The Welshman

THE NEW HOUSE AND ITS BUILDERS. I Representative Government is undergoing a new stage in the trial to which it has been exposed, and con- stituencies as well as candidates are under judgment. Although the motives to the dissolution were questionable, and the Royal proclamation itself was somewhat pre- cipitated, it cannot be said that the dissolution was a surprise. So long ago as the beginning of last November, in laying before oar readers some means of testing Members that should seek re election at the hands of their constituents, we observed- The Parliament of 1852 will probably not survive the sesssion of 1857"; and the event has confirmed our calculation. Neither men of the Member of Parliament class nor constituencies ought to plead surprise if they should find themselves unprepared but if they have been unprepared to do their duty at the present stage of their trial, it must be because they are indifferent, or because they count upon the indifference of others to condone their own neglects. Should the new House of Commons not be an improvement upon the last, we must, prima facie, assume that the constituencies are not endowed with the proper capacity for choosing the National Representatives and in judging that capacity, we must remember, that although the constituencies com- prise only one-seventh of the manhood of the country, they are intrusted with the duty of choosing for the entire community. In the present temper of keen observation, many a "chiel" will be takin' notes," to ascertain whether it is a fact, or a fiction, that the select con- stituencies possess the requisite qualities for exercising that trust. They will have to show, by their conduct in judging of the candidates before them, to what degree they are influenced by the convictions or wants of the whole people. It is one incident of a limited suffrage, that by the opportunity which it affords it almost suggests, as a means of obtaining the vote, an appeal to the sectional interests of the particular class holding the franchise, even when those interests are against the interests of other classes or of the entire country. If every freeman in the country possessed the franchise, it would be impossible to make this sectional appeal, for if it were attempted with one class it would arouse the jealousy of the others; and exactly in proportion as a candidate obtained the favour of a fraction, he would lose the favour of the majority. The idea of extending the suffrage has become familiarized to all classes of minds. If Moderate Reformers and Whigs, calculating their own chances, contemplate some special and limited extension, there are some among extreme Conservatives, as well as among extreme Radicals, who think that the highest influences in the country, as well as the most popular, would be furthered by a very wide extension of the franchise. The present election, therefore, places the constituencies upon their trial with reference to their capacity for exercising the trust in comparison with those classes who are at present excluded. We are not only free to confess that the constituencies labour under difficulties artificially created for them, but that some allowance must be made for their honesty and their capacity when we estimate the results. Every effort is made to perplex their apprehension, and to draw from them a decision upon false issues. The candidate strives to appear before them as that which he is not, and to obtain their authority for his entering Parliament in order to do that vrhich they have no intention of empowering him to do. The very business of the branch of the Legislature to which their Members are sent increases the distraction of mind. So much is done or attempted, or debated and not done, in the House of Commons, that the facts upon which the estimate of the character should rest become confusing from their number and intricacy. If a few sileat votes could be taken out of the whole number, a simple judgment might be formed; but an immense multitude of other considerations are thrust upon the elector, and he cannot entirely throw them off. Fairness to the candidate is one plea upon which he is urged to admit distracting considerations. The House of Commons itself is compelled to do a great mass of business that does not properly belong to it. We have before us a list of about.180 private and local bills, which passed a second reading in the late short session, and stand over as a burden upon the new Parliament in their more laborious stages,—bills with which the House of Commons ought to have as little to do as with the establishment of a railroad at Melbourne or a town-hall at Toronto. Not only is the Member distracted by subjects thus thrown upon his time and attention, but the local objects which would very properly determine the choice of delegates in any local council interfere with the choice of delegates to represent the whole nation in the Imperial council and the electors are drawn into choosing men for controlling the ad- ministration of the empire, on the great subjects of legislation or foreign policy, by tests