The Welshman

GREECE. I You are aware that France and England, getting no I dividends out of the famous Greek loan, sent out two commissioners to look after the Athenian Exchequer and overhaul the financeti of that kingdom. The city of Pallas submitted (incita Minerva) to this unwelcome scrutiny M. de Pleuck, French delegate, reports all in confusion Mr. Strickland, English auditor, has fallen sick over his task and goes home. The plaster casts which Ypsylaoti has shipped from Marseilles, modelled on all the finest >- specimens of Greek art scattered over Europe, have given great enjoyment to the Athenians, who may now study drawing. A marble torso without head, and minus a left arm, has just turned up in the excavated theatre of Herodes Atticus. And a joint-stock company is trying at Patras to make some wine that may prove drinkable, a feat not yet performed on the Greak mainland, though some of the Cyclades brew a tolerable tap.

SARDINIA, TuaiN, April 24. The first clause of the law of M. Foresta, relative to the crime of conspiring against foreign Sovereigns, has been carried, with a slight amendment, by a large majority.

NAPLES. PARIS, April 23. I believe I am correct in saying a telegraphic communi- cation must have reached London informing her Majesty's Government that the King of the Two Sicilies has no in. tention of allowing his Cabinet to entertain the demand made for indemnification in the case of Park and Watt. It is further known the Neapolitan Government has no intention of restoring the Cagliari.

THE BERNARD TRIAL-OPINIONS ABROAD. (From the Post Paris Letter.) In order to estimate correctly the probable result of the Bernard trial-it is necessary to view the history of late conspiracies from the Continent, and especially from France and Italy. Those to whom London is the world and Great Britain the universe will form a singularly erroneous idea of the consequences of the Bernard verdict if they suppose it to end in political rejoicings in Leicester- square. There is scarcely a Continental Sovereign who has not an interest in the series of discoveries and events which grew out of the attempt on the Emperor's life, Jan 14 and who will pretend to deny that, logically reason- ing, its evil effects may not one day be felt in England ? The English public are not aware of the voluminous character of the evidence connected with conspiracy which has originated in the investigations made by the Con. tinental police since Orsini and his companions attempted the life of the Emperor and Empress of the French. England and America are still the two points from which a knot of foreigners radiate their treason. Any sovereign may be the object of a conspiracy; for even the con- stitutional King of Sardinia is not exempt from the de- signs of men who discover no other means of revolution- ising Europe than those originating in the murder of rulers who are supposed to be in the way of their peculiar political theories. Now the immediate effect of the authors of conspiracy being allowed to remain un- molested in England and independent of all law will assuredly- impose an increased retrograde policy in most countries of Europe. The expression of all political opinion will be regarded with greater jealousy than ever, whilst the Continental police will naturally be obliged to increase their watch over travellers, not knowing who may be a follower of Pianori, Tibaldi, and Orsini. The Sove- reigns of Italy and Austria are no more safe than Napo leon III., and can be scarcely less indifferent to the designs of those who openly preach assassination and revolution. Such are a .few of the probable results of the late Old Bailey trial as affects the Continent. In England, I presume, no government will in future think it prudent to economise either with the army or the navy. The grenades brought from Leicester-square and exploding on the Continent may yet hit us at home. British statesmen, who know Napoleon III. will do all in his power to maintain friendly relations between England and France, cannot, nevertheless, remain blind to a com- bination of hostility which might be brought against us in case of general convulsion. In proportion as our Te- lations become doubtful with great Powers, such as France and Russia, we must look more to our own re- sources, and anticipate the worst. Such isolation is gradually being brought about by most nnworthy persons and abusive newspapers, by men whose acts are humilia- ting England in the eyes of the world men who represent no political party abroad, but such as the interests of society cannot tolerate, and such as every ruler or govern* ment would-be called upon to coerce at the very moment of its anarchical triumph. There is in Berlin a journal with two nances, the Neue Preussiache Zeitung, or Kreutz Zeitung, which is the organ of the Prussian nobility. Its circulation is not large, but it exercises a great influence alld is much read at the King's Court. The party which it represents has many members in bo h Chambers They may be called the Tories of Prussia. The following article appears in a recent number of this journal: The acquittal of Bernard is not likely to strengthen the entente cordiale between France and England. When the Conspiracy bill was rejected, and Lord Palmerston in j consequence resigned, Count Walewski had already used language betraying considerable irritation towards the English government. His Emperor did not, he said, wish to meddle with the internal affajrs of England, and left it entirely to the English government to devise such mea- sures as were necessary to repress such crimes as that of Orsini, which wa-i prepared in London. The prosecution of Bernard was intended to be a satisfaction to France but now it is said that Bernard has been acquitted it is scarcely posMble that Lord Derby will venture to bring in another Conspiracy bill. We conceive it very possible- and we are now speaking of those who have a horror of assassination—that people may be thoroughly convinced of Bernard's guilt, and yet rejoice at the reaction which has arisen in England against the French demands and the French alliance. The war in the Crimea and the Paris Conferences-to say nothing of other events—have given France a position which may be dangerous for Europe, and the traditions of the empire are certainly not of. a tiapquillising character. Let us not be misunderstood. We are quite aware that France is entitled to a powerful position in Europe, and we do not fear the war which she will assuredly, sooner or later, wage somewhere or other, and which, perhaps, she may be forced to begin very soon. But we are desirous of resisting the influence which the iinperial system seems to be exercising more and more in Europe, owing greatly to the faults of others. It is a tact that all liberty has disappeared in France. We do riot assert ihat-any difrdreck regime to now possibl* there the revolution and despotism between them seems to have destroyed all the elements necessary for the construction of a free and healthily organised State. But what is to become of Europe if the French police code, translated into all languages, and the imperial system, are to be in- troduced into all other countries, just like Paris fashions ? It is indisputable that governments generally have an itch to do this. It is more convenient and easy to govern people by petty measures than to obtain their cordial support by an enlightened policy. The road in which Europe is now walking leads to a quagmire, and it is for this reason that we, who certainly have no need to protest that we hate both assassination and revolution, rejoice at the English resistance to French demands. If the con- sequence should be that the Franco-English alliance should become even less cordial than it was before, we, for our parts, should say, So much the better."

