or d-i- °-T terminate his apprenticeship, the managers, and ev? ?'  executors, administrators, and assigns, will suffer a,, llr mulcted for the misadventure. The managers of scboo" who already contribute their time and subscriptions, and ot course expect to reap nothing in return, are hereby required to advance the yearly sum of £ 233,025, and to encounter all manner of risks in the hope of having their own simply re- imbursed." And what is the main justification of this now method of payment ? The convenience of the Office! That it will simplify details to make one lump payment to managers of the schools instead of small payments direct to the several teachers. It is denied that there is any vested right here interfered with, or existing contract with the teachers, as to pay. Contracts under seal certainly there are not, but only representations and acts that form such an implied en- gagement for service as if made by an individual instead of with the State, a court of law would be bound to enforce, and a jury would award damages for breaking. If the evi- dence had been duly consulted, it would have been seen, on the authority of Mr. Lingen, the Secretary of the Committee (who by that evidence justifies his reputation and signalises himself as the real author and active promoter of the mea- sure we condemn), that by one at least of the Commissioners Mr. Senior, the trained teachers were held to have a vested right to the return promised for continued service. The examination being as to the limitations or reductions pricti- cable,-if any were at all expedietit,-in the public grants for education, the following questions were put to Mr. Lineen: 6d0. (JIr. Senior ) It would be possible, of course, to dis- continue any further building grants, but how far would it be posssible, without a breach of publio faith, to discontinue any of the existing grants for the maintenance of schools ? I do not imagine that Parliament is pledged to continue any grants from year to year longer than it might see fit to do so. 6J1. Where there is a schoolmaster who has been edu- cated to that profession, and receives an augmentation ac- cording to his certificate, could you, without a breach of public faith, suddenly say, We will give him no more;" must you not continue all the payments now existing in which there is a vested right? -I should say that there was not a vested right, and that it was not necessary to continue those grants after reasonable notice. 632. Have they not a right from expectation?—They could interpret the security as they liked but I should not say  these grants amounted to contracts. FA vr have ?r'aed all t? eir schemes of life upon th?e,? T" ??? ?? course remain to be shown whether 634 S' from the withdrawal of them. sidered ? ?'?J Supposing that they must be con- Idered t,o a certain extent as contracts, would they run out in anv- ?".? of t"ae ?-0f course if you treated every augmentitinn grant K" a contract, it would not run out so Ion" as the nn long as th  who had receivd it was employed in a s?6? oP w7?hf° ch fulfilled the conditions of it. 635 (Mr « 'N Pupil-teachers are apprenticed for five ?ySear"s I'P—UU:TOndLo0^uhtptri ,J would take ? Y-" to wind up the pupil-teacher grants. 636. Then a pupil-teacher has an ex.pectation of being a Queen's scholar ?-I S not think that, in dealing with ?tar?M ?cla?shes '?? hc:?n? sh ?ti?" to t f expectation constituttilnn £ g a permanent claim upon the difncuirv AHp.up?Hi-)??cher?? P"  ? ?"" "pon the State. A pupil-teacher at '?°?o? his term would have of that kind as il rco LiSl P°^e' in getting other employment, supposing he was ^ioft Jw *an'»ed ???o'master; he has had ^verv ?:d?p'?h?' and ? has been paid for his work up been paid for hia work up to the age of eighteen. Sir ofcn Co ^^ge, as one of the Education Commis- ? sioners, shows that the effect of the new code will be to reduce the income o?f a village school from 110 ?9 per annum, and he protests against the measure being attri. buted to the Commissioner., who repudiate it; as we think when the whole truth fairly becomes known, it will, for its short sighted injustic, be repudiated by the country.-L;x- aminer.