with reference to their probable vote about a railway-station or a town- bridge. Another matter for serious consideration. It is a question of interest to men of all politics, whether or not the most eminent of the old Members shall be re elected. Everybody is asking whether we shall see in the new House of Commons, not only Lord Palmerston and Mr. Disraeli, but Lord John Russell, Sir James Graham, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Mr. Cobden, Mr John Bright, Mr. Roebuck, Sir Edward Lytton,—men with whose names we have been familiar ever since the time of the Reform Bill, or at least of Corn-law repeal. There is not a new man talked about. Mr. Lumley can bring forward Italian singers for the opera season whose first appear- ance" creates some expectancy but there is not a single first appearance" for that great national theatre the House of Commons. There may be mute inglorious Miltonsv—forthcoming Demostheneses; but if so, they are perfectly unknown, and this is not a country in which a man with the gift of oratory remains as unsuspected as a violet.' The natural inference is, that there are no new men, or only a host of average respectables, as like the general run of the late 6-54 as any dozen out of that House. Even the bar has ceased to supply men of the old proportions. We might conclude that Englishmen are less inclined to give themselves up to the ambition of patriotism, to public objects, and are more addicted to the pursuits. of gain or individual promotion. If so, it is a prognostic of national decline; but at all events it practically throws a new difficulty upon the constituen- cies. In many cases their selection is only Hobson's choice. At the close of the session of 1856 we anticipated, what has proved to be the fact, that Lord Palmerston would take some convenient opportunity of riding to the hustings on the British Lion and proposing himself as the question for the country. But there is a further question, —whether he is to ride back from the hustings to the House of Commons, still on the British Lion, with the vote of Yes or No," pure and simple, in his valise. His policy has completely answered his primary purpose. He has, as everybody knows by this time, secured his majority. But there is a future after that immediate future. When the Parliament shall have fulfilled its function in supporting Palmerston, what is it to do after- wards ? It cannot remain, like the attendants round a beautiful hero, for evermore supporting Palmerston." It must have some other work. But the Government has not provided it with that something else, nor has Lord Palmerston taken any step to prepare a strong ground for himself after the first few questions of the new session shall be decided. We have no detailed information as to the things for which the country is called upon to pay in the really large Estimates of the current year 'and the necessary consequence is, that the Ministers themselves must be ignorant of the way in which the new Parliament will deal with these unknown Estimates. But it is pos- sible that subjects of controversy will arise beyond the settlement of the Budget, and not very long after. By the mode in which the Members have been sent back to their constituents, the Premier has made for himself in that future and more important stage of affairs, no posi- tion On the first few occasions the Liberal majority will be called upon to fulfil its pledge of supporting Palmer- ston against the Tory minority then will come the or- dinary business of the session, in which questions will hive onoe more to be judged upon their merits. Now, throughout his own declarations in the course of this appeal to the country, Lord Palmerston has spoken at the independent Liberals in & manner which makes them sensible of unjust imputations, persisted in even after Lord Palmerston's colleagues had disavowed them. He has widened the contrast between the mere Ministerialist and the sturdy Liberal- There will therefore be a separate party, below the gangway, watching the course of the Government, criticizing it in flank, and ready to take. any perfectly legitimate opportunities, for vindicating Liberal principles as distinguished from simple Ministerial sub- serviency. In the course of the ordinary business which must come before both Houses, questions will arise as to the framing of the Estimates, the conduct of departments, and again as to the treatment of such questions by the. House of Commons itself: we shall see whether the new House will be prepared, in the name of its constituencies and of the country, to control the Administration where it goes ronb, and urge it where it is slow. Should the House fail in executing that duty, the very constitution of the Representative Chamber itself will come practically and forcibly into question; and with the conduct of the representatives the conduct of the constituencies will be. perhap; not mildly discussed. The absence of a sufficient political motive in the present election is thus likely enough to issue in the revival of strong political motives in the eoun try. -,Spectator.