I DR. BERNARD AND THE STATE TRIAL. From 8 o'clock until near midnight on Saturday evening there was a large muster of people at the Cafe Chantant, in Leicester square, it having been publicly announced, as well in a conspicuous part of one of the morniug papers of that day as by a placard outside the cafe, that Dr. Bernard, accompanied by Mr. Edwin James, his counsel, would make their appearance in the course of the evening. On the previous night Mr. James and a friend had strolled into this place of public entertainment in a casual way as the they were passing through the square. They bad hardly entered the building when the well-known person of the popular advocate was recognized by several of the company. He was introduced to the proprietor, a Frenchman, who ex- pressed himself as flattered by the visit and showed his guest some civilities. A few of the people present, and the these chiefly FrenA approached Mr. James and ten- dered him their congratllations for the successful efforts he had made on behalf of their compatriot during the recent State trial. These he politely acknowledged, and expressed his admiration of the French nation. By this time the name of the distingushed visitor had spread through the room, and thence until his departure he became an object of general interest- During his stay, whether by chance or design, the Marseillaise Hymn was sung by the professional vo- calists present with great enthusiasm. For the benefit of some of our readers it may be desirable to describe the place known as the Cafe Chantant. The name not inaptly designates its character, and its precise locality does much to supply what is wanting, to the mind of a Londoner at least. It is not excactly a place where a man in search of an evening's recreation may expect to meet the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, or the Prince Consort; but it is nevertheless a nightly place of resort, with others of a kindred type now scattered over the metropolis, to considerable numbers of people of diffe- rent conditions in life and of both sexes. In a large lofty, and well-lighted apartment, furnished in the French fashion with mirrors, settees and an almost endless number of small marble tables, the visitors, some hundreds in num- ber, spend their evening in an atmosphere of tobacco smoke, drinkiug coffee, or consuming mutton chops and Welsh rabbits, with potations of pale ale, brandy, or gin. Some good music on the pianoforte,a respectable orchestra, and a corps of professional vocalists, the greater part of them ladies, lend additional attractions to the place, which is not without an air of decorum. Unlike Cogers' -hall, or "Dis- cussion Forum" —now known to fame-no debating, political or otherwise, goes forward. It is frequented as much by English as by French people, as it is not so much a haunt of political refugees as other places in its vicinity. At the Cafe Chantant, then, of all places, the public were informed that Mr. Edwin James and Dr. Bernard were to present themselves on Saturday evening, and there "the friends of liberty"—so the announcement went—were to give them an ovation. At 8 o'clock, the hour they were ex- pected, there were comparatively few people in the room. Among these, two or three men, having all the unmistakable marks of the refugee class, were distributing handbills invoking "eternal glory on the 12 jurymen"—naming them—" who upheld the honour and independance of Old i England on Mr. James who had vindicated the dignity of the Conspiracy Bill. This document, couched in indefferent English, purported to emanate from a uni- versal printing establishment" in Holborn. As the evening advanced the audience gradually increased, until at length between 200 and 300 persons were present. They were, however, disappointed, for neither Mr. James nor Dr. Bernard made their appearance in the course of the even- ing. At whose instance the announcement was made that they were to attend does not appear; but that it was not Dr. Bernard's-still less, perhaps, at Mr. James's-is certain from the fact of the former (having expressed great displeasure when he was informed of the matter, adding that he was not Nana Sahib or a hippopotamus that any one should presume to exhibit him for money, and that he had no ambition for a niche in the Walhalla of Madame Tussaud. Within the last few days a fact has come out extremely creditable, we think, to the jury by whom Bernard was tried. A committee,. of whom Mr. Nicholay, Mr. E. T. Smith, of Drury-lane theatre, Mr. Beales, of Piccadilly, and others, are members, has been embodied at the newsroom of Mr. Wyld, in Leicester-square, at which for the last few years. Bernard has been a constant visitor, tor the purpose of arranging a banquet at the freemasons' Tavern in the begin- ning of May to the jury and the counsel and solicitors en- gaged on the trial for the defence. The jury were asked if they would be disposed to receive such a token of public approbation they met together to consider the matter, and the result is that they have respectfully declined the in- tended ovation. They vve stated, through their foreman, that on the occasion in question they sought to discharge the important duty which devolved on them to the best of their ability, and that for the manner in which they per- formed that duty they have the testimony of their own con- sciences, than which they desire no higher reward.

THE EXECUTION OF LANI FOR THE HAY- MARKET MURDER. I On Monday morning at eight o'clock Giovanni Lani, the young Piedmontese, underwent the extreme penalty of the law in the front of the jail at Newga?e. He was convicted, as will be remembered, at the last session of the Central Criminal Court of the wilful murder of Heloise Thaubin, in Arundel-court, Haymarket, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity. After the conviction of the wretched man he made a statement, representing that on the night of the murder he did not seek the society of the deceased for the purpose of robbing her, or with any intention to do her any bodily injury; but on his awaking in the night he found deceased rifling his pockets. He sprang out of bed and seized her, when a struggle ensued, on which he threw her on the bed, and in his excitement, squeezed her by the throat very tight, and soon found, to his horror and surprise, that she was dead. He then seized her watch, and other articles, and left the house. This statement was not credited, and it is satisfactory to know the wretched man has since made a most explicit confession of his guilt, and the justice of his sentence. Since his conviction Lani has been entirely under the spiritual instruction of Father Fienza, a priest of the Sar- dinian Roman Catholic Church, Lincoln's Inn fields, to whose prayers and exhortations he has paid the greatest possible attention. Mr. Heath, the Sardinian Consul, made some exertions to obtain a remission of the extreme penalty, but the Secretary of State saw no ground for interference. The preparations for the execution was proceeded with strong additional barriers were erected on Saturday in front of the jail, and the occupiers of the houses opposite the fatal spot where the wretched man would expiate his ter- rible crime, were on the alert, and it is said some of them obtained large sums for the hire of rooms by several pertoiis, principally foreigners. At an early hour on Monday the crowd began to assemble many having been there during the night and every house was filled with persons, amongst whom were a number of well dressed females, but bearing unmistakeable marks that they were of the west-end class of women to which the un- fortunate woman belonged. The general crowd increased as the fatal hour approached, and was the largest seen for a long time, numbering as many as eight to ten thousand persons. They were almost entirely of the very lowest class, a great number of females being amongst them, and their incessant noise and ribaldry was disgusting. On Sunday the wretched man was visited by Father Fienza, who was afterwards joined by Father Raffo, who had seen the prisoner in the House of Detention, who re- mained with him to a late hour, when mass was said and the prisoner earnestly implored to prepare for the great change that must inevitably take place. Previously lie had been engaged in writing a statement, which was in effect a full confession of his guilt and the justice of the sentence. The convict retired to bed at ten o'clock, and slept soundly until five o'clock in the morning, when he rose dressed, and afterwards partook of a hearty breakfast. He was then visited by Fathers Fienza and Raffo, who never again left bim until after he ceased to exist. They were engaged in earnest prayer and exhortation in Italian, and to them he made a free and full confession of his guilt, and received the sacrament of extreme unction. As the time progressed he became much depressed, and frequently sob- bed and shed tears. At half-past seven Mr. Alderman and Sheriff Lawrence, and Mr. Alderman and Sheriff Allen, the Under-Sheriffs J. T. Millard, Esq., and T. Parker, Esq., arrived at the prison, and at a quarter to eight they proceeded to the condemned cell, where they found the wretched man stand- ing between the two priests with a crucifix before him. He covered his face with his handkerchief, sobbing, and for the fifsttimw crying. Neither of the Sheriffs or Under- sheriffs addressed anything to him, on account of his being in care of the priests, who at his request promised to at- tend him on the scaffold. On Calcraft being introduced and commencing the operation of preparing him for the scaffold, the, wretched man trembled violently, and even required support, which was afforded by the reverend fathers. On the completion of the pinioning, the chapel bell tolled forth the knell of death, and the procession moved from the cell to the scaffold. The wretched man recognised and shook hands with the interpreter on the trial. He walked firmly between the two priests and ascended the steps, and was placed under the fatal beam. Air soon as the bell was heard the shouting and yelling amongst the crowd became terrific, which was continued oil his appearance, but soon subsided. Father Fienza stood on one side, and Father Raffo in front of the wretched man with the crucifix, and exhorting him to prayer. The fatal noosebcing adj usted, he kissed the crucifix and held the I priest's hands with the orucifix within in his own, mutter- ing a prayer. The cap was then drawn over his face and the arrangements completed, when a signal was given, and, the fatal bolt drawn, the wretched man fell. In his fall he nearly dragged Father Kaffo with him. His struggles were evidently severe. A mistaken apprehension has arisen that there was a desire to convert the convict to Protestantism—an Italian- bible and Prayer Book being placed in his cell; but from the moment it was known he was a Ruman. Catholic he was placed under the care of Father Fienza. AMEKICAN IIION TRADE.—The shipments of railroad iron from England to the United States shows a deficiency, during the last three months of 1857, compared with those of the preceding year, of 17,070 tons. The amountsiwere— in lSW, r 79 tons; and in 1857, 4,409 tons,.