THE NEXT TORY CRY. 1 I Some of our contemporaries in the dearth of more in- teresting matter, amuse themselves with endeavours to account for the silence of the Tory leaders. May it not be that they have nothing to say ? \VY> know, of course, none of the secrets of that English LEu de Bueuf the Carlton Club, but to outsiders few positions seem more difficult than that of the fuglemen of the coming Conservative cry. The time has arrived when, if they speak at all, they must say something to the p irpose, ive some ordrc du jour to the puzaled party whicii is nowandering from Dan to Beer- shebn in search of a policy, indicito at least the point from which to work their lengthening Parliamentary lever. Their followers will not certainlv find one pf them, They roaai restlessly over the broad field of politics in a vain endeavour t,) find a strong position, and rin^ every form of political alarum in the hope of at last discovering one sufficiently! rousing and dissonant. They are falling back on their leaders, and as Lord Palmerston cannot well be turned out because Sir B. Lytton hopes for the regeneration of Italy, the task of those leaders becomes an arduous one. They must have a cry, and is not easy to see whence the cry is to be obtai ned. They may rouse the Reform debate once more, but to what end ? The party is in reality only too glad that Re- form is postponed, and what is more to the purpose, is pro- fessing its gladness in every direction. Mr. Disraeli will scarcely briii, in a Reform Bill, urging that that is the true Conservative policy of the hour. The argument might be true enough, but his followers have put it out of his power to use. Nor can he very well fall back on more familiar tactics, and deprecate any plan of Reform this session. Nobody is going to propose one, this session, and Lord Palmerston will be only too glad to smile and acknowledge that lie has bowed, like his adversaries and his Foreign 8e- cretary, to the expressed will of the country. They may and will use the question in a very embarrassing minner, make the most cutting allusions, prove that half the House argued one wiyand voted another, and generally make the governing class dread the very sound of Reform. But a demurer to a non-existent plea is not an action at law, nor is a declaration of dislike to a measure not forthcoming, j a policy which can p Issibly lead to place. Mr. ltennie asks, we see. the confidence of Totnes, because he is glad the Reform mania is over, and he expresses in so doing a very general idea of his party but nevertheless, to express de- light that a man is dead is not in itself a claim to letters of administration. What is to be the Tory cry? All recent speakers make I much of a difference between Tory and Whig finance. Mr. Gladstone, it is said, has sat at the feet of the evil Gama- liel, Mr. Bright, and is, it is implied, prepared to make all taxation direct, or at least throw a five shilling income tax on the holders of realized property. It may be quite cor. rect, that assertion, and certainly the illustration is one Mr. Gladstone may be proud to accept; for whether Gama- liel were evil or good, it was an Apostle who sat at his feet. But even then, that is only a waiting policy, not one upon which present action is possible. Be the country never so alarmed, it must upon that point await Mr Gladstone's budget. If after Easter he brings forward Mr. Bright's ideas; if he suggests an eight-shilling property tax, or commits any similar absurdity, of course he and the Cabi net he supports can both be dismissed together. But it is a position which is to be gained, not a victory which must be improved, and what is to be now the word of command ? As a matter of fact, all this talk about Mr. Bright's finance is pure surplusage. Last session he wanted an indirect tax taken off, and the Tories had then the best opportunity they have had for the last six years. If they had protested against any further shifting of the burden of property, and stood up decidedly against the income tax, resistance would have been all but hopeless. They would not only have beaten the Ministry, but have allied themselves with the whole propertied class by the strong ties of a com- mon grievance, and an identical interest. Whatever may be the opinion of the masses, the classes who pay, the classes who vote, and the classes who write simply detest the in- come tax bear it as a burden which must be endured, but resent its increase as instinctively and as bitterly as a camel resents its load. Did the Tories, with the game in their hands, declare against the inoome tax ? Not a bit of it. They declared against any decrease of indirect taxation, and for a reduction of the tea duty, thus contriving, on their own theory, to be at onoe illogical and oppressive. They can do nothing with that cry now, nor we believe, at any tuae. If there is any one question of politics on which the two great parties agree, it is upon this of finance. Both are in practice convinced that the enormous revenue it is un fortunately necessary to raise can be collected only upon the double system, and in presence of a necessity, arguments, however plausible, are simply waste of time. If lr. Disraeli or Sir S. Northooto has any substitute for