The Welshman

THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY. I Not many years since the Prince Consort remarked that in this country representative institutions were on their trial. The remark provoked some degree of objection, but the sequel has at once explained and justified an observa. tion which we do not recall in any anxious or desponding spirit. On the contrary, a country like ours, which has worked out its own liberties under every conceivable trial, of foreign invasion, royal despotism, civil war, court en. croachment, revolution, sectarian intrigue, court profligacy. change of dynasty, and Parliamentary corruption, with rough reactions upon all these ugly causes of disorder, can hardly despair of its own power to work out a problem so practical as the present, with experience so much en- larged, and, let us confess it thankfully, with so many gains on the side of public sincerity. For notwithstand. ing all the faults which public men find with each other upon the whole political society is honester, more con- siderate, less reckless, more wishful of good than it has been at any previous period of our history. Our repre- sentative institutions are on their trial; but under ciicum- stances which must make any proof of their inconvenient wor king only the acknowledged starting point for practical improvement,improyement which shall be not only <« in the right direction," but effectual. It is an instinct of this kind which has made public men take up the subject of Parliamentary reform, although their own convictions were not matured, and although, as they have learned by the reception and fate of their measures, they have not yet constructed anything commensurate with the require- ment of the day or with public opinion. And it is on one chapter in this unenacted statute book of modern reform bills that Lord Derby appeals to the country," bat in what shape does he put his appeal ? As a complaint against the naughty behaviour of Lord John Russell, who has spoiled sport And what response is the country in- vited to make ? It is asked to support a minority against an Opposition usually divided, but capable of reunion to defeat the minority in office, whenever that minority shows a will of its own. An appeal like this almost amounts to a reductio ad absurdum; but on i: ..?:1, reconsideration of the events which have led to it, we are taught how the appeal may be made genuine and prac i- cally useful. Why did Lord Derby propose a Reform Bill ? The measure was 111 essay, as Lord Stanley might say, yolun- '{ -,1 ti Li_t. teered in the course of a competitive examination, to prove the capacity of Lord Derby's particular party for popular government according to the spirit of the age. It belongs to a series of similar measures begun some years back by Lord John Russell, whom, possibly, the rather unfair charge of "finality" spurred to remedy approved defects in the bill of 1832. lie made more than one attempt; his zeal incited Lord Aberdeen to identify his own Cabinet with the enterprise; Lord Palmerston took the chief post in a Government which was to continue the Crimean war and Parliamentary Reform and when Lord Palmerston suffered himself to be ousted from office by an accident, it became the objpct of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli to show that they were not disqualified from taking office by any final repugnance to the introduction of a Reform Bill. Without any urgency from the middle classes, therefore, with the working classes entirely suspending their own agitation, the class of Cabinet Ministers, by every section into which it is divided,-tlie Tory, the Peel, the Constitu- tional Whig, and the Downing Street Whig,—has asserted the necessity of amending the laws which regulate the composition of Parliament. But the Bill contemplated by each section has failed. Without counting measures proposed outside, or bills that have been shelved, we may reckon that there are at present before Parliament more or less distinctly, not fewer than six bills or proposals there is the Derby Reform Bill, Dis- raeli edition, principally characterized by the uniform ten-pound occupancy franchise for town and country; the Derby Bill, Walpole edition, characterized by the twenty-pound country occupan:y and a six-pound borough franchise; the Bright Reform Bill, with its rating fran- chise, which would hand the huge balance of the repre- sentation to the towns, with the complete subjugation of cities and counties; Lord John Russell's proposal, of a ten-pound county franchise, six-pound borough franchise, and no ballot; Lord Palmerston's intimation of a Reform Bill more restrictive than his noble friend's, and perhaps not very unlike Lord Derby's and finally there is Sir James Graham's sketch of a Reform Bill, with the ten- pound county franchise and the municipal franchise in towns. Glancing at the list, we see little probability that the more moderate of these propositions would ever be heartily taken up by a majority either of the country or of the House of Commons. They look too like propositions thrown out in vain, admissions of a neoessity which is never to be fulfilled. Mr. Disraeli almost tells his consti- tuents that loyal Englishmen can henceforward do nothing better than rally round a minority to protect it against a section of yet minor minorities who unite only to frustrate. According to this view, the House of Commons is not only incompetent to its functions, but cannot rescue us from the dead lock and Lord Derby's Chancellor of the Exchequer proposes an appeal to the country simply to support Ministers, whether they continue their work of Reform, with corrections and amendations, or drop it. If there is a spark of truth in any conclusion, whether in or out of the House, they can hardly fail to recognize their duty. It is possible that many modes might be de- vised, by which the appeal, instead of being vain and use- less, would become practical and effective. It must be really made from the House of Commons to the country. Those members of the Liberal party who desire the life and fruitfulness of their own principles, will assist in putting the issue 90 that the constituencies can give the answer. If Mr. Disraeli is right, in the fear that no pro- positions of the avowedly needed Reform can be carried for want of a sufficiently united support, we have arrived at the break-up of the present composition of Parliament; we have ascertained that it does not represent the country, bnt mere fragments of society. But since we know that the country exists outside, instead of ground for fear, we have ground only for renewed confidence, though also of renewed exertion. We may remember that the electoral body comprises only one sixth of the population, the House representing no more than that sixth. It has been computed that Lord John's plan would add about half a million-about the half of of one other sixth, whereas the old Reform Bill, we believe, doubled the number of elec- tors then existing. But there is no reason why our progress should not be consistent with our more enlarged expe- rience. We need not rash into extremes, or into new fangled projects; but, on the contrary, may refer from modern corruptions to the old idea of English representa- tion, when every burgess, and every freeholder, gave his vote in order that he might attend by his representative in the Commons' House of Parliament. The burgess was the old type of the townsman, the professional man, the tradesman, the ratepayer, the man with a permanent home just as the freeholder, whether high or humble, was the independent man connected with land, as the copyholder and leaseholder of modern times have become. Ideas of this kind will be found lurking