POLITICAL PRETENDERS. I That Lord Palmerston has pursued a Tory policy be- hand a Liberal screen is unhappily true; but it would be well if those who assail his lordship's proceedings could show that their ovn had been of a wiser or a more honest description. No man is entitled to rail against the Premier's antagonism to Parliamentary Reform, unless he has earnestly exerted himself to procure it, not by an occasional clap-trap speech or an isolated vote, but by efforts steadily directed to that important end. There are a great'many so called Liberals who not only refuse to join in any movement by-which Reform might be obtained, but who never lose an opportunity of creating division an.d antagonism among others who, but for their efforts, might hare been induced to work together. Such men may be clamorous for radical change when they know their cla- mour can have no success, but they can only be regarded as enemies to progress-more dangerous, because more hypocritical, than the Premier whom they attack. With reference to our foreign relations the case is just the same and we find a number of noisy spouters advo- cating a course more hostile to continental freedom, more tainted with quackery and hypocrisy, than that of the Premier himself. What right have any men to complain that Lord Palmerston betrayed the Hungarians, cheated the Italians, and kept down the Poles, when they them- selves sided with Russia all through the late war,-when they declined to stir a finger to make that war the means of opening the door of liberty to the nationalities, and clamoured for a peace much more favourable to Russia, and much more disgraceful to England than that which Palmerston obtained ? There can be no doubt tthat if a Congress of Absolutist sovereigns could choose the chief Minister of the British Crown, they would select any of the noisiest detractors of Palmerston, in preference to the noble lord himself. With a Peace-at-any-price, or a Peace-at-cotton-price Premier, they would be quite certain of a free course for crime. They might overrun Belgium, assassinate the liberties of Sardinia, and crush the repub- lic of Switzerland, without the slightest chance of an in- terference more active than a hypocrical, precept or a false hearted sigh. The doctrine of non-intervention, as inter- preted by Lord Palmerston's bitterest enemies, involves a proclamation that, so far as England is concerned, the despots have full power to commit any atrocities they please-that they may, if they like, make all Europe a dungeon and a charnel-house, and plunder and murder the innocent wherever they can, and be sure that Britan- nia, instead of opposing her trident, will content herself with quoting the prices of cotton and yarn. We have done our part for years to awaken the country to a sense of the iniquities of Secret Diplomacy, but we protest against an elucidation of the trickeries of Palmers- ton being made the means of securing political capital for men more unscrupulous in the arts of trickery than him- self. What England must have is an English policy-a Tory policy if the people are foolish, a Radical policy if they are wise; but it must at any rate be national, and not the concoction of men whose chief delight is to behave as if they were alien enemies unhappily located. Palmerston is an old man, but there may be vigour enough of mind left in him to enable him to learn a great lesson from his recent defeat; and his declaration at the Mansion House that he is in favour of progressive im- provement at home," may be indications that he is not uselessly employed. As an aristocrat, Lord Palmerston has isolated himself so much from the toiling millions that he knows nothing about them. Their hopes, their aspirations, their vexatious faults, and their noble virtues are beyond the sphere of his observation-perhaps also beyond the range of his sympathies—but let him reflect that either England must sink under the rule of the most narrow-minded and sordid class extant among us, or by the elevation of the working men a counterpoise must be sought to the cotton-ocracy and sbop-ocracy, who hate genius and persecute independent thought, who abjure all lofty aspiration and profess to live by a morality of selfish- ness that derives its sanctions from a gospel of gain.- Atlas.