the in- come tax which shall not cripple trade, any gentle emulcent as operative as the black draught, any sweet globules strong- er than the huge bolus, their road to power is clear. But pending that discovery, they will not upsot a Ministry by protesting in the interest of indirect taxation against the tea duties. Or is it reduction which is to be tho cry ? It is a most excellent one, come from which side it may, but there are difficulties in the way of a Tory application. The friends of Sir John Pakington can scarcely protest against the ex- I penditure necessary to replace the fleet. Tne enemies of Louis Napoleon will scarcely aSicrt that the army is too large for our needs. Neither party dare touch the volun- teers, and as for the civil estimates the work of pruning and paring them down creates !Dore hostility than support. Mr. Lowe has been trying his hand only this month, and feels already as if he had waked a hornets' net. The truth is, civilization is cotly, and the party which in this genera- tion opposes civilization is sure to be b1tten. Mr. H,ennie, I whom we quote simply because his speech was simply and honestly Tory, without the reserves incumbent on greater men, believes eight millions may be stve(I by better admi- nistration. That is an enticing suggestion, and if his party can do it, England will put up contentedly with Lord Mal- me3bury's ideas upon grammar, and Lord Derby's belief in the necessity of the temporal power. But with the army tabooed, tile navy declared a sacred object, the volunteers to be courted, and the civil estimates to be let alone, the cry ?or reduction mmtbe made a little more definite to be used then there Whigs last session lost all their Wednesday measures. Mr. j Du Cane points to the defeat of anti-Church agitation as 1 proof of the reaction in which he triumphs, and Nir. Ronnie declares that one object of his party is to extend the re- sources of the Church, and repiace her in her high position. That is quite a possible cry, and one the force of which men who know history never underrate. The direct power which the country clergy, once excited, can bring to bear on the Legislature, i3 one which some of our friends are a great deal too apt to forget. But mere resistance to the abolition of church rates is a purely negative policy. Sir John Tre- lawney may be beaten in twenty divisions without affecting Lord Palmerston one iota. Or, if the Tories are prepared with a compromise better than his plan, a compromise which really will work, the Whig leaders will hail it with pleasure, and oertainly not give up their places to chal- lenge the very solution Earl liussell wis first to demand. But the project may go beyond this ? Possibly. Our own impression is that statesmen of all schools fear to increase the power of the Church in pretty equal de- grees, but admitting that we are wrong, and that Lord Derby is prepared to ad vance instead of defending the Holy Church, he may certainly, as his followers say, pro- pose to throw the rates on the land, or to place them en masse 011 the Consolidated Fund but it is rather a dangerous trial. In the first case, he would alienate his own best friends, who certiinly do not expect an additional t'en per cent. to their tithes and in the second, he would .pnMhe town populations t) a degree he probably under- st wc,u?? better than Mr. Du Cane. The next Parliament ttle most dangerous the Church has confronted since 16, ,n d statesmen are scarcely prepared to place the ,?'the to?ns in open hostility to each other. 'rhere r600"?3 only foreign afhnrs, and on this one j| I bran, of doubtless the Coiiservtti ye? have a disti O' prac 'I ?nddefinlqte -t of ideas. Only one does not see, as they decla?!.??'?"?,they are to do with them. If acting in fult??.? J°th' tfca°ai 11 they wiU be -or(i Nvitb, t V traditions, and will be smashed—there is -? Q.her word?'?'°?' ??? ??? be application of their p.-?eintes Th?" a mOl1t of the lean to the South in the America quarreray consistency lean to the So.uth In th.e Amen(;u quarrel! 't. the have accepted non-intervention as the expression o?? ??s and the Whigs have accepted it too. They mav? intervention in Mexico, as some of their organs are ?.? and without much departure from their consistent tone; 1SI ?thhoenn !thk ey ri■ski, and they do not want to risk, another lorcha lailiament. Or, finally, they may repudiate the  alliance -a?Ur of an alliance with Germany. ThatnoH v would indeed raise a distinct issue, and one which the country would understand. But then they must Ififj n Germany. If by that phrase they imply only Austria, they place themselves in hostility not with the ?unganan feeling only-for that we admit they might conq Iler-but with the Italian feeling, which, we repeat, however quiescent it may appear, is nevertheless as strong as a passion. Or if they choose the nobler course, ally themselves with their natural friend, the free Germany, which alone among States must be at once strong, consti- tutional, and non-aggressive, what becomes of their couti- neDtl alliance, and the traditional policy of a hundred years ? The silence may be broken by an explosion, but as yet the Liberal Government is menaced only by heavy artillery without sights or directioa.-SI)eelatoi-.