at the bottom of almost all the larger propositions before us for they fail, not in their fundamental idea, but in their form of expres- sion. But unless, in this present appeal to the country, our statesmen adopt a larger utterance," they will leave success to be carried away by men who bring forward simple positive measures like that of Mr. Bright. From a specious proposal of that kind, which would transfer the representation of England to the towns, as well as from the sectional stultification at which Mr. Disraeli points, we would rescue a bewildered people by offering them such a proposition as they must perceive to be commensurate with the want of the day, yet harmonious with the life and health of Old England. But if no statesman of the Liberal party possesses sufficient influence to rally the whole body round him, in what form could the Liberal appeal be so placed as to elicit the response of the country ? We might say with Sir Robert Peel that it is not for us to answer this question, until we are "sent for"; but it is no time for earnest Englishmen to flinch from the responsibility which is now so absurdly dreaded, lest suggestions should incur the condemnation of slight. It is the coward fear of turning out to be in the wrong" that makes nine tenths of our public men falter at their work. At present no one man succeeds in commanding the assent of the Commons to his plan of a Reform Bill. All men have agreed that there ought to be a bill; the elements for a sound opinion exist in the country; and it is by combining those elements that we must hope after all to construct the measure. As they at present advance to the presence of the country, the Liberal leaders have not made the slightest move towards this combined action, and no one seems yet prepared to lay before the country that Reform Bill which would make the people cry, "The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill." Some preliminary measure, therefore, is needed, in order to make the country understand that the party is really able to form a Government and to have a purpose. Simply to exemplify our meaning, and without any idea that a step so bold and original would be adopted, we might imagine the Liberal party to unite in the resolve that the new Parliament, sent up by the constituencies of the country, shall, as its first duty, undertake the appointment of a Special Com- mittee to consider this question of Reform, which has been rendered so urgent by the spontaneous importunities of our leading statesmen. Undoubtedly, a still better step woul d be, to let the next1 Cabinet be constructed upon the principle of serving the same purpose as the Special Committee. We doubt whe. ther there is any precedent to prevent a statesman charged with a formation of the Cabinet from inviting his col- leagues to assist him in a work at once so peremptorily necessary, and so difficult, as the definite construction of a Reform Bill. As Lord John Russell says, the differences turn less upon principles than upon detail and application and he has himself set the example of volunteering con- cession. In a passage of his election address which refers to the ballot, Lord John Russell avows himself prepared to be guided by public opinion; and to collect public opinion, to take advice in fact, from the community itself is precisely the most important and beneficial duty which the responsible Ministers of the Crown can execute at the present juncture. What we want now is, not the Reform Bit! of this or that party, of this or that man, but an English bill, embodying the principles sanctioned by the mature opinion of the country, in such a form as to obtain the counter signature of our leading Liberal statesmen. Such a bill is to be constructed, and might be brought forward within a week after the meeting of the new Par- liament The very first step towards it is the avowal of a willingness to unite in legislation on broad and generous sentiments, such as those which throw so much feeling and dignity in the close of Lord John Russell's address. Speak to the country in that way, and the appeal will not remain without an answer This is, indeed, one mode in which those who are de facto leaders of the country, the Queen's Ministers, might anticipate their polical competition; but that subject we reserve for separate consideration.—Spectator.

THE PENDING AND PAST DISSOLUTIONS. Great interest exists as to the period when the dissolu- tion of Parliament will take place. Ministers have de- clared that it is their intention to dissolve as soon as the necessary money bills can be passed through both Houses of Parliament. If we refer to past dissolutions under similar circumstances, we may find an approximate means of arriving at the point so much sought for. Since 1830 there have been three dissolution under similar cir- cumstances due to a vote of the House of Commons, when Ministers, defeated by the actual Parliament, appealed to the country :-one was in 1831, upon the Reform Bill; one in 1841, upon the Budget and the last in 1857, upon the China question. In 1831, the division which defeated the Govern- ment took place on the 19th of April. In a House of 590 members, 299 voted against the Government and 291 for the Government—making a majority against of 8. Parlia- ment was prorogued on the 22nd of April-only three days after was dissolved on the 23rd of April, and the new Parliament was summoned to meet on the 14th of June- or 52 days after the dissolution. In 1841, the division which defeated the Government took place on the 4th of June. In a House of 623 mem bers, 312 voted against and 311 for the Goverement-leav. ing a majority against it of 1. The necessry money bills were passed, and Parliament was prorogued on the 22nd of June, 18 days from the day of the vote. The dissolu- tions took place on the following or the same day and the new Parliament was summoned at the same time for the 19th of August-or 56 days after the date of the dissolu- tion. In 1857, the division which defeated the Government took place on the 3rd of March. In a House of 510 members, 330 voted against and 247 for the Government—making a I majority against of 16. The House proceeded to pass the necessary money bills, and was prorogued on the 21st of i March, 18 days after the vote. The dissolution took place immediately, and the new Parliament was summoned for the 30th of April-being 40 days from the date of the prorogation. In the present case the vote which defeated the Govern- ment took place on the 31st of March. In a House of 621 members, 330 voted against and 291 for the Govern- ment—leaving a majority against of 39. If the sorm time only should be taken now to pass the money bills through the House, as in 1857, Parliament might be pro- rogued on the 17th of this month-or 18 days from the date of the vote; but as the 17th will fall on Sunday, it would be Monday the 18th. But, looking at the actual state of the money bills now before the House, and as- suming that neither House will meet on Saturday, but that the House of Lords will meet on Wednesday, the day on which the prorogation may take place will probably be Tuesday the 19th. If the dissolution takes place on the same day, as in some former cases, the writs may be issued on that day, and the borough elections may all be over early in Easter week. There would be an advantage in their taking place early in that week, as they would not in that case cause any unusual interference with trade—the two first days of the week being held as holidays under any circumstances. Assuming that the prorogation takes places on the 19th, and that the new Parliament is sum- moned within the same period as it was in 1857, it will meet on the 29th of May.-Economist.