WHY NOT HAVE LORD DERBY ? Lord Palmerston intimates that if he were not continued in office we should have Lord Derby for Minister. Well, why not ? Lord Derby like Lord Palmerston, is an Eng- lish nobleman; he has been, like his rival, a dashing politician and a dashing speaker he is for progressive improvement," just as both are for honourable" peace. With either for Premier we should have further reduction of the Income-tax as soon as possible; the Parliament would continue to meet in February the London season and the session would close about the same time in summer dinner-parties would be given as usual; trade would go on, with increasing wealth for the traders, in- creasing exports, and increasing revenue; wages would have the same vicissitudes; and the ratio of births, marriages, and deaths, would reeognize no- difference. Why, then, not be quite as content to have Lord Derby as Lord Palmerston ? Because Lord Derby has earned with the country the repute of being a man who thinks more of preserving the privileges and predominance of his order" than of helping to raise other orders. Because he took office on one pretext-that he was to maintain 11 Protection," and kept it on another—that he was to resist CI Democracy." Because be is unreliable: he is a man of big words and little deeds. But there are stronger reasons than these why Lord Derby is unacceptable. He was once a participator in carrying Parliamentary Reform; now he opposes all "organic changes"; and the simple fact, that he is classed among the opponets of Reform renders him odious to the great bulk of the country." It is true that there has not been much agitation about Reform" now for several years past, and probably will not be until the public shall undergo some severe political disappoint- ment. But in the mean time there is, among all classes of "Liberals" from Whigs to Chartists, in all ranks from Lord John Russell to the day-labourer, an avowed convic- tion that Parliamentary Reform is a creed that must on no account be gainsaid. Lord Derby is an avowed renegade from that faith, an open opponent; and that is the most obvious reason why, even in these days of flat politics, his name is available as a bugbear, just as Wellington's was in France after the war far into depths of peace. But neither is this the sole reason. Lord Derby per- ceives the general objection to him, and he endeavours to soften the dislike, to diminish the mistrust, by declaring himself in favour of progressive improvement" in all [to borrow the words of his rival] that concerns the wel- fare of the nation" so that, to judge Lord Derby by his antecedents as Irish Secretary, and by the elasticity of his present declarations for progressive improvement," you might almost expect him to become an acting Re- former again, if the pressure were strong enough. But that will not satisfy the great Liberal party-it wishes for political movement, and demaads a man actuated by the same wish.' With regard to some public men it believes that there is the same wish in their bosoms but whatever Lord Derby might profess, or perhaps upon com- pulsion do, the public shrewdly believes that in his heart there is no such wish-that his wish and theirs are not the same. These are the reasons that render the name of Derby a threat available for electioneering purposes. Perhaps the reasons are worth studying by some who use the threat.— Spectator.

THE ITALIAN STATES. The relations of two such States as Sardinia and Austria can never become cordial as long as the latter retains a footing in Italy. It is not because the one is constitutional and the other despotic that their mutual antipathy exists. Great Britain and France are exceedingly good friends, although their forms of government differ so widely; and Sardinia and Austria might be closely united in political friendship were Austria purely an Austrian and not an Italian Power. Deprived of Lombardy and Venice, or having exchanged those provinces, by her own free will and the consent of Europe, for Moldavia and Wallachia, the Court of Vienna would have no more reason to quarrel with Sardinia than with Hanover or Portugal. But under actual circumstances friendship is impossible between Vienna and Turin and peace is only kept because Europe will not allow them to go to war. Austria is in so false a position in Italy that she can take no step to right herself, except one great step, which she never will take, unless upon compulsion, and in the melee of a European struggle. That step is to go out of Italy altogether, and leave the Italians to themselves. This might have been managed in the year 1853 and 1854 to the great advantage of the whole of civilised Europe, and to the detriment of no Power except Russia, which merited punishment, and ought to have received it. But this consummation was prevented by the timidity of British and French statesmen, and in a greater degree by the pusillanimity of Austria herself. Ultimately a peace, or the semblance of one, was made, leaving Italy unsatisfied, and with fire smouldering in the hearts of her peopie, needing only an accident to break out into flames. It certainly is not the policy of Sardinia, who is weak in men and money, to quarrel with a strong Power like Austria; but surely the statesmen of Austria—if any such there be-should see till more clearly that it is not their policy to quarrel with Sardinia. The greater the soreness that Austria betrays with regard to Italy, or any Italian State, the greater the encourage- ment that will be offered to the malcontents of Lombardy and Venice, and the more vivid the hopes that will be excited wherever Italian patriotism exists, whether it be at Rome, at Naples, at Florence, at Milan, or at Turin. The Emperor of Austria ought not to have expected on his visit to Italy that the King of Sardinia would offer him any congratulations. He ought not to have beEn surprised or offended if the