I DEATH OF Slit JAMES GRAHAM. ir J. Uraham dietl, fit N etherby, shortly before noon on Friday. For the last 18 months he had been suffering from attacks of acute pain in the heart on the least extra mental or physical exertion. On Thursday week, having dined with his family as usual on the previous day, he was seized with pain of more than usual severity in the heart. Remedies were applied the attack yielded to their in- fluence, and he gradually improved. last Thursday he was so much better that he told his medical attendant he thought he should shortly be able to dispense with his ser- vices, and, after having had dinner in his bedroom, he retired to bed about six o'clock, saying he felt all the better for having sat up longer than usual. Soon after that he had another attack of acute pain, which did not yield to the remedies applied. He expressed a strong conviction that it was useless to try any more remedies, as he was quite sure, from the long continuance of spasms and from his general feeling, that his end was at hand. He then gradually sunk during the night, and died at a quarter before twelve on Friday. His faculties were bright and un- impaired to the last, and he died expressing the utmost re- signation His death will take the country by surprise. Although he had retired from the cares of office, his interest in public life was undimin?hed, and in the last Session of Parliament no man was more rJegU ular in his atteniXdanz t uI t Zu 1 S;; co»o„ Night after night, evea  Eodr?rvner? of the evening when the House thins, he w?sto H?f? ?' his place, and listening with the grea? n^,vnn??'^ longest-drawn speeches. In the financial ^1 ? ?8. of1the Session he took an especial Nterest. '?'? ?.? ?. .1 ulgl?t" wnen evidently longing for repose, he might be seen standing at the door of the House, anxious £  i ?? ??'? the door of the Houie, aiix 10?ls to 90, and ^et PeenuS over the members' shoulderrs easor to the last T°rd8 of the debate. His ?"por wafaii &° immense advan- tage to a Government. If he o??"? ??-?o?h to speak, it was said to be ?orm 8f?? J vo" and "0? this tower of strength has suddmilv fall'S»n *1:,S RE,S ""?""? °FR"\ ?f  the Pe?-lites. It he was not a grett st"ted- man, he was certainly a }(1 ( a man, he ??" P?erful Minister. He was too timid to take the first place in politics, and perhaps he w?'s tnn nn»Pttio,t  to be a ? ?"?? On the other hand, his adminiS fa !ve ability was of a high order, and his elo- ouencp .,ac; S? 1 ?s ?? by his great stature, his noble ??e ?"" "'s 6ne voice was exceedingly effective, '?t? ue?e combmed made him a most formidable opponent in ?taatneni, and, with his vast knowledge of detail, a most Valuable member of any Cabinet. HIS place however, was strictly that of a lieutenant. He was not a co: mander of men. With all his ability, he was never poP?? lar. Hn was one of those men who are more than OIC' diocre, but who do not fulfil the expectations whkh ti excite.. 11" He was of the samf age and standing as Lord R?' the year of his birth being 1702. The descendant ancient Scottish family, he was born at Netherby. and ,1 many of the young Whi?j, was educated at Westm'n"? School. From there he went to Qaeen's College,  bride, and very speedily entered upon public life. 'rravel. ling for his pleasure abroad, he was induced to beco Private Secretary to Lord Montgomerie, British M' ter in Sicily. during the most critical period of the the war. Lord Montgomcric became ill, and f?? entire management of the mission devolved upon hi?m" f {ro, youn man in this, his first taste of the real business of ? ??? showed the stuff that was in him. He worked ton ^oVLt showedthestuBfthatwasinhim. He worked ton hou?? day, so that when Lord WiHiam Bentiack remrnedto ? :? Emb'asy, he, although previously umcqmintcd with jjr, Graham, requested hrn to retain the po?t. He ps''???, several important services in this capacity. To him hag, indeed, been assigned the praise of having cond?u'c?ted it?e negotiations which led to the separation of Murat f Napoleon; but this, we believe, is an honour which "*? properly belongs to Lord Aberdeen. The war cndc? he returned to England, and in ISIS, after a most I" ,era contest, obtained a seat for Hull. At this time heVFO known as the t?'