THE DISSOLUTION. Those who were not present on Friday night in the House of Commons can form very little idea of the true nature of the scene which was enacted by Mr. Disraeli when questioned by Sir George Grey, Lord Palmerston, and Lord John Russell, on the subject of the period of disso- lution. We must earnestly invite public attention to the sub- ject-one of far more importance than, perhaps, it may at first appear to be. Sir George Grey put to Mr. Disraeli a very plain and simple question. He asked him whether there was any truth in the rumours generally circulated that Ministers intended to delay the dissolution for some time beyond the prorogation ? To this plain and simple question not all the efforts of Sir George Grey, Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell, and Mr. Gladstone could extract an answer. The ingenious Chancellor of the Exchequer did every- thing but give a straightforward reply. He objected to questions being put without any better foundation than mere rumour. He protested he had no wish to delay the dissolution. He said he had always promised it should take place "towards" the end of the month—"conve- nience" must be consulted but as soon as convenience admitted after the prorogation, Parliament would be dis- solved. It is quite manifest that behind all this ingenious shuf- fling there lies the determination of Ministers to defer to the last moment the dissolution that is be their doom. They have not asked, as they ought to have done, the House to sit to-day. They refuse to say that the invariable constitutional usage will be followed of dissolving Parlia- ment on the day of, or, at furthest, the day after, the pro- rogation. Now we know, just as well as if Mr. Disraeli had told us, that it is the intention of Ministers to defer the dissolu- tion for several, it may be very many, days after the disso- tion, and, what is more, we can at least guess the reason. For some months there has been at the Carlton Club a complete and systematised organisation, arranging an electoral plan in all the constituencies of the kingdom. Candidates have been provided -lavish funds subscribed- all this has been done quietly and secretly. There has been, in fact, a conspiracy to carry the country by an electoral coup d'etat. With all their efforts, however, admirably concocted as they were, the managers have within the last few days been obliged to report to their chiefs that their arrangements are incomplete. They have asked for a little more time to consummate them. To give them this time, Ministers, with their usual recklessness, have resolved on setting every constitutional usage at defiance. They cannot defer the prorogation beyond Monday or Tuesday but, once having prorogued Parliament, they have determined to have the dissolution exactly when it suits their convenience. There is, let us add, another calculation which the wily sagacity of the Chancellor of the Exchequer entertains His appeal to the country has been based upon the state of European complications; and, because European affairs are complicated, he calls upon the constituencies to sup- port the Ministers of the Crown. He believes, whether rightly or wrongly, that every day will add to these com- plications and he has his own expectations that possibly events may in a little time turn up which will give any Ministry in office some ground of appealing to the loyalty of the people to support the Government of the Queen, no matter what that that Government may be. Trusting to the desperate calculations of political gam- blers, it is the intention of Ministers to defer the dissolu- tion for such time after the prorogation as may be, in the language of Mr. Disraeli, "convenient." The position of Ministers meantime, upon their own showing, is that of holding office in defiance of a vote of censure of the House of Commons. Every hour they hold office after a prorogation without issuing writs for a nelV Parliament they are virtually advising the Queen to adopt a policy unknown since the days of Charles II.—to govern without a Parliament. A great constitutional question is thus raised. Ministers must not be suffered to evade it by such shuffling as the House of Commons was condemned to witness last night; and we earnestly trust that Minis- ters will be compelled, to say whether they really intend, after getting rid of this Parliament, to establish a Parlia- mentary interregnum, to terminate exactly when it suits the convenience of their own electioneering plots.— Morn- ing Post.

THE PRINCIPLES OF REFORM. I Our contemporary the Daily News has read us a lecture on the principles of representation, which indicates either great ignorance of, or great aversion to, the highest literature of the question. The Daily News is an able and vigorous organ of democratic principles. But, like most of the organs of these principles, its writers seem wholly unable either to grasp or even to apprehend the great doctrine of representation of classes which has been laid down by every great political thinker, from Burke and Coleridge to our own time, as the true aim of political representation. Such writers cannot grasp the fact, that almost all internal political questions are issues on which one class of the community bai one interest, and another class a superficially different interest,superficially diffe- rent we say, because for the time and the particular genera- tion it will no doubt appear to be different, though in the long run it is of course impossible that whit permanently benefits the nation at la'ge can be permanently injurious to any considerable class in it, Not the less, however, is it absolutely certain that the gist of all legislative disputes on internal politics is connected with the rival interests of different classes in the community. Is it a question of taxation ? Then it is for the interest of the Working Classes to diminish the indirect and increase the direct taxation of the nation, which falls much less heavily upon them than the taxes on sugar, tea, spirits, and so forth while it is, as has been recently proved, the interest of the middle class to diminish direct taxes, like the income tax, and increase the indirect. Is it a question of State educa- tion ? There, again, the Working Classes, who are mainly dependent on Government aid for the education of their Children, have one interest, and the other classes, who would not avail themselves of that aid if it were given, have an opposite interest. Is it a question affecting a land tax ? Then the landed proprietors have one interest, and probably all the other classes a different,—temporary and superficial,—interest. Is it a question of criminal law ? Then, according to the description of offerees involved,— whether they be of the kind affecting mainly land and commerce, or simply of that violent description which take place most commonly in the lowest class,—are different sections of the nation differently interested in the legisla- tive action of Parliament. Again, how many questions are there involved in the simple relation between labourer and capitalist which are necessarily contemplated from a totally different point of view by labourers and by capital. ists. Nowhere can we find any great legislative dispute which has not necessarily and for obvious reasons found the representatives of the same social class ranged on the same side of the contest. But if this is so, it is the first and highest requisite of a good representative assembly, to have in it a fair equipoise between the different social interests involved in their legislative contests. It is be- cause the Working Classes, as such, have no such re- presentation in the Legislature that we have constantly and earnestly advocated a measure of Reform which would admit their representatives into the Legislature without excluding the representatives of almost every other class. Mr Bright theoretically admits this principle himself when he makes property and numbers the basis of his scheme but he denies it practically when he gives to the mere numerical majority the representation he has claimed on behalf of property. I claim,' he says virtually, that those places which are centres of the greatest wealth, and therefore of the most various social energy, should have the largest representation; however that representation shall not be given to these various social energies after all, but only to the single class which represents labour.' In other words, Mr Bright and such papers as the Daily News claim representation for those to whom they do not in tbe least intend to give it. If the object were to repre- sent the bulk of the population alone, there would be no reason why property should be taken at all into the calculation. We ought, then to, be guidedpurely by the density of population,—and indeed the principle of electoral districts would, in that case, be the true one Why does Mr Bright take property into his account ? Because he is indistinctly conscious that wherever there is large property, there many and various classes are collect- ed together. But if he does not intend to put