"WHEN TO GIVE WAY." To know when to give way" and when to be firm, is one of the chief points in wise government, whether in a family or in a nation. It is quite as easy to err in conceding wrongly, or too soon, as in not conceding at all. Lord Grey has recently written a calm and statesmanlike essay on the proposed Parliamentary Reform. But there are many men who can be wise in the closet, and very far from wise in the senate. He to!d the House of Lords, on Thursday, that the time was come for them to give way. Had he added no more, we might have wondered how he arrived at such a conclusion. But he had forgotten just then the sage counsel given by an old judge to a young ope-l' Give your judgment, for that will generally be right but avoid giving your reasons, for they will often be wrong." He went on to adduce reasons why the time was come for concession. And those reasons show us- what we might otherwise never have known—that his pre- mises were entirely erroneous; and, consequently, that his conclusion must naturally be erroneously also. Lord Grey first spoke of unmistakeable evidence that on this subject the mind of the nation is finally and con- clusively made up." Now this is palpably an error. No one who has watched for any time the state of public feet- ing can doubt that the prevalent sentiment among both the higher and lower classes, is that of indifference as to the change proposed, and of disgust at the annual repetition of the struggle. Comparing this question with others on which a similar annual effort is made-as on the Ballot, Church-rates, &c. —it is quite clear that even among Liberals—even among those who are always for breaking down restrictions-there is not one tenth part of the interest felt for the Oaths Bill which is shown on the..e other subjects. So far as petitions to Parliament prove anything, the opposition to the present measure has, we believe, this year exceeded the support. We believe that more petitions have been presented against the measure than in its behalf. But we are told to look at the increasing majorities in the House of Commons. Such an increase is natural and almost inevitable, and proves nothing as to any increase of real feeling. Whenever the House of Commons has once decided by a majority in favour of taking off any restriction, rate, or tax, that majority is sure to be an augmenring one. A vote against Jewish disabilities or against Church-rates is a popular, a liberal one a vote to retain restrictions or a tax is unpopular, and is one which it is dis- agreeable to give. Hence, so soon as the majority is once declared in favour of remission, that majority is sure to increase. The hesitating and doubtful members soon find reasons for going over to the popular side. And all this takes place without any movement out of doors —without any growth of public tupport or of popular agita- tion. So far, then, as facts can be measured or ascertained, there is not the least ground for asserting that public opinion has declared itself on the side of the Jews." We do not believe that one-tenth of the people take any interest in the matter. But Lord Grey's second reason is drawn from what he deems a great example. In 1828 the repeal of the Test Act was carried in the House of Commons; and the Duke of Wellington immediately yielded his own opinion, and advised the Lords to consent to the measure Therefore- it is argued-the Peers had better at once consent to the Oaths Bill. Why, the mere statement of the facts shows that the case is a totally different one. The repeal of the Test Act was carried for the first time in the House of Commous, and the Duke advised the Peers immediately to assent to it. But the question of Jewish disabilities has been under dis- cussion for five and twenty years, and the opposition was as determined in the four and twentieth year as in the first. The truth is, that the two cases have no re- semblance. The Test and Corporation Acts had been practically defunct for half a century before 1828. These Acts declared that no Dissenter should sit in a corporation. But the Corporation of London had included forty or fifty Dissen- ters for many years before 1828. Other corporations, all over England, were in a like state. The laiv was never put in force, nor could it have been, without causing a perilous turmoil. This was the practical reason for repeal- ing the old statutes. And if, at this moment, Jews were in the habit of sitting and voting in the House of Commons, few men, we fancy, would wish to prolong the contention by objecting to the repeal of inoperative laws. Lord Grey's two reasons, then, prove, when examined, to be fully invalid. There is no 14 unmistakeable evidence of the public willand the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts in 1828 was merely a bringing the law into-conformity with the established practice. What reason, then—what substantial reason remains, for now giving way ? No other, so far as we can see, than I this alleged ground—" That the House of Commons persists in sending up Bills for the relief of Jewish disabilities and that the House of Lords must, at some time or other, give way. Is this safe ground to take. Is it to become a maxim of Parliamentary practice that the House of Lords can only exercise its veto a certain number of times, perhaps five or seven, and must then succumb. Such a principle, if once established, will lead to some important results. A month or two hence, in all probability, a Bill for the abolition of Church-rates may reach the House of Lords. There can be no doubt that a large majority of the Peers will be prepared at once to give a negative to any such proposal. But what if the principle has before then been conceded, that any measure which the House of Commons resolutely adopts must, sooner or later, become law ? Will not this argument be a powerful one in the mouths of the Church-rate repealers,—" It is admitted that the House of Lords must, sooner or later, give way why, then, prolong the strife ? Why not concede at once, and with a good grace, that which you must concede in the end ?" And what answer can be given to this reason- ing, if the principle has been established, that to suc- cumb, sooner or later, must be the course of the House of Lords ? It is a grave and serious fact, of which we should never lose sight, that the whole use and value of a House of Lords is gone, if its entire independence is once surrendered or compromised. The French revolution of 1789, and our own of 1642, both turned upon this one point. So long as the Peers could maintain their own independent position, they remained the bulwark of the Throne But the mo- ment they were swept away, or forced to yield to the dem- ocratic power, the torrent swept onward, till Church and Throne and all else that was sacred or venerable vanished before the storm. "The time to give way," then, is when any new cir- cumstances arise to modify previous convictions. We do not attempt to decide whether the Duke of Wellington, in 1829, adopted a wise or an unwise course when he conceded the Romish claims; but at least he had one circumstance of importance to plead. My convictions remain the same; but I preceive the possibility of a rebellion in Ireland and I have to choose between surrendering my own