?'??'/tt?' T?ctH?, a title procured f°r biol by his fine appearance, and by a a styl( of speaking Vhl, ch seems to have been too studied and flowery His tC|j- words on the occasion of the election were ParliameO,fi' Inform, the Abolition of unnecessary Places and Penslo p' and the Suppression of the Slave Trade. The ideas 0n' veyed in these words were not very acceptable in those Jtb and in 1820, at tho election which ensued on the deg hO of George IIL, he lost his seat for Hull. Subsequen"y ? became member for Carlisle, and took a high pos't'o,,) j? politics on the strength of his pamphlet on '?C.r.dor rency," in which, while insisting on the neceas!ty° ?, I ducing taxes, he declared for the free importation Of tj, with a moderate protective duty." His influence ",sbsd I strong that in the Reform Ministry of Earl Grey he?,,?j an honour which his contemporary, Lord John Russei- not enjoy-a seat in the the Cabinet. H" was made First Lord of the Admiralty, and the men of Manchester re f to the expenditure of those days as the model for ours. 1834 he seceded from the Whigs with Mr. Stanley'? gradually came round b the so-called Derby Dilly pi ers joined the party of Sir Robert Peel. He became p.el'3 mhthand man. N0 orator could be more brilliot l or telling than Ljrd Stanley, hut Lord was too independent, and the Premier wa8 -? to transplant him to tho Upper House. On Grahs" he chiefly rested, and Graham was of the nature to g?e j man as Peel a thorough-going support. In some however, he was as much a weakness as a strength- was most unpopular. The incident of letters in the Post-office brought on hi. head -to'30f1 letters in the Post-omce brought on his head a ?Uo! public disapprobation and his haughty manner o.f de  with the Scotch Kirk, which ended in the Disrupti??d. him hated with a most bitter hatred north of the Teed, His strength lay in his power of work and power If 11 riti, ment. The celebrity of the Peelites for ad iniFlr,?llc ability was largely based on the effecti veness of l!idítYI After Peel's death, partly from constitutional idity, partly from a desire of repose, he withdrew by degre?'g froal the excitement of political warfare. His part was cjejyt0 turn the balance of party, to give the weight of his a uthorlty to his friends, and now and then to overwhelm h? ?d? to his fr i ends, and now and then to overwhelm hi' dver' sary with mild sneers or cutting compliments. He a ?e" always to make the Tories excessively angry. ? lJ1ucb roused Mr. Disraeli's or Lord Derby's resentment 8 nitic? -a resentment most openly displayed. It *a8 pr"" ? of his power, but it may be doubted whether it was e<l ?[j? of his power, but it may be dO\l&ted whether it was equo ily I proof of his wisdom. Sir James was not a f?rseeitg. al t? He was a child of the hour. Indeed, on one 0 e CiLglollbe characteristically defended the thesis that everytn' ? ? changing, and that it was the business of a politic? somewhat of a weathercock.. elMs The late Sir James Robert George Graham was t glJ? son of Sir James, the first baronet, by Lady '??' ?r'" Stewart, the eldest daughter of the seventh Earl Of C"3110, way. and was born on the 1st of June, 1792 con?s'e?eO? he was in his 70th year. He married in July, 1819, ,,Io? Callender, youngest daughter of Sir James Ca'OP beljl ot, Ardinglass, by which lady, who died in 1857, he le» 'issoo Frederick Ulric (married to the eldest daughter of the pn? and Duchess of Somerset) and several sons. AtUO13"his daughters two are married, one to the Hon. E. DL'Ocol,d,be, M P., and the other to Colonel Baring. He is ,C?e,deio the baronetcy and estates by his eldest son, Frederic?Iji,je, born April 2, 1820. The present baronet was attacb?? ??? Embassy at Vienna in 1812, and subsequently enter d the 1st Life Guards.- Tiiiies.