any power into the hands of the smaller and, politically, more weighty and more intelligent classes there collected,—if be wishes to throw the whole representation into the hands of the Working Class,—there was neither reason nor excuse for such a procedure. It was our proposal to carry out this principle to its just and legitimate issue which has called forth from our con. temporary the Daily News the hearty censure to which we have referred. Its censure is in fact, a vehement attack on that principle of the representation of classes which, as we have before said, almost every great writer on con- stitutional subjects, from the time of Burke to the present day, has sanctioned. Our proposal was to introduce a graduated franchise like that alreidy used in the elections of poor law guardians, and in vestry elections. Of course no one would propose to give the richer classes votes in full proportion to their wealth. Even in the elections of which we have spoken there is a maximum number of votes to which any one elector is limited, in both cases, we believe, six votes. But the problem before us is, how to give some power to every class in the community, and yet to prevent the lowest class from absorbing all. Lord John Russell's proposal of a JE6 franchise in the boroughs may possibly admit about the right proportion of Working- class voters,-or it may admit an overwhelming -number. But no one supposes that this limit could be permanent. It is certain that in another 10 or 20 years there would be another agitation, when probably the whole of the largest class in the community would burst in at once and totally swamp all others. This, therefore, cannot be a set- tlement on principle. It is a mere compromise, and a temporary compromise inspired by a dread of facing the principle. How to give all classes a real" voice in the House of Commons, and none an overwhelming voice, is the true problem with which our statesmen fear to grapple. In offering the solution of a graduated franchise, we have been charged "by our contemporary with making wealth the measure of all things, and setting up a mere Plutocracy. This charge is of course entirely devoid of real ground. Property is simply taken as it is in the scheme of the Prussian franchise,—a much more objection- able scheme than our's by the way in this aspect of it,-as the imperfect index of social station and interests. If the important classes which constitute what are called the middle or higher classes in society are to have any set-oil at all against the enormous numbers of the lowest and least educated class, it can only be by finding some rude test of their political importance. The only test external enough to bear such physical gauging is wealth; and to this test, therefore, statesmen in all ages have had recourse in determing the political weight to be assigned to electoral classes. The test which was applied in the Comitia of Rome,—where every century" had equal political weight, though the lowest included hundreds of thousands and the highest mere handfuls of men,—has always been esteemed by statesmen a rude, but always also a most use- ful, test of political importance. It is no doubt true enough that wealth has, as our contemporary says, already too much weight in determining election. But the evil is in great measure due to the fact that we do not honestly give the higher, more intelligent, and influential classes, the weight which they ought to have in our electoral sys- tem, and so they are tempted into an indirect and corrupt way of using it, which is the greatest of abuses. Gross incorrespondency of the proportion of the antagonist interests of the body-politic in the representative body, to the actual proportion of the same interests and of the public influence exerted by the same, in the nation at large," is one of the causes of political corruption which Coleridge enumerates in his admirable essay on State and Church. Now this incorrespondency" will certainly exist if all the borough-representatives in the House of Commons are to be elected practically by the enormous j Working Class of the English nation. It is not from un- due respect for wealth, but in earnest protest against that bad indirect influence which wealth is sure to exert, if once the higher social life and intelligence of the nation is to be deprived of its fair direct representation in the Legisla- ture, that we earnestly protest against the democratic leanings of Mr Bright and his ally, our earnest contem- porary, the Daily Xetvs.—Economist.

THE PRESENT POSITION OF CONSERVATIVES. In the present crisis the Conservatives stand on the vantage ground. Whether they will continue to maintain their position depends entirely upon themselves. Lord Derby is still Prime Minister; a majority of the House of Lords is with him; his party in the expiring House of Commons fdr outnumbers any other existing political sections in that assembly the entire country approves of his government, and foreign nations regard the peace of the world as connected with it. Then the cause of the party is a good one-it is the cause of the Throne, of the Church, of the constitution and these in a sense solid and meaningful. The Conservatives behold in the Crown the heart of our political system. To weaken or impair that institution, or even remotely touch any one of its ancient prerogatives, they would consider an act of positive treason. III this noble English feeling of loyalty they are alone as a party, and they carry the nation along with tbam. The same cannot be said of any other political division. The Whigs take their stand upon an hereditary opposition to the Sovereign. This is their special badge of distinction and Englishmen who love their Queen ought to note it well. All the other cl!,sses of Liberals, if closely questioned, lean to Republican, and think the Throne and every insti- tution in alliance with it, as a part of our Government, more ancient and established than useful. In fact, Radical- ism is only full-blown Whiggery, and always implies the same disrelish of Royalty. Next in their attachment and fealty to the Crown, the Conservatives regard the Church as blended with that institution, and as bound to it by d,, divine as Well Ae human. Churoh c"\I1,1 O-Hli. llitj t/ulieve to be an indissoluble union. Can any other political section say the same? Is not one of the bonds of Whig- gery its special view of the Church as standing apart from the Throne, and in the manner of an independent congre- gation ? We all know how far the spawn of the Whigs- the extreme Liberals, the Brights, the Mialls, et hoc genus omne-are committed to the separation of Church from State. In one descriptive phrase we may say, there are the churchmen and the dissenters, and include every honest Conservative in the former class, and under the latter aggregate Whigs, Liberals, Radicals, Republicans, not one of whom can in his heart, without violating his political principles, be firmly and loyally attached and united to the Church of England. In the third place, we must rank the great Conservative party as the only political body in this country whose distinctive and positive emblem is devotion to the British constitution. By this are Conservatives known all the world over. This fidelity to our established institutions is their stamp and character. To be a Whig, or to be a Radical, is to be one among the adventurers of political society—men who often in their empiricism strike political society-meu w h o but whose system and life is out great improvements, but whose system and life is innovation. But the Conservatives bear the high honour of belonging to the true national party, of representing English feelings, habits, and usages, of being what even the most rampant British Liberal is and must be, to be at all respectable, apart from politics, Take John Bright himself, iu the region of his long-cloths and regattas, attempt to do business with him, if so aristocratic a per sonage would condescend to do business, and see how he will stick to the usages of his house. Try to get him at at any new speculation, bring, in other words, his own i Radical principles home to his counting-house, and you will find the hon. member for Birmingham more conser- vative than even Lord Derby himself. The offer may be a good one, but it is not in accordance with our established practice —we had r,ther-decline it." This, in fact, is the normal and regular course of British dealings. We owe all our greatness and prosperity to a strict adherence to the beaten track of success, and to be a Conservative in politics is only to be an Englishman in commerce. In f this way the cause of the conservatives is truly the cause of the people. They are the acknowledged defenders of the constitution; and this is no vague or empty term. It means all that we ever had, or have, of liberty, of pros- perity to a strict adherence to the beaten track of success, and to be a Conservative in politics is only to be an Englishman in commerce. In this way the cause of the Conservatives is truly the cause of the people. They are the acknowledged