opinions, or ruuing the risk of a civil war." We should not like to give a positive aprovalof concession even on these grounds; but the Duke had at least some reason to offer. But to give way merely from innate feebleness—merely because the assailant perseveres in the attack, and you grow tired of presevering in the defence thIS is to proclaim yourself incompetent to the resolute discharge of your cuty For the House of Lords to take this course would be to bring into question, in a way that no other act could do, the utility of its own existence- We expect no such weak- ness on the part of that august assembly. We anticipate that it will reply, with the Earl of Derby-" The question has not changed, the circumstances have not changed, our opinions remain unaltered; and our vote will be what it has always hitherto been." It is important, too, to remark that Lord Grey does not counsel concession on the ground of the plain justice of the case. He admits that this does not very clearly or decidedly belong to either side. He says:- I have never regarded this as a very easy or very simple question. I have never thought that every opponent of Jewish emancipation should be set down as a bigot, or that every friend of religious liberty must necessarily be an advocate of that measure. I admit frankly that there is much to be said on both sides and the arguments for and against the change at one time appeared to me so nicely balanced that I am not ashamed to confess it was with some difficulty I made up my mind that, on the whole, the preponderance inclined in favour of the removal of these disabilities. It is not, then, that the House of Lords is clearly wrong in the position it takes up. Nor is it, as in 1829, that a great peril must be braved, if we remain where we are. It is simply that the House of Commons continues to send up Oaths Bills," and that it is unpleasant and difficult to stand up against this pressure. Therefore, the Upper House is to give way to the Lower, because the Lower House is pertinacious. But, should this course ever be taken, and should the House of Lords thus proclaim its own weakness, we should be glad to know what can in future stand between the House of Commons and absolute power !-Press,

THE STRAITS SETTLEMENTS. i The Settlements thus called, of which Singapore is by far the most important, are three British colonies in the Straits of Malacca, the channel which divides the Southern extremity of Asia from the great island of Sumatra. Their yearly trade is of the value of X15,000,000, and hence, after Calcutta and Bombay, they are by far the most considera- able of our Indian emporia. They are at present under the administration of the Governor-General of India in Coun- cil, who knows little about them, cares less, and conse- quently neglects and mismanages them. The inhabitants have therfore petitioned Parliament to have the settlements transferred to the Colonial office, so that they may be administered as other colonies are by the crown. Lord Bury, who had before presented the petition of the inhabitants of Singapore, brought the question before the House of Commons not many days since, in a speech abun- dant in matter and lucid in manner, and was ably supported by Mr. Horsman. They were answered by orations which had neither of these qualities. Less for the instruction than for the amusement of our readers we shall give them some specimens of these replies. The Secretary of the Board of Control frankly admitted that the subject had not sufficiently occupied the Govern- ment;" and he proceeded at once to give very sa- tisfactory proof that such was the case. The inha- bitants of Singapore having complained to Parliament that the Indian Government was constantly inflict- Hlg on them, or threatening them with bad laws, the Secretary insisted that to be harrassed in this manner was no evil at all, since in every case the inhabi- tants had succeeded in obtaining relief by making an ap- peal to the Imperial Government. Considering that the seat of the Imperial Government is half the circumference of the globe distant from them, he might just as well have said that when we are in search of cheap justice, it is no evil to be dragged into the Court of Chancery by the ma- chinations of a pettifogging attorney. He said they were the convenient penal settlements of continental India. Well-chosen localities these for some 4,000 felons, places that have always a stock of merchandise of at least Y,7,000,000 value, chiefly the property of the merchants of London, Manchester, Liverpool, and Glasgow. Of the state of this functionary's knowledge of his sub- ject the following samples will suffice. He tells us that the garrison of the three colonies amounts to three regiments of Sepoys, but it happens to consist only of two, and has usually consisted only of oue. lie insists that were the celonieg traaoferred to the Ctorrn, the military expenses alone would be 11 L300,000 a-year, at the very lowest cal- culation." This very lowest calculation" would main- tain at the usual estimate a garrison of 7,500 Europeans, or of 15,000 Sepoys, being more than seven times the force of the present garrison, which has been found quite suf- ficient But the Secretly of the Board of Control, extravagantly ignorant as he proved himself, was far outdone by the next speaker, the honourable member for Portsmouth. He told the House that "as one knowing something of Singapore, he wished to say a few words." He said far too many for his own credit, his something" turning out to be nothing but a tissue of blunders of the most ludicrous description. The intelligent master of a tnereliant--hip, viewing Singa- pore through his spy-glass as he sailed through its roads, would have given a truer account of the place. The Iron, member had, it seems, visited it in the year 1820, when he was on a trading voyage, that is to say, he had visited it the year after the colony was founded, which is eight-and-thirty I years ago. He told the House that it had been quite in- dispensable to send convicts to the place at its foundation, in order to execute public works. It so happens, for we have been careful inquiry into the honourable member's gratuitous assertions, that there were no convicts in Sin- gapore for seven years after its foundation, and for six after Sir James Elphinstone fancied that he saw them there. He had never heard," he said, "that the con- victs were disagreeable to the settlers," although the settlers now assure Parliament that they consider them what every other colony considers convicts to be, a great public nuisance. The denunciation of the inhabitants goes for nothing with the honourable baronet: he greatly pre- fers his own experience, derived from an epoch when the convicts were creations of his own imagination. This is followed by a story of the cock-and-bull genus, where an English lady of rather singular taste is represented as stating that for a domestic servant she preferred a convic- ted felon of Hindustan, possibly the father or uncle of a mutinous Sepoy, to a free inhabitant of Singapore. Then, the credulous Sir James asserted that the popu- lations which resorted to Singapore consisted of the most lawless and savage of the Eastern races." The races here alluded to amount to about