free press of Turin and Genoa commented upon his reception at Milan and Venice as a free press has the habit of commenting upon public events of such high importance and significancy. He ought not to have blamed the King of Sardinia for declining to interfere with the press. He ought not to have made a personal matter of such refusal. He ought not to have instructed Count Buol to lecture an independent Monarch on the internal government of his States, especially when the independent Monarch was in the strict exercise of his right. And, lastly, he should not have betrayed his feelings by the withdrawl of his Ambassador from Turin as be has lately done, and by the dismissal of the Sardinian Ambassador from Vienna Of course the Emperor of Austria will proceed no further. He will not declare war against Sardinia and Sardinia, on her part, being the weaker vessel, will submit to the affront, and find out, if she have not already made the discovery, that Turin will be none the worse for the absence of the Austrian Envoy and that the world will wag quite as merrily as of yore, although there is one Italian the less in the courtly circles of Vienna. In such a dispute all the loss is on the part of Austria, and all the gain on the part of Sardinia. Austria loses dignity and Sardinia gains the sympathy of all the Italians; whilst, by a natural but none the less deplorable complication, Russia, which dislikes revolutions, but which dislikes Austria still more, takes pains to show the Italians that, come what will, she will not do in Italy what she did in Hungary. The Empress Dowager of Russia goes to Nice for the benefit of her health, and the Grand Duke Constantino joins his mother in that city but they avoid the Austrian dominions on their way. They make an inconvenient circuit in order not to set foot on the Austrian soil; and all Italy, except the Pope and the priests of Rome, and the King and the lazzaroni of Naples, take courage from the circumstance and the meaning that lies beneath it. The question of Italy is complicated enough in itself; but of all the Powers on the earth Austria is not the one that by any display of personal pique, or undue susceptibility, should add to the difficulties that beset it.- Illust,-ale London News.

ELECTIONS A HUNDRED YEARS AGO. I A certain series of Hogarth's pictures represents the proceedings of an election in this country just 100 years ago in fact, one of the plates bears the exact date of 1757; so that, making some allowance for caricature, we can inform ourselves of the manner in which our ancestors conducted those very ceremonies on which so many consti- tuencies will be engaged to-day. The picture of the polling represents a platform or stage something like the hustings of the present time, on which are seated two presiding dignitaries, and the phalanx of officials is further increased by two barristers in full legal costume, whose services have been evidently engaged by the opposing candidates. The constituency, we must assume, has been polled almost to its dregs, for an idiot in the last stage of paralysis is giving his vote, and on the steps appears a dying man wrapped in a blanket, who, with a scroll of True Blue" attached to his nightcap, is carried to the place where his last suffrage may be recorded. A little further on a decidedly suspicious-looking character is taking the Bribery Oath, which he does by laying the stump of a wooden arm on the Gospels-an expedient which arouses the indignation of one of the lawyers and is vigorously defended by the other. None of these doings, however, attract much attention from a select knot of busybodies, whose interest is utterly absorbed in the perusal of some exceedingly piquant verses just issued, the purport and application whereof we readily conjecture from the frontispiece of an objectionable candidate sus- pended on a gibbet. For the rest of the series, every- thing is eating, drinking, guzzling, and squandering, with taverns thrown open and money flying in all directions. We can now well afford to smile at such a picture but the truth is that there is no need to revert to 1757 for scenes pretty nearly analogous to those here burlesqued. It was not until the time of the Reform Bill that the machinery of electioneering was radically changed, and many of those who record their votes this morning will be able to recollect a state of things offering a good many parallels to Hogarth's description. Before 1832 county elections lasted a fortnight, and every elector had to go to the county town-sometimes at the very extremity of the shire-to record his vote. Borough elections lasted a week, the agony of candidates and the uproar of the town being protracted through seven days together. As to treating and spending, there was literally no limit to excess and scandal. A tough contest would cripple the means of a county family for years, — £ 50,000, JE:60,000, or E 100,000 being sometimes called for. The expenditure upon favours," or ribands of the candidates' colours, was something incredible, while every pothouse was expected to be opened either by one side or the other. At the polling-place the method of procedure was tardy and difficult. Doubtful votes had to be fought out on the spot before the assessor, so that the whole business of our present Registration Courts was transacted at the very time of the election. When the polls were at length completed, as there were no railways and no electric telegraphs, the general results were ascertainable only after tedious intervals, and "scrutinies" or inquiries into the character of the votes polled by this candidate or that were always in reserve to solace or avenge the disappointment of the defeated. The change from these practices is now something marvellous. A single day sees the beginning and end of the poll in each place, and a single day informs the whole country of the proceedings in every part of it.- Times.