defenders of the constitution and this is no vague or ernrty term. It means all that we ever had, or have, of liberty, of prosperity, and of glory. It is something we are all proud of, and with just reason. Political philosophers and foreign nations have united in praise and admiration of our system. To maintain this j system in its integrity and beau'y, to repair it where it needs amendment, and to present it whole, sound, and vigorous in all its parts, before every age, is the allotted office of Conservatism. Theirs is a positive method, an absolute and affirmative duty. Whiggism and its inter- minable congeners are all negatives when regarded in connection with the British constitution. Their nature and calling is not improvement but innovation. They are the destructives who have ever appeared in the world's history to pull down regular societies. What schismatics, heretics, and infidels are in the Church, Whigs, Liberals, and Radicals are in our political consti tution. The Conservatives, then, at the present moment hold a high position. The Court, we believe, is with them the reins of government are in their hands, the peers are of them the only compact majority of the House of Com- mons is theirs. They have the Church, the constitution, and the ineradicable habits of the English people in their private and business dealing, all belonging to their party. What is required is only to give this universal feeling and method full and practical form and expression to make it bear oil the House of Commons. This is the question to be solved by the dissolution. It is sought that the general election should not be the exponent of a popular cry, or a mere ohain, but the genuine expression of the ways and habits, as well as of the deep and unalterable convictions of the English people. We know how easy it is to rai-e a false clamour, to cover the land with demagogues bawling for rights. There are millions to respond to these franchise mongers Tell any man he has a claim to vote for the formation of Parliament because he is taxed by Parlia ment; tell him, in other words, that as he contributes towards the support of the State he ought to have a voice in the government of the State, and he will naturally believe his political teacher. Suppose he has no vote at all, he will soon come to think he ought to have one or admit that his franchise is only limited to boroughs, he will insist on a voice in the counties also. Put every tyro in the electoral catechism knows that this is the question of universal suffrage. If there be any right inherent in the matter at all, every adult man and woman ought to have a vote and we doubt much whether children, as tax- payers, ought not to have on this principle their franchise too. The question, then, is not one of right, but of expediency. The Conservatives say an equilibrium of power is the secret of the excellence of our constitution. In considering the problem of the extension of the suffrage you have solely to take care that all interests in the State are fairly represented you must always be on your guard that numbers do not outvote property and in- telligenoe, for numbers are the waves which are ever beating at the foundation of the constitution. Enfranchise as many of the working men as yon possibly can con sistently with the principle that their power shall not dis- turb the just balance of the State. This just and honest view of a reform in Parliament is the one followed by Con- servatives. Any other view is destructive and revolution- ary, It may not, if called into operation, aflect us now, or even twenty years hence, but it will open the door to an ultimate interference with the prerogatives of the Throne to the seperation of Church and State, to the annihilation of the House of Lords, to the abrogation <0f the law of primogeniture, to direct taxes on property-in a word, to everything which is alien to our established mode of govern- ment and to the real principles of the constitution. The Conservatives have to protect the country against these and similar calamities; and we firmly believe they have the power to do so. Satisfied that their cause is good, and it is truly national, they must combine one and all now to do their duty. If there be a man amongst us who loves theThrone, the Church, and the constitution, that man must act as if he had a positive debt to pay to his country He must support his party. He must have no misgiving or doubts about the matter. He must do so heartily. All differences must be suhk or forgotten. Earl Derby, the chief of the party, is now appealing to the people, and one and all his followers must rally round him. The same opportunity may not occur to any of us again. Our Con- servative forefathers have left us this noble heritage of the of the Church, the Crown, the constitution, and the country to uphold, and prosperity in the womb of time is ripen- ing for an ample fruition-let us not present them a heri- tage of dustand ashes. We have the best Administration that England has known for many years now actually holding the reins of power. In proof of this we behold consolidation and improvement in every department of the executive an 1 all throughout the empire. The peace of the world even now may rest on the continuance of Con- servative statement in office. We believe, in fact, that this is one of the great questions involved. Whether, then, this solid vantage ground is to be maintained, and England is still to go on and prosper in her old course of success, or to become by degrees a prey to the machinations of un- scrupulous factions and place-hunters and of a lawless democracy, is a problem which solely and entirely depends on he action of the Conservatives during the present crisis. Standard. We have reason to believe that Sir Henry RAwliuson, K. C. B., will succeed the lIon, Charles Murray as Mi- nister at the Court of Teheran. No better field could be chosen ou which the deep knowledge of Oriental character and customs possessed by tho now Minister may be usefully employed for the advantage of the country. I'lic Times. THE REV. T. THOMAS.—When a minister of religion, wins the earnest sympathies of his congregation, by his assiduity and zeal in the discharge of his duties, it will always be a source of deep regret when the force of circum- stances render it imperative that the pastor should bid fare- well to his flock. We are induced to make these observations in consequence of the interest attached to the departure of the Rev. 1'. Thomas from his ministry at Salem Chapel, Wellingborough. Whether Churchman or Dissenter, no person can behold without emotion such a display of genuine feeling like that exhibited ia Salem Chapel on the oc- casion of the reverend gentlemen's farewell sermon. In these days of formal piety, and Sunday religion," such a scene brings with it a sense of relief quite refreshing and though we do not form part of the congregation who have the misfortune to lose their talented minister's services, yet we do not on that account forbear to sympathize with them, If the departure of the reverend gentleman cannot be pre- vented, then all we can do is to wish him all success and prosperity in his new sphere of labour, and to trust that his ■ Wellingborough friends may find in his successor some of the virtues and talents which have endeared the name of the Ruv. T. Thomas to so many grateful hearts IVel ily- borough Telegraph. CONFESSION OP A Muiti)Eit.-A man named Sismey died at Castor last week, and while on his deathbed he confessed to having participated in the murder agd robbery of Thomas French, a shepperd, of Stibbugton, in November 1816. French had been to Peterborough market to sell some sheep for Mr. Gaskill, of Wansford, and was murdered on his way home, the last seen of him alive being at a publichouse at Thorpo, which place he left in company with Sismey and two men (since dead) named Browitt and Burbridge, of Thornhansh. Sismey says that he, Browitt and Burbridge murdered French by boating him on the head with hedge- stakes they then robbed him and buried him in a manure heap, where he lay three weeks, but fearing the manure heap would be removed, they went one night and took the body away, and threw it into the river Nene, close to Water Newton overfalls, at which place it was fouud on the 2tid of December, 1816. On the discovery of the body Browitt and Burbridge were apprehended on suspicion, but nothing being proved against them they were discharged, both of thcrn averring that they parted company with deceased at Sutt-m, he taking the footpath to Sibson, and they the road to Wansford. [On referring to the .\[ercunj of December G. 1816, we find the coroner's jury returned a verdict of Found drowned, and that some silver remained iu the pocket of deceased when the body was taken out of tho river.] Browitt was afterwards transported for some offence, and while in prison he twice. sent for a son of French's to say he had something of importance to communicate to him, but on Frelch's sOl1at:rivi'lríS>losu-pp'osed that he intended to p.b'l.vulU.l to luiifCaa the murder.—Stamford Mercury.