one-sixth part of the inhabi- tants, and are the least litigious, the most docile, and the must easily governed of the whole population. Amonsj the imaginary savage population of Singapore, the honourable baronet fiuds Sarawak Dyaks, the present subjects of Sir James Brooke, of whom there is not one in the island, unless he may have been brought as a curiosity-" as we show an ape. Again we have Sir J. Elpbinstone enumerating among the profligate of Singapore, a people of Sumatra, called Syak. There is no such nation in that island, or in any one of the 10,000 islands that constitute the Malay Archipelago. There is, however, a river in Sumatra, called Siyak, and along its banks is found a Malayan people among the most civilised of that nation, and ever friendly to the English. Finally, we have the same authority informing the House that from the union of the Chinese immigrants with the women of the country had sprung a race called Kings, a most disorderly people i' The people thus denominated and denounced are the inhabitants of Talingana, a Hindu nation of the Commanded Court, whom we used in the olden time to call Gentoos," the most orderly and the most enterprising of all the people of India. They bear no more relation to Chinese than Chinese Mandarines do to Baronets of Nova Scotia. Among Sir J. Elph instone's "savage inhabitants" were tigers. On inquiry, we find there were none in the island till ten years after his visit; but never mind, he made these creatures of his fancy devour at the rate of a China- man a day, or 365 Celestials per annum. The house laughed, but whether at Sir James or his gossip, it is hard to say. The honourable member for Guildford ifas more rational; and seeing that he is really a man of ability and know- ledge, he ought to have been far more rational than he was. But, then, he is an East India Director, with the aggra- vation of being Chairman of East India Directors, and Di- rectors would seem to be men who, as the saying is, die hard," even die with an official bounce on their lips. Mr. Mangles assured the House that there was not the least foundation for an assertion made in a certain brochure, and repeated by the noble lord the member for Norwich, namely, that, not only were the Colonial Revenues of the Three Settlements charged with their whole military and naval expenses, but that they were also charged with the cost of maintaining the transported felons of all Hindustan. All these charges lie told the House were paid out of the revenues of Continental India. The answer to this is easy eiiotigii, and here it is, for the year 1857, so far as the petitioning colony is concerned, (the others are in the same predicament,) extracted from the official accounts annually published by order of the.Indian Government, and bearing the signature of the Collector, with the counter-signature of the local Governor. The revenues, exclusive of local rates, were YG7,878, and the disbursement the following-Civil charges, 128,98.5 Mili- tary, £ 23,078; Indian Convict charges, 13,134; Straits Lighthouse dues, 1,873; leaving a balance of revenue over disbursements of £ 5,806. Unless our memory deceives us, the member for Guild- ford was one of the two Directors who gave a plump and a solemn denial in their places in Parliament to the insertion that torture was ever practised in India yet I torture was proved to exist on a very extensive scale not. withstanding. East India Directors will be true to them- selves to the last hour of their lives it is plain, indeed, from their conduct that they know the worthlessness of a death-bed repentence, and have no notion of taking the trouble to go through its idle formalities.—Examiner.

MR. GLADSTONE'S FAILING. I Mr. Disraeli's "prepared vindication" upon "reasons grave and weighty"—of poor India Bill No. 2, upon which he himself had committed infanticide, came off on Monday night, and formed a fit prelude to the incoherent debate which followed. Lord Palmerston had the manifest ad- vantage, whether in reason or ridicule whether in the cornie or serious views of the subject. Mr. Gladstone, differing as he did from Mr. Disraeli, caught the infection of his inconsistencies and indecisions; if indeed the perennial source of such emanations in his own mental temperament was capable of much addition from external quarters. There ii no man in Parliament, whose subtlety of thought and speech leaves at last on the hearer's or reader's mind such an impression (the word will out) of imbecility, as we receive from almost all Mr. Gladstone's speeches, when we come to consider them practically. His mind seems in a perpetual see-saw, and incapable of resting in any fixed point whatever. We defy any one to extract from his words on Monday night consistent grounds for following or avoiding any course of action. Neither the simplicity of India Bill No. 1, nor the complexity of India Bill No 2 could please him nor was he any better disposed to content himself with the statu quo of the present Double Government.' He would neither have Lord P-ilmerston's unity of design, nor Mr. Disraeli's tesselated mosaic neither would he keep the heterogeneous integrants of Indian home-administration we have at present. What Mr. Gladstone would be at, we despair of learning from Mr. Gladstone's oratory-unless we gather from it that he aims at half a dozen incompatible objects. All that is clear is that Indian politics perplex him no less than Indian finance and the only rational result from his views of either would seem to be somewhat similar to that which Imlac arrived at in I Itasselas,' as to the impossibility of being a poet. Mr. Gladstone seems oppressed with the impossibility of England governing India, and with the iniquity of wars in India creating an Indian debt. We can only say, that no foreign dynasty, while it retained its own internal vigour, ever found the least difficulty in governing India that whatever difficulty has been created in our case has not arisen from her habitually passive populations, but from those select portions of them which the Government of the East India Company thought proper to trust to as its praetorian bands-to multiply into formidable force, and pamper into ultimate mutiny. The overwhelming difficulty of governing India is an European bug-bear. Any dynasty that ever assumed government there could continue to hold it, so long as its force, and the opinion of its force, remained unaltered. As to the iniquity of the English Executive having the power to create an Indian debt for any purpose of its own, or for any purpose of the people of England"—the short answer is that the India debt has been incurred in the defence of British India from internal or external attack—from nearer or from remoter dangers. If we have a right to govern India, or, in other words, if it is for the good of the Indian populations, that they should remain under our government, rather than incur the native alternatives of anarchy, tyranny, unchecked maraud- ing, and unbounded misrule—then we have a right or it must be for the good of those populations, that we should raise the means of government-including those of external and internal defence—whether by loans or taxes. It is a question of empire—not of finance-or of a Gladstone Budget for 1860.-Globe.