I HONOURS. II Detur "digniori" cannot always be said of any honour conferred by human hands but seldom have honours, royal or public, fallen with such caprice as within the present year. Crown and Country seem to be as blind as Justice in the distribution of their favours. It is almost impossible to extract any principle from the practice. Lambeth has been greatly amused because one candidate had discovered, in the allusions of another candidate, an intimation that the Joseph Hame of the present day has been offered some kind of title, which he declined. Well, why not ? There are few Members in Parliament more respectable than Mr. William Williams; and what is there so very laughable in the idea of making him a Baronet, or even a Lord ? Have we no foolish Lords, no profligate Lords, no Lords out at elbows, and-last degradation in this commercial county-dodging their creditors ? What is there surprising in the refusal ? A man feels that he preserves his own dignity best by keeping to the post which best suits his own personality. Honours may come by routine. One of the most esti- mable men in the country, the late Speaker of the House of Commons, has become Baron Eversley of HeckfhUd, with scarcely a choice on the part of himself or his Sove- reign; and there is far less distinction for him in thus drifting to a Viscounty, than in the simple act of the Members in uncovering while thanks were voted to him. Sir John M'Neill and Colonel Tulloch—those eternal representatives of injustice converted to justice -.L- per- formed certain services in the Crimea which. were thought worthy of being received the reception being the only reward offered. On a second view of the subject, eighteen months afterwards, they were thought worthy of EIOOO a-piece so that, according to the state of the political market, a real service, executed with a great deal of trouble, ability, and judgment, may be worth £1000 or nil. The House of Commons has suggested a third view of the subject, and it is then discovered that Colonel Tulloch is one of the fittest men to be made a Knight Commander of the Bath. Extremes meet, and the Bath is the natural correlative of throwing cold water on his services. It is at the same time discovered that Sir John M'Neill is a suitable person to be a Privy Councellor of the Queen. Twenty months and a little discussion make all the difference in estimating the same thing as the equivalent of EIOOO, a seat at the Privy Council with the prefix of Right Honourable" to his name or nil. Where is the principle here ? The constituencies are distributing power, opportunity for promotion, and a title which is much coveted; for even your Marquis or Lord by courtesy stickles for his title of M.P." What class of people do the constituencies select to represent the power and dignity of every class, from an Edward Ellice to an E. T. Smith ? People are laughing at Bedford for having thought of such a thing but Mr. Smith has m&naged one house," wby not another ? What can we venture to predicate of the or- dinary voting-machine, except that he is capable of being driven by a Hayter or a Beresford ? It is thought a great advantage for the Peer to have served in the House of Commons some useful experiences from the other house" to say nothing of a Ulird and not less public house. It is true that a Mr. Sheridan denies being a relative of George the Fourth's friend, although the repudiating candidate for Dudley does call himself Brinsley." But perhaps the day has passed when con- stituencies would consent to elect an "M.P. for Drury Lane." Spectator.