RAILWAY TIME TABLE. FOR APRIL, 1859. LLANELLY, LLANDILO, LLANDOVERY, AND I CWMAMMAN RAILWAY. UP TRAINS. 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2,3 S. Class Class Class Starting from A.M. P.M. P.M. Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 8 40 1 45 5 0 Dock 8 45 1 50 5 4 Bynea. 8 50 1 55 5 12 Llangennech. 855 2 0 5 18 Pontardulais 9 5 2 10 5 25 Garnant.. departure. 8 50 5 10 Cross Inn 910 5 35 Cross Inn arrival 10 0 5 50 Garnant. 10 25 6 15 Llandebie 9 30 2 35 5 50 Derwydd Road 9 40 2 45 5 55 Fairfach 9 50 2 55 6 5 Llandilo 9 55 3 0 6 10 Glanrhyd .» 10 5 3 10 6 20 Llangadock 10 10 3 15 6 25 Lampeter Road 10 15 3 20 6 30 Llandovery 10 25 3 30 6 40 DOWN TRAINS. 1,2,3 1,2,3 ^1,2,3 Class Class Class Starting from A.M. P.M. P.M. Llandovey 8 55 2 O 6 40 L?mpeter ltoad 9 Õ 2 DO 6 00 Llangadock 9 10 oo 6 5o Glanrhyd 9 15 3 0 7 0 Llandilo I 925 3 5 7 10 Fairfach 9 30 3 10 715 Derwydd Road 9 40 3 20 7 25 Llandebie 9 45 3 30 7 30 Garnant. departure. 8 50 7 0 Cross Inn 910 7 25 Cross Inn arrival 10 0 7 40 Garnant. 10 25 8 5 Pontardulais 10 15 3 55 755 Llangennech. 10 22 4 2 8 2 Byne?. 10 28 4 8 8 8 Dock 10 36 4 16 8 16 Llanelly (S. W. It. St.) :.?10 40 4 20 8 20 Garnant Passengers wlil be set down or taken up at Gellyceidrim or Cross Keys, if required. Cress Inn Passengers by Middle-day Trains will in like manner be set down or taken up at Pantyffynon. The Trains will stop at Llangennech, Derwydd Road, and Glanrhyd by Signal only; Passengers wishing to alight must give notice to the Guard at the next Station of their intention.

TAFF VALE RAILWAY. -I UP. | WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. Mail. I: Starting from i^ 2^3^' 2' 3 3 3 3 1-1"1_ a.m. p.m.j p.m. a.m. p.m. Cardiff Docks 9 15 2 40 8 45 3 45 Cardiff 9 30 2 55 6 30 9 0 4 0 Llandaw 9 39 3 4 6 39 9 9 4 9 Pentyrch .? 9 47 3 12 6 47 9 17 4 17 !Taa"sWeU 9 52 317 6 52 9 22?4 22 Treforest 10 3 3 28 7 4 9 33 4 33 Newbridge. 10 8 3 33 7 9 9 38 4 38 Aberdare Junction 10 19 343 7 20 9 48 4 48 Quaker's Yard Junction 10 32 356 7 35 10 1 5 1 for N. A. & II. Railway. I Troedyrhiew 10 43 4 7 7 47 10 12 5 12 I Merthyr 10 50 4 15 7 55 10 20 5 20 Aberdare Junction. i 10 22 3 46 7 21 9 51 4 51 Mountain Ash <10 35 3 59 7 37 10 4 5 4 Treaman 10 43 4 7 7 45 10 12 o 12 | Aberdare .10 47 4 11 7 49 10 16 5 16 DOWN. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. St,uting 1:¡ ;¡J\Il:¡ Mail ;Mill st(z"litly j?o;tl ?'?'S?, 2) 3^ 2, 3 n 2» 3 jMail M 1, 2, 3 j a.m. p.m. p.m. a.m. p.m. Merthyr 8 20 1 45 6 30 9 0 ?P. M. l'roedyrhiew .1828 1 53 6 38 9 8 4 8 ,mkcr'8 Y<ird .).u)ct iou 8 39 2 4 6 50 9 19 4 19 for N.A.&H.RaMway. j Aberdare Junction i 8 -52 2 17 7 5 9 32 4 32 Ne?bridgc. 9 2 2 27 7 16 9 42 4 42 1 ( reforest 9 7 2 32 7 21 9 47 4 47 Tafl's Well I 9 18 2 43 7 33 9 58 4 58 1'entyreh "I!) 23 2 48 7 38 10 3 53 Llandaff | 9 31 2 56 7 46 10 11 5 11 Cardiff I 9 40 3 5 7 55 10 20 5 20 Cardiff Docks | 9 50 3 15 10 30 Aberdare 8 22 1 47 6 35 9 2 4 2 Treaman 8 26 1 51 6 39 9 6 4 6 Mountain Ash 8 34 1 59 6 47 9 14 4 14 AberdMeJunction.847 2 12 J 7 0 9 27 4 27