MINISTERIAL DIFFICULTIES. The government of the country is at a stand-still, and the public look on, uncertain whether to laugh or be angry Her Majesty's Ministers await a sentence which it is in the power of the Liberal party to pronounce at any moment. But the attitude of the executioner is as undig- nified as the position of the victim. The fatal blow has been often arrested at the moment when it was expected to fall, but the time has now come when renewed mercy would be an absurdity, and irresolution a betrayal of the in- terests of the country. Cowardice is as culpable in a statesman as dishonesty, yet, while the majority stand by in hopeless perplexity, speculating as to who is to succeed should the present Government be overthrown, the time for action is allowed to pass by unheeded. Truly it is a great question of na- tional policy whether two statesmen will agree to shake hands over their differences, or, if not, which of them will stand aside and make room for the other. Peuding the result of these negotiations, the conduct of affairs is given over to the tender mercies of a party without power, with- out a policy, without vitality, without even the negative merit of knowing their own minds for two days together. The vicissitudes which have attended their scheme for the government of India prove that this is no vague assertion. Mr. Disraeli has been emphatically driven about by every wind of doctrine. When he took the subject in hand he had enjoyed the opportunity of fully weighing the temper of the House and of the country upon it. But the vacilla- tion which has presided at his councils prevented him from improving the opportunity. Every step of his course has betrayed the absence of anything like a hearty conviction one way or the other. On one point alone we must, in fairness, acquit him of insincerity. During the discussion which took place on Lord Palmerston's Bill he gave it as his decided opinion that the time for the abolition of the East India Company had arrived. The course which he has pursued sufficiently proves that delay and not action was his object, and both his schemes retain the double go- vernment under another name. There may, even here, be some apparent inconsistency between his strongly ex- pressed views and his ready acq uiescence with the decision of the majority. But we will not insist upon that. Taking the sentiments which he first put forth in conjunction with the views he ultimately embodied in his Bill, we incline to the more charitable belief that he entertained no decided opinion on the subject at all. In refusing to adopt Lord Palmerston's Bill the right hon. gentleman promised a measure which should embrace all its excellencies and contain none of its defects. The event proved that the framers of the new Bill must have indeed brought tg tbeir task judgment quite uutrammelled I by commonly received opinions. With ordinary sagacity the game would have been in their own hands, but the scheme which they devised was greeted with a shout of derision from one end of the country to the other. Lord John Russell's timely aid was extended to save the Ministry from destruction, but Mr. Disraeli, irresolute even in his grasp of the saving hand, left the obnoxious Bill upon the notice paper of the House to fall back upon, as we must conclude, in case the resolutions proved not sufficiently absurd. On Friday last Lord Goderich, who asked the very na- tural question whether the resolutions and the Bill were hot ) to remain as part of the Government programme, received an assurance from Mr. Disraeli that such was un- doubtedly his intention, and that, as he had already told Sir Benjamin Hall, he trusted his Bill would soon become the law of the land. In the face of that reiterated as- surance not half an hour had elapsed when, at the desire of Lord J. Russell, the Bill was definitely withdrawn. Now, we cannot but think that a Government which at half-past four o'clock announces a determination to press a Bill in- volving the interests of a hundred and eighty miliious of people, and at five o'clock resigns it at the bidding of a member of the Opposition, is too unstable to remain at the head of affairs. Two months have already passed since the Government of India was first discussed, and we are now no further advanced than we were then. However much it may suit the views of those whose only object is to save the Com- pany from destruction, this postponement of legislation will not be favourably looked upon by the country. In all probability the end of the session will find the work still incomplete. The question, next in importance to that of India, of reform in our Parliamentary representation, will thus be again thrust away, and next session will be consumed in doing the work which ought to have been completed by July. We have before urged that the resolutions are but a paltry and unconstitutional subterfuge, a trick to devolve the onus of legislation from the shoulders of Lord Ellenberough and his puzzled colleagues, and to enable them to share with all comers the responsibility cast upon them by the constitu- tion, till its weight is lost by infinitesimal division. We may therefore well pause and inquire cui bono ? What inducements do they hold out for whose sake our senators are content to bear so much ? Does luve or fear induce them to place themselves in a situation where precedent and routine, usually the objects of such blind adoration, are utterly disregarded and set aside. It seems almost in credible that a large majority would voluntarily humiliate themselves by submitting themselves to the control of a minority. It is surely impossible that the threat of dis- solution can have any weight, but the fact that the only ground on which Lord Derby could ground his appeal would be that he had not received a fair trial, reduces that danger ad absurdum.. Mr. Bright may prefer the present Gu- vernment to another, because he can more easily squeeze them to his liking. Lord J. Russell may look upon them as a barrier between his rival power; Lord Palmerston may believe with truth that in an attack upon that barrier his own section alone would be out-voted, and he may see difficulties in the way of a fusion. But the country looks not to individual statesmen and their private concerns, but to the great principles which they are supposed to repre- sent. It is becoming impatient of their acquiescence in a state of things which must tend to lower the dignity of Parliament, and it will soon demand that power shall be wrested from a Government, liberal only under prassure, and bestowed on one, liberal from con v iction. -.Ifor)iiiig Post.

THE DOCILITY OF GOVERNMENT. The political drama which is now being enacted at the great national theatre by the servants of the people and the Crown is fruitful of scenes and incidents to a degree which might put to shame its more regular sister of the Haymarket or Adelphi. In the House of Commons there is no occasion to borrow French plots and rack the brains of the author for clumsy adaptations of foreign stories to English manners; everything there is native and to the manner born, and plots comic, tragic, or melodramatic unfold themselves spontaneously, each actor performing his part, according to the wit that is in him, so as most efficiently to work out a grand and striking catastrophe. What an epic has the history of the Indian legislation of this Session been We have had two Bills for India, neither of which has advanced beyond the first reading, and one of which is no longer extant. Yet around them what an infinity of hopes, fears, intrigues, speculations, and reverses of fortune have contrived to cluster them- selves They were lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in their deaths will not be far divided. There was Lord Palmerston's Bill, carried on the first reading, after the most protracted and vigorous debate, by a majority of almost unexampled magnitude, and by a Ministry appa- rently in firm possession of the reins of power. The very next day that Ministry fell by an unforeseen and unexpect- ed blow, and, though :their Bill yet lingers on the paper of the House of Commons, it is a mere shadow of its former self—a dethroned monarch awaiting the period in the drama when it shall be offered up at the shrine of an unrelenting destiny. Lord Derby's Bill underwent no such rude shocks in its infancy, and was brought forward with a degree of theatrical pomp and stage effect seldom used in these unpoetical times. It chillenged criticism and demanded approbation, and offered to the public an ample period to study its beauties and admire its merits. No opportunity has been given for discussing this magnificent measure in the House of Commons. Brilliant as were the promises of its