CONCLUSION OF THE CHINESE WAR. The Emperor of China, it seems, agrees with the Bri- tish Plenipotentiary and Her Majesty's Government as to the conduct of Commissioner Yeh and the Cantonese. His Celestial Majesty has sent orders to the intractable Viceroy to conciliate the British. This is no more than was to be expected, as the four other ports very early received notice that they were to go on as usual, and leave the quarrel to itself in the walls of Canton. For years past the utter insubordination of the populace at Canton, and, not less, the factious and mercenary use made of that insubordination by the local functionaries, have proved a great annoyance and weakness to the Court of Pekin. When the Emperor remonstrated with his Viceroy upon the non-observance of the Treaty of 1812, and the constant quarrels with the foreigners, the Viceroy for the time replied that it was not in his power to compel the people to observe the treaty, so great was their anti- pathy to the foreigners though at the very time he was doing his utmost to stimulate that antipathy to all manner of excesses. In point of fact, the savage and insolent temper of the Cantonese was the stock in trade of a host of officials, who could do as they pleased, levy export duties at discretion, and hold the province practically inde- pendent of Pekin, on the strength of the intractable cha- racter of the people. On the last occasion when this apology was made to the Court of Pekin it found the Emperor in a state of political and financial embarrass- ment, and all that His Majesty could do was to send back a brief and peevish reply that the Commissioner was to manage as well as he could. This was enough for the latter, and for some time past Canton has been in a atate of virtual independence, not to say rebellion, against Pekin. However, the Emperor has now an auxiliary in the British force. He has sent the Viceroy orders which he would probably not have ventured to send, or thought it of any use to send, this time last year, to make up matters with the British. What Commissioner Yeh will do under these circumstances it would be vain to conjecture. He may possibly attempt to maintain his position by the aid of the rebels whom he has recently taken into confidence and pay. This is, indeed, his only chance, as otherwise he must soon submit to the Imperial orders, aided by the British arms, and in that case will lose at least his office, and very possibly more. But our part of the affair is now very much simplified. Yeh becomes only the ringleader of a brutal mob, upon whom, with the concurrence of his Sovereign, we have to enforce respect fir treaties, for laws, and for the rights of humanity.- Titiaes.

ARMY EDUCATION AND REFORM. I With one great and one little war just ended, and with another just beginning, the end of which no man can foresee, it will not be unwise, even in the midst of our electoral turmoil, to say a word or two about army educa- tion and reform. We willingly accord the utmost praise to the gallantry of our officers and soldiers, and can even join an old Peninsular pigtail in thinking that the troops under Wel- lington performed exploits worthy of the days of Alex- ander and CiMar. But here we must stop; courage and pluck are not the only requirements of an officer. Money and gentle birth do not give a capacity for command. Parliamentary influence cannot convert a Whitelock or a Chatham into a Wolfe or a Marlborough. We have achieved renown on land, but dare we venture to ask at what cost ? Not to stir up again the sad story of the Crimean glories and disasters, will any one be told en- ough to deny that had our officers known their profession better those glories would have been greater, those dis- asters fewer. Is the total of their military knowledge to be confined to parade ground and the half-yearly field day ? In many of our regiments there are officers who cannot get through the simplest manoeuvre without the sergeant at their elbow, and oftentimes the adjutant monopolises all the military knowledge of the regiment, although his reading may be very little beyond the" Dundas" of the day. It has been objected against army education that our asses" and their lion-followers have thrashed all the world, and are ready to do it again, and therefore education is of no moment; that an officer only goes into the army temporarily-to sow his wild oats, and that the usual education of a gentleman is all they need receive. Perhaps so, if the purchase system continues and the present system is clung to because it is clearly foreseen that pur- chase and merit cannot go together. Our army is a costly machine, more costly than any similar machine in Europe. To keep it in proper working order, to direct its immense power aright, its