RAILWAY TIME TABLEf, FOR.,lPRIL, 1859.it ,1 I SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. j The Mail Trains run the same on Sundays as 14 days. j DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. j Starting Mail 1,2,3 1 2 3! L Sc 2, 1 & Zf I "1 3 from 1 &- L, C14iss? 'elass 'class Exp. lel;ss. !class  & :) cla8ll-IClass_I'¡ EXP'JlaSS'i. Paddington.. 8.10 6lO! 9.30 7. 16'11, 30 Reading .i 9.15 1 7.15 10.20 9.1012.3/ Reading ;-?10.35 9.5 11.2511 15? 1.55 S,vin d on ..a Swindon ..de 10.47 ? 9.20ill.40 j 2.30 Glo'ster ..ar 12.15 j jll.O 1.0 4.10 ¡ 1,2,3 Glo'ster ? 2' .15 6 4,5?ill.101 1.5 I 4.20 i Newnham. 2.38 7.17111.40 4.50 Gatcombe. 7.27? 11.50 5 0 Lydney. 256 7.3711.58 5.10 I'■ Chepstow 3.12 7.55 12.17 1.55 5,33 Fortskewet 8.7 12,27 5 44 Magor 8.17 12.37 5.55 Newport ..a? 8.3512.55 2.20 6.15  Newport ..? 3.40 8.40 1.0 2.30 6.20  Marshfieli 8.49 1.10 6.34 Cardiff i.4 9.5 1.25 2.46 | 6.50 6 501"' Ely 9.10 1.30! St. Fagans 9,15 1.35 7.0 ''j Peterston 9.22 1.42 ?8 Ô Dantrissant 4.27 9.34 1.54 7.181'.j Pencoed 9.52 2.12 ?T??N Pencoed i. 46 10.0 2.22, i. 15 7.46 Bridgend 4.46 10.0 2.22 3.15 7461'" Pyle 10.15 2.37 8!* "l! Port Talbot.: ?. 12 10.29?2.513.33? 8.20 Briton Ferry 10.37 2.59 8.30.'? Neath .? 5.23 10.44 3.4 3.41 836 ? Ditto.?5.25 10.47 3.8 3.4.5 8.4011'] Llansarnlet 11.1 3.18 851" Landore 11.13.?3.26! 4.5 9.2 ï Swansea ..? 5.50 11.23 3.35 4.15 9.12?" a. m j——- ? Ditto de 5.55 8.0 11.0 1\ (' 3.45 8.50 §%* Landore 8.1011.18  4.8 9.7" 1 Gower Rd 8.22 11,33 428? 1 9.27 Loughor 8.27 11.39 4.33' 9.32 f Loughor 6. 25 8.37 11.481 4.431 i9'42 Llanelly 6,25: 8.3? 11.8! ] 4.3i t942'' Pembrey | 8.45 11.58 1-3 4.53 ? 9.53 Pembrey i. '45 8 5 7 12.7 5.5 Kidwelly 6.45 8,57 12.7 I 5.5 I ,10.6 •' Ferryside 6.589.7 12.19 5.16? 1106 Carmarthen 7.15 9.20 12.34? < 5.31 10.35 St. Clears. 7.28? 12.501 § S 5.49 | •' Whitland.. 7.40? 1.6! 6.4 Narberth Rd. 7.55? 1.21!? 6.19  Clarb. Rd. 8.15 P 1.3.5? 6.35 Haverfordwest 8.30! fe. 1.46 i I 6.50 Johnston (for C. >5 | Milford) 8.4.5! ? 2.2 7.5 1 Neyland (for I æ Pater. 8.55? 2.15 (J 7.201 | The Waterford Steamers leave Neyland for Watllf-rd, 8.0 p.m., on the arrival of the 0.30 a.m. Express. UP TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting 1,2,3 1,2,3 t & l& 2 1)2>3 ij2,3 Maiij'.V from class, ClaSSJClas II.\ class class I &2cy 1- ø a.m. a.m. a.m. m.! p.m. a. m. p.m. P Neyland 8.30 1 5* 1 10.40 4.7 Johnston s.451 4.22L; Haverfordwest 8.00 ? 11.5 4,32 9.7 if1- 1101..55 5 4.22 V Clarb. Rd 9.7 -P- 11.20 4,41 Narberth Rd 920'?, 11.38 5.2 ič Whitland 9.35! 11.50 5.17 j» St. Clears 6.30 9.50? 2. 12.3 5.29 'j Carmarthen. 6.30l0,5\J? 12.23 5.? ]"\ Ferryside 6.45 10.20 ? 12.23  Kidwelly 6.57:10.32 12.50 6.20 Pembrey 7-9 'l0.44 1.3 9'\1 Llanelly 7.20] 10.55 1.14 6.?O Loughor 7.29,11.4 1.23 Gower Rd. 7.35?11.10 1.28  Landore 7.55 11.30 1.45 IN Swansea ..ar 8.5 jll.40 20?7l0' lexp. 1 & 2 Ditto.?e 7.50 11.23 10.20) 1.40 7.15 Landore 7.58 11.33 10.30 w 1.50 Llansamlet 8.6 110.38 A 158 Neath .ar 8.15 11.48)10.46 2.7 7.31 •' Ditto .de 8.20]11.50 10.48 2.10 7,33 Briton Ferry •• 8.27j 10.54 2.17  Port Talbot.. •• 8.38?12.1 11.2 ? 2.27 Pyle 8.571" 11.17 S 2.40 Bridgend 9.16:12.23 11.32 3.5 8.8 Pencoed 9.26, 11.40 g- 3.15 Llantmsant 9,10' ?12.0 8.27 St.Fag?ns. 10.0 I 112.24) ? ? 3.32 Ely 10.6 ] 12.31I I & 3>5 1. Carùiff 7.011O,la12.Ö4,12.38i 5'j 4.2 8.48 Marshfietd 7.12 10.28) 12.50 g- 4.17 '] Newport ..ar 7.27 10.45] 1.16 1.5 ? a 14.34[ Newport ..? 7.32 10.50) 1 20 1.25 g 4.39 9 15 ",Iagor 7.47111.8 1.3?5? &. 4.58: Portskewet 7.57 57, M 5.10 .j Chepstow. S.8 11.27 i.16 2.9 5,23 Udney 8,26 11.44 2.29 t 5 5.43 10.0  Newnham 8.50 12.0 2.47 S' 6.5 10 ,0 G\o'ster. ar 9.1512.30 2.37 3.1511 <+ 6.4011O.7 t I & 2 & 2 Ub'ster ..?9.4512.402.423.32 ? 6.55 12.40 j Swindon ..?11.18 2.20 4.0 5.15|$8.25 2.10 ( Swindon ..?11.30 2.40 4.15 5.30, g 8.35? 2.25 Reading 1.0 4.0 1 7.25' F 9,531 3.35 Paddington.. 2.25 5.0 ? 6.? 9.0 jj 11.0 1 4.45 j The 8.30 a.m. train is thro' 3rd class from Ireland all S.W.R. to G.W.R. SUNDAYS. DOWN TRAINS. SUNDAYS. UFTRAl?  Startg.from 1,2,3?2,371,2? ?Startg. from, 112,3 1 2 3 1 a. m.ja. m. a. m. ?.m.a.m.f? Paddington 8.0 Neyland 9.1?' Read ing 9.40 Johnston .J 9.35 S d 9  S,Yindoil. ar ll.,501 H. West. 9.45j Ditto..?. 