nativity, it is already a thing of the past, and has vanished from the scene of its short and checkered exis- tence in a manner signal and memorable enough to all who will take note of it. We do not presume to question the wisdom, the consis- tency, the propriety which have characterized the proceed- ings of the Legislature in this matter ours be the humbler duty of commemorating facts as they occurred, leaving to persons less profoundly impressed with the wisdom of Parliament than ourselves to make such comments as may appear to them deserved by the events we describe. On Monday, the 12th of April, the House of Commons met after the recess, a recess which had been employed in comments of a free and rather irreverent nature on Lord Derby's India Bill. Lord John Russell seized the occasion, and proposed to Mr. Disraeli to try the House with a series of Resolutions, instead of a measure which had been so sharply criticized. This was a great change—a change so important that it can hardly be imagined that Mr. Disraeli would venture to accede to it without the previous consent of the members of his Cabinet, and we must there- fore suppose that the intimation of Lord John Russell's opinion did not take him wholly by surprise. In answer to Sir Benjamin Hall, Mr. Disraeli stated that, while accepting the proposition of the Resolutions, he did not intend to withdraw his Bill; indeed, that, after a suitable discussion, he had no doubt of carrying it by a large majority. Here was a happy union of prudence and resolu- tion,—of prudence in accepting the hint so disinterestedly tendered by Lord John Russell of resolution in adhering to the Bill even while accepting what in common apprehen- sion might have been deemed a substitute for it. So matters wore on till Friday, when a scene yet more dramatic in its incidents and decisive in its catastrophe occurred. Lord Goderich asked Mr. Disraeli whether it was his intention, while entering into the Resolutions, to retain his BIll on the paper. Mr. Disraeli answered rather curtly in he affirmative, ?"?' no doubt, annoyed at the suspicion imnlio.f b! the question that he was capable of deviating in any way from the course of action which be had chalked oonut f for himself in his answer to Sir Benjamin Hall. But frail are the best resolutions of the most magnanimous men. Nothing could appear more certain than that the Bill would be persevered with, and yet in a few moments its fate was sealed. Lord John Russell arose once more. He pointed out to Mr. Disraeli, that though he had advised the Resolutions, he had never advised the continuance of the Bill, and stated that unless the Bill were withdrawn he should feel it his duty to oppose the Resolutions. Mr. Disraeli was in no condition to dispense with Lord John Russell's support, and therefore, after taking a little time for reflection, he stated that he was not aware the Bill was on the paper for that evening, but, as that was the case, he was content to withdraw it. Thus fell this incomparable measure, praised by its authors, criticized by the press, but wholly undebated and undiscussed by the House of Com- mons. Surely it is impossible to deny to our present Government the praise of the utmost docility and humility of spirit! The popular theory about Governments is, that they should be strong enough and wise enough to originate and carry through their own measures but we have here a remarkable instance of the pliancy and ductility which are consistent with the rigid virtues of statesmanship. Lord John Russell directs Mr. Disraeli to propose Resolutions and he proposes them. He directs him to withdraw his Bill, and he withdraws it; while the sacrifice is made more meritorious by the refusal to do this, solemnly repeated on two separate occasions—to Sir Benjamin Hall and to Lord Goderich.— Times.

I THE PRINCE'S PROGRESS. Is there no survivor of the bards to chronicle the events of the Prince of Wales's tour in Ireland, for vulgar prose is obviously not the language to record them ? The prose, however, docs its best to rise to the majesty of the subj ect, as, for instance, in the account which a Cork newspaper gives of His lioyal Highness's arrival at Kentnare "Though the arrival of the Prince was quite unexpected, yet, ere ten minutes had elapsed, the hotel was surrounded with a dense mass of persons of every ran k, anxiously and impatiently awaiting to see the heir apparent of the throne of that mighty kingdom on which the sun never sets." Lest the British public should imagine Kenmare to be some obscure and vulgar place, we are carefully informed that the staircase and hall were quickly crowded with the elite and fashion of tite locality, by whom the Prince was greeted with shouts of acclamation." This is what is called in Ireland travelling incog.l His Royal Highness does quite right to be as Irish as possible on his Irish peregrinations and a bull is all the better for being a practical one. There certainly never was such a sweet prince. He was positively killing at Killarney. He actually "raised his hat off his head," says the annalist, "in acknowledgment of these hearty demonstrations of love," and after all this gracious- ness he had grace enough left to "express himself highly pleased" with the lakes, and pay the mountains a handsome compliment, in which it appears that he had the good taste to include the elegant appliances afforded by the Royal Victoria Lake Hotel Arriving at Skibbereen, or Skib., as the natives call it by a tender abbreviation, His Royal Highness pronounced it a rising place!" But we must give our readers the ac- count in full, for where all is exquisite, it is idle and in- vidious to make selections Two great events have happened since Sunday-the arrival of a whale in this harbour, and a live Prince in our western metropolis. The papers have informed us of his royal highness's arrival in Cork, but we hardly believed he would have had the good taste to visit that very celebrated and interesting locality, Skib., which must have appeared to particular advantage in a. down-pour such as we had all day on Thursday. However, he did not much seem to mind, though the people remarked that he was very badly clothed," and he was driven by the gingle boy to Mrs. Doyle's hotel, when he went in and asked for a tumbler of Bass's pale ale, which he took standing at the counter. He then asked if she had any real potheen, and being answered iu the affirmative, he ordered a glass, which lie tasted, and then mixed with the Bass, which. Lid suite all sbared« Shortly after a crowd began to collect, as a rumour spread of a Prince, an actual live Prince, being to be seen, so he speedily mounted the single and set off for Bantry. ic giug e- liver, who will, of course, be immortalised as as the boy who drove the Prince." is now an object only secondary, and he is full of all the Prince said and did- ho.v he told him to get him some of the sods of turf as they drove along, with which he amused himself by pelting, or, as the boy said, cruisting, everything as they passed. I think some of the magistrates were disappointed that the Prince did not commit some breach of the peace, and, like a second Prince Hal, get himself brought before the worthy bench. Mrs. Doyle is of course in ecstasies, and Mrs. Hagarty in proportionate despa r at the celebrity of her rival, wbo is going to get a case for the highly honoured tumbler, though she remarks, with no little modificaiton, that it was unfortunately the most discoloured glass in the shop, and had a bit out of it." Everybody was running to to look at the glass yesterday, and to hear all about it, and the happy Mrs. Doyle is going of course to call her hotel The Prince of Wales" —in fact she seems to consider that she has now some private property in the Prince, and she called the gingle boy an impudent ruffian to dare compare himself to a Prince, because he said he was about his height, as if he was like such a fellow any way." I fully expect that the highly-honoured ging'e will, like Nelson's ships, the Victory and the lloyal George, be but up into fragments and converted into all sorts of knick-knacks. If you wish for any momento you ought to apply for it in time. It would have been very proper, in our opinion, if some- body had given the Irish justices an opportunity of dis- playing their public virtue, by bringing his lloyal High- ness before them for the proceedings called cruisting in the language of Kerry. But in all probability, if the Prince had put out a peasant's eye with his "cruisting," it would have been considered as only ano'her proof of his condescen- tion. Only think of the honour of having an eye knocked but by "an actu.Al live Prince!" The extinguished light would have been the most prized of the two.—Examiner.