THE EFFECT OF TIIE NEW BANKRUPT^ ACT UPON THE LONDON GAZETTE. J b!" Some of our contemporaries appear to be rather fl"g by the Ion* li"t of bankrupts in the last tvvJjO^ G'??i'M. They have scribed its magnitude to  satisfactory state of the retail trade of the coantry, thw ehic4 is in many parts doubtless unfavourably tffectod bythe general slackness of business and diminution of ifad?, But the length of the recent Gazettes is not U to this cause, but to one far less lamentable. "bich tt The recent Act, since the legal operation 0 ?b'? two list Gazette? only have been issued, tend 5 to ?[ne"t the list of bankrupts in no less than four ways. ent' e First,-It gives creditors under a birikriiptey tha te-It power and full control of their o vn affairs  be for they only enjoyed under a private arr .I-on2ent. 30k, ruptcy, moreover, is not now irrevocable. It '? be vs erI t I seded at the pleasure of the creditors, and the ?? ?.g vropll o4 up privately, if they think fit, at any moment. ? j1ja gr0' .u???e,,r.).-?p))the Hstnf hankr-V fR. I Seconùly,-It aepnvps vnvate arrangementS, I| secrecy which before led not unfrequently to to ? ?i? „){ ?) preferred to a binkruptcy. All arrangements whi be binding on non-signing creditors must now be a ?gfti? in the Zow?M Gazette. Thirdly,—The Bankrupt Law now includes no tra^"1 as well as traders. It is true th ?t the acts for 1 lloo, trader can be made a bankrupt are not so nutnei° for which a trader can be so made yet atiM a 1100'trsjer can now be made a bankrupt, which he could no the??? Fourthly,-The diminished cost of Bankruptcy pr ,eeli. ings will, it is to be hoped, bring within the S0f law many little estates which before were w?ho?'.y ?'ne? io reach. (or t ø These four causes are quite sufficient to account?? augmented number of bankrupts, without any aid fro olthe imagination that the trade of the country has u po aa 3u<^ become unsound. -Ecollomist.

POLITICAL GOSSIP. 'ill We are enabled to state that the King of  '111 soon receive a visit from the Emperor of A? ??. ')< interview will take place on Prussian soil—n"? t nto^b|y at Breslau. Prince • The King and Queen of Prussia, with the prinee Princess Royal, will visit London next summer on ?g o? sion of the opening of the Great Exhibition- 0' J After all, the envoy of France at the coron?_?? o' .[ King of Prussia is not to be the special object Of favour. We can announce that the Kin? of honour Lord Clarendon with his presence at (hu { oH. [0 honour Lord Cbrendon with hia presence at dt? p[t  26th. Two days afterwards, on the 28th, his INIjestyii to dine with the Duke of Magenta. of setlo¡)t. We are in a position to state that the repots 0. f se".000 We are in a position to state that the reports of s? .? disturbances at Posth are without foundatio < #gf latest special intelligence informs us that the stalck0s1 