1.5 Narb. Road.10.20'\ Glo'ster ar 2.45? Whittand..? .10.3?! Ditto.. de 3.0 8.30 St.Clears.10.50? 6:Ù Newnham 3.25 8.,58 icarmarthen .]ll.20] Lydney 13.48 9.21 iFerryside 11.35 J-h Chepstow 4.15 9.48 Kidwelly j 11.47 6. -I P b 2 0 '1 Magor .? 4.35 10.8 jPembrey j 12.0 /jj Newport ar 6.0 Uanetty j 12.11  Newport ? 7 381 5.5 10.37 Laadore 112.45 ?' Cardiff 8.3 5.29 11.2 Swansea ar .12 60 '? Llantrissant 8.1'3? 5.55 Ditto de 8,30 1.10 1: B,idg"nd 8.. _8 6.28 Landore 8.3o 1.18 1 Port Talbot 9.27? 6.56 ?Neath ..? 8,53 1.28 ') Neath ..ar 9.40 7.12 ? | Ditto ..de 1.30 s-Oi Ditto ..? 9.50 7.17 9.15 !P.rt Talbot\ 1.44 S.4), Landore 10.10 7.42] 9.35 !Bridgend. 2.1? ?'} J Swansea a?-10.15 7.4i? 9.4(?Lhctri8santa.m. 2.34 ?) Ditto ..? 10.20! 7.52!——Cardie .11.15! 3.0 U* Landore ..10,30 7.57, 3 23IO'l 'Newport ar i 4 3:?; Llanelly ?10.55 8.24 ? I Ditto ..?11.49 3.28- Pembrey ..111.5 8 *33, Ilagor 12:6 3.40 Kidwelly 11.171 8.441 ICl??!p.t. 1,29, 4, :> Perryside 11.27 8541 Lydney 12.49, 4.28 •] Carmarthen 11.42 9.9 Newnham.. 1.9 ¡ :> St. Clears. 9.29 Glo'ster ar 1.38 5.20 Whidand. 9.46. Ditto de 1 5.2J 'y Narb. R d 7.8 Narb,Rd, 10.0 tiwindon,ar .7,8 H. West. 10,341 Dit, ..d 7.20 {? Johnston 10.50? ding .?9 j f Neyland ..? II.0 Paddington 1J.

VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. ———————————————— UP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. SUD/j 1 2 3 1 2?123123 1 2 3 ly? &SttaarrttiinnD g F'brro0m ln Class ClassjClass^lass Clas' SOUTH WALES ?.M P,M. P. P.M. A.?- 7': Swansea dep. 7 50 1 40? 7 15 8 30 Llansamlet 8 6j 1 58 8 4,5 16i Neath arr. 8 15 6? 2 7 7 31 8 53 T VALE OF NEATH. j 4 if Neath dep.? 8 30? 2 15 7 45 9 0 Aberdylais 8 35: 2 20j 7 60 9 5 8 SSolo Resolven 8 47 2 30 8 0 9 J' J t Glyn-Neath 8 57! 2 38| 8 8 9 23 Hirwain .arr. 9 17 2 58, 8 28 9 43 a 5 Hirwaind. for Aberdare 9 23! 3 5 6 30 8 35 9 -30 ??? Aberdare Arrival.1 9 35 3 15 6 45 8 45 10 0 9 > Hirwain d. for Merthyr 9 20 3 1 8 31 9 46 9 Llwydcoed 9 271 3 8? 8 38 9 ?0? Llwydcoed 90-01 3 30? 9 010?? .\( DOWN TRAINS, I WEEK DAYS. suD /5  13 3 II 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1'2 ???? Starting From C?ass Class Class?Ctas. 0? VALE OF NEATH. Merthyr dep. 8 55! P1 .? P,M, A,)I, °1 Merthyr .dep, 8 55! 1 50?6 0 8 30 6 5 Llwydcoed 9 12, 2 7! 6 171 8 47 15 Hirwain. arr. 918 213 623 3 53 Aberdare Departure 9 01 1 55! 6 51 8 10 8 & a  Hirwain Arrival.9 13 2 8 6 181 8 2.3 8 4? 6 1,5 flirwain a.p. 9 21 2 15 625 8 i5 6 Hirwain dep. 9 2) 2 15^6 251 8? ?<t Glyn-Neath 9 41 2 34! 6 44 9? 6? Resolven 9 51 243?653 9? ?) Aberdylais ] 10 5 2 55 7 5? 9?? i Neath. arr. 10 10 3 0? 7 10? 9 40 SOUTH WALES. I: 11 Ne?th deP- 10 47! 3 8'7 37? ?' d Llansamlet 1 Swansea .arr., 11 23: 3 35! 8 ?5? 10oe-

1 V ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDlillS REC! BY THE FULL?VLVG AGB.VTS .?"" LONDON. Mr. White, 33 Fleet-,Strect; andCo.,Warwick-?qmr3; Mr. DjMOt, m,?' hall-street; W. Dawson and Son, 7! Cannon-51'f' hall-street; W- Dawsor, a,ii S,)n, 74 CAllaOLl- Str?,, Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion (Jo?-t.F?et-sCr?'ti /.V.f' Hammond and Nephew, 27, L,)inbad-str,-PL*1 Everett, Old Broad Street, Ll)ndu. bo»'f Tins PAPER IS Ru'IULARLY Fimf) by ?H th.¿¡tl1" agents, and also at ?eeL'?-Cuttee-tiuise,No. ? Fleet-Mreet.   Printed and Published in Red Lion Yard, r15P Printed and Published in l{.eJ. Lion Yard, in the .l1tJ¡}.lJ/1 St. Peter ill tile o? Liti Lior,)u?-,d of Car, the') the 1rop et,)r, JoaHffiti???n'fL"t, of P10 ft, ¡ in Carmarthen aforesaid. Fjudax, APRIL 15, 18a9