THE AMENDED INDIAN RESOLUTIONS. The amendments to be proposed by Lord John Russell in the series of Indian resolutions to be moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday, are printed, and are in effect as follows:- As regards the number of the Council Lord John pro- poses that it should consist of not more than twelve members, including the Secretary of State, whereas the government resolution ordains that besides the Secretary of State the Council shall consist of not less than twelve, nor more than eighteen members. As regards the appoint- ment of the Council Lord John declares that "its mem- bers should be appointed by her Majesty, and, with the exception of the Secretary of State, should hold their offices during good behaviour," in contradistinction to the government proposal, which was, that the Council should be partly nominated and partly elected." For Resolution 7 of the Government series, which pro- vides That the members of the nominated portion of the Council shall be selected by her Majesty, subject, as a general rule, to the qualification above expressed [service in India], and oue-half at the least of the elected members shall possess the like qualification," Lord John will substitute a provision that her Majesty may remove any member of the Council from office upon an address from both Houses of Parliament. Lord John moves the omission of clause 8, which pro- vides for the composition of the constituency privileged to choose the elective portion of the Council. This is, of course, a necessary consequence of his amendment to clause 6, abolishing the elective element in the Council proposed by the government. In clause 9, which prescribes that the Council shall be presided over by the Secretary of State, "or by some member of the Council to be nominated by him as Vice President, Lord John omits the words quoted, thereby apparently providing that the presence of the Secretary of State as President of the Council of India" is essential upon all occasions on which the Council meets. In the 11th resolution, declaring that all correspondence shall be laid before the whole Council except such as is now addressed to the Secret Committee, Lord John proposes the omission of the exception, thereby excluding any element akin to the Secret Committee. Lord John moves the omission of clauses 12 and 13, relating to the nominations to first appointments by the Secretary of State, with the concurrence of the Council," and to rules for the examination of cadets and clerks. In place thereof he provides that no patronage shall be ex- ercised by any member of the Council save the Secretary of State, and that all clerkships and cadetships shall be open to public competition, one-fourth being reserved to the-sons of Indian civil or military officers. 0 Should these amendments be carried, the resolutions upon which the House will proceed to legislate will stand as follows 1. That, as the territories under the government of the East India Company are by law to remain under such government only until Parliament shall otherwise provide, this house is of opinion that it is expedient that the transfer of such government to the Crown should now take place, in order that the direct superintendence of the whole empire may be placed under one executive authority. 2. That for this purpose it is expedient to provide that her Majesty, by one of her principal Secretaries of State shall have and perform all the powers and duties relatiug to the government and revenues of India which are or may be now exercised and performed by the East India Company, or by the Court of Directors or 2ourt of Proprietors of the said company, either alone or with the approbation of the Commissioners for the Affairs of India. 3. That such Secretary of State shall be responsible for the government of India and the transaction of business in the united Kingdom relating thereto in the same manner and to the same extent as any of her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State are responsible in the several depart- ments over which they preside. 4. That in order to assist such Secretary of State in the discharge of his duties, it is expedient that a Council be appointed of not more than twelve members, including the Secretary of State. 5. That, in order to secure the greatest amount of know- ledge and experience in the management of the affairs of India, it is advisable that the principal portion of the mem- bers of the Council shall have served in India for a term of years to be limited by statute. 6. That, with a view to the efficiency and independence of the Council, it is expedient that its members should be appointed by her Majesty, and with the exception of the Secretary of State should hold their offices during good behaviour. 7. That it shall be lawful for Her Majesty to remove any member of the Council from office upon an address from both Houses of Parliament. 8. That the Council shall be presided over by the Secre- tary of State, as President of the Couucil of India. 9. That arrangements shall be made from time to time by the Secretary of State and the Council for the meetings of the Council for the mode of procedure at such meetings, and for the distribution and transaction of business. 10. That all despatches, letters, orders, and communica- tions shall be addressed to the Secretary of State, and shall be open to the inspection of every member of the Council. 11, That no patronage, civil or military, shall be exer- cised by any members of the council, save and except the Secretary of State for India. 12. That the first appointment of cadets and clerks shall be open to public competition, subject to such an examina- tion only as the Secretary of State shall direct, reserving one-fourth part of all such appointments to the sons of persons who have been employed in the military or civil service of the Crown or of the East India Company in India. 13. That provision shall be made for tranferring to the Crown all the real and personal property of the company, except their capital stock, and the dividend thereon, so as to vest the same in her Majesty, for the purposes of the government of India; for continuing the charge on the revenues of India alone of the dividend oil the capital stock of the said company until the redemption thereof and of all the territorial and other debts and engagements which are payable by the company out of the revenues of India for auditing the accounts of the home government of India under the direction of her Majesty's Treasury; for layin such accounts annually before Parliament; and for securing the preference given by the 3d and 4th of William IV. to the dividends on the capital stock of the said company and the right of the said company to demand the redemption of such dividends, and their right on the security fund undiminished and unaffected by the transfer to the Crown t of the direct government of her Majesty's Indian posses- sions. ""vvv, A WOMAN SET ON FIHE AT HUDDEKS¥IELD.—Hud- dersfield, Monday. This morning, about one o'clock, a woman was heard screaming in Denton-lane. The neigh- bours got up and found that she was a prostitute, named Grace Proctor, and that she was on fire. They succeeded in tearing her clothes off, and a policeman, who was sent for took her to the workhouse in a cab A surgeon was called in, but he pronounced her recovery hopeless, and said she would not live forty-eight hours. For a time she refused to tell how she received her injeries; but about three o'clock she informed the policeman and doctor that she had been set on fire by her paramour, William Dawson. Search was at once made for him, but he had escaped. The woman's left arm, abdomen, and thighs are horribly burnt. -Star. THE LEVIATHAN STEAMER.—At a meeting of the Great Eastern Steam Navigation Company, on Saturday, it was stated that the sum of E172,000 is required to complete the Leviathan, making the liabilities £ 211,000. Debenture and preference shares are to be issued The total cost of* the ship will be £ 304,000. The directors regretted their inability to complete the equipment of the vessel before autumn, when it is intended to make several preliminary voyages to America, to test the ship's capabilities, a.nd in the spring to commence voyages to India or Australia. The report was agreed to. ADULTERATION OF FLOUR.—It is well known that the lfour of various kinds of grain is often adulterated with alum, plaster, and even arsenic when a crime is contempla- ted. These frauds can alwajs be discovered, but only by means of complicated operations. A chemist, of Charle- ville, M. Cailletet, has just discovered a method by which even the ten-thousandth part of any mineral substance may be detected in a few instants. Chloroform, that singular compound which has already rendered so many sertices to science, is again the chief agent here. Flour is insoluble in this substance, and much lighter, whereas all mineral substances are heavier; were water or any other liqa011. used instead of chloroform, the flour would either lorrti into a paste or be decomposed. These facts being kept in minJ, Al. Caiiietet's method will be easily intelligible. A small quantity of the flour to be tested is introduced i. lto a glass tube closed at one end, about an inch in diame ee !>y eight or ten in length. Chloroform is then pourev y into the tube, which, after being well corked and shaken is left to stdnd for some time in a vertical position. T flour will soon rise to the surface, while all the mineral substances it contained will fall to the bottom; the liquid may then bo Jecantered, and the deposit oubjected, at rcquired, to a chemical ?aaiysM. .4 I 1 t