affairs there promises to 0 affairs there promises to take a turn for the 3ii stated in the publio telegrams yesterday, the roeTb?rsof the Council of the Hungarian Chancery "a ,,It all address to the Emperor requesting his Majesty to CO 010 10 Buda; to assemble the Ober?espanne of the COn" -tat. aOd declare to them that he is !ed to gov eril ja 011 fofficy declare to them that he is resolved to finally to -IPP 0iot with the Hungarian Constitution; and, n"??he ddf an archduke as governor of Hungary. Then, ,.f? ??j? lp, I BJYS, the country would place confidence i? '\ve (lre ¡Jot and would hasten to render him homage. ?Ve  ?-)rmed that the demands contained in the :Mdr ? 0 spaot "e ally complied with, but that it will be u?'? ? a ,it. $0 rene?j negotiations which it is hoped will leaa tosa bp3cioe I solution cf the present dilemma.—Press. 0

——— ef 16 9 The name and trade mark of a good inanufa^ )S guarantee of goodness in the article. Mapp1l1 flield, I. London Bridge, and Queen's Cutlery Works, ShcT,,Id,1$, claim to this title of good English l?r, tnufacturers.I JJ MAPPI BROTHERS' TABLE CUTLERY.—MapP ?' thers London show rooms are at London Brio? tablished in Sheffield A.D. 1810.  Ordinary Medium nu?'-J Quality Quality- ? 9 zC 8 d X, s d 0 Two dozen full-size Table £ s d £ s d 4 12 fl Knives, ivory handles 2 4 0 3 6 0 0 One-and-a-half dozen fuM- 0 2 1* size Cheese do 1 4 0 114? (J One pair regular Meat  0?6 Carvers. 0 7 6 () 11 0 0?? One pair extra size do. 0 8 6 012" O?C I One pair Poultry Carvers.. 0 7 6 0 11 j! 06 t One Steel for Sharpening.. 0 3 0 0 4 -??6 16 Complete Service 4 14 6 6 IS 0 -v None of the above can come loose in hot ,ater.- 1 TISEMENT. I I

WEEKLY CALENDAR. gtb, iHE MoON's CHANGES. First Quarter, 1'V' g 16m. before 11 morn. G rL¡\.(J HIGH WATER AT THE FOLLOWIN r g FOR THE ENSUING WB* ,rft* Carmar- Cardigan  ?be? 1 DAYS. then Bar,, and   Llanelly. Bristol. Mt??. ??. 14 1£. 4 H M. H. M. H. ? 6 9 j Saturday, Nov. 2 5 4 5 54 4 fH 7 50 I Sunday 35 49 6 3 9 5 ? '7 ?3 l Monday, 4! 6 35 7 25 6 ia 8 3O Tuesday, 5. 7 23 8 13 ? 9 11 Wednes 6; 8 10 9 0, 7 AO 9 Thursday 7) 8 57 9 47 8 ? ?,10 1  Friday, 819 49 10 39 9 24 !11 t

.111, I FAIRS IN NOVEMBER. theop H Cat¡U. ¡¡!lV, CARMARTHENSHIRE. — Abercynen, 22 Car'"f 14; Cynwil Gaio, 10; Laugharne, H i ,??ilot,?, ?' 18; Llandilo, 12; Llandovery, l?; Ll 0 iy,? 11, fynydd, 11 Llangendeirne, 1; LiMisa?ei, ?? p byther, 1, 21 NcweastIe-Emlya, 11,  ystWltl)., t-b, CARDIGANSHIRE.—^Aborayron, 13 ??.?gtwitb'?? GMdigan, 10 New Quay, 12 Taig?eg, 1? jjl?"?, 10; Talsarn, 7. 9 ."Egl 01;°, PEMBROKESHIRE.—Camrose, 12; CARE^> 9; ?? peC1 wrw, 2o; Fishguard, 17; Llawhaden, 11:1J1' 30 Templeton? 12 'Tre?ine Wis BRECONSHIRE.—Maes Cyna'yrch, 2o v tneddfe 14; Talgarth, 2; TreMstle, 13. nridgend Q. GLAMORGANSHIRE. Aberdare, 1:3 Bridge?O. CaerSli, 16 Cardiff, 30 Merthyr Ty r