drivers," its "engineers" should be men qualified for their duty. We should laugh at the locomotive superintendent of the Birmingham Railway if he entrusted an engine to the care of a man who had paid for his berth, and who brought no certificate of compe- tence. If the train ran off the rail, or the engine went smash, the result would be very natural We in our large way try the smash every now and then-as for instance at Walcheren, Rio Janeiro, Cabul, and Sebastopol, and the result is decidedly not pleasant to contemplate. Having spoiled our fighting machine so often, through the ignor- ance of'its drivers," we think it a fair experiment to try if we could not avoid such unpleasant accidents by sending them to school. Foreign countries are of opinion that educated officers are an ornament to the army. With us they are bwaws" to be extinguished by rough practical jokes. For their education Prussia spends annually E26,000 France, £ 48,000, and Austria, £ 127,000. In France and Austria there is an education section attached to the war office in Prussia the business is managed through a general inspec- tor. In France the only qualification for a military school is the ability displayed at a competitive examina- tion, and something of the same kind obtains in Austria and Prussia, except that the sons of officers have a prefer- ence. In France about E10,000 is spent in free bourses (exhibitions); in Prussia these cadetships cost E15,000, and in Austria £ 47,000, besides which more than LIOO,000 are annually expended in training non-commis- sioned officers. With us, staff appointments are nice comfortable littler bits of patronage placed in til e hands of general officers fo the benefit of their friends and relations. Abroad, the entrance to the staff school is by competition among those who have previously distinguished themselves at the mili- tary schools. No officer of the Sardinian army can obtain a captaincy in times of peace, unless he has passed a year at the military school of Ivrea. In our insular pride and self-conceit we may sneer at Austria, France, and Prussia, but surely we need not fear to imitate Sardinia. Our railway companies educate their stokers and engine- drivers; the candle folks at Belmont educate their dippers and mouers; the red and yellow sitoe-black brigades have their schools the private soldier is taught the rudi- ments of science in our Indian army the pretence at least of knowledge is required. But in the Queen's service ignorance is bliss," and the emptiest head, like other bubbles, is pretty sure to rise the highest. While we prefer to win our victories by beef, other nations (perhaps because their beef is not so good) have a weakness in favour of brains. The consequenco to the people is-- increased taxation to keep the machinery going, and a break down every now and then. The consequence to the private soldier is—that he loses caste even among his fellows by enlisting, and can never hope to rise. The COil- quence to the officer is-that if he be educated himself, he must leave the army to seek congenial society. We think these are reasons sufficient for army education and reform; and every military candidate on the hustings should be pledged to carry out this one great step in economy. The manufacturer has found that educated labour is cheaper than uneducated; and as soon as Mr. and Mrs. John Bull and all the little Bulls are converted to the same opinion, the Horse Guards will find it out to. Great Britain can never maintain a large army, but that army [be it ever so small] should be as perfect in all its part, as the art and skill of man can make it. War then would bring no difficulties, for our force could be indefin- itely increased, the whole army itself forming one large staff for the drilling and the training of the new levies.— Atlas.

I NEW ROSES FOR THE ^ftlDAL-WREATH INIAUSTRIA. The Roman Catholic priests of Austria are at present employed in making the people of Bohemia and other provinces under the Austrian rule feel that submission to the Emperor and the Pope involves personal insult and disgrace for the Emperor's subjects. This is done in the most direct and practical form. It has been a reproach to the Roman Catholic Church, tfcat its confessional is made the medium of suggestions which are either an insult to the innocent or an instigation to the uninformed but the confessional has at once a character of sacredness and of secrecy which mitigates some of its worst abuses. The priest has now stepped out of the confessional, and is uttering those insults and instigations in the open church. Perhaps there is no occasion of life in which the feelings I are more sensitive, or more alive to any unworthy treat- ment, than the period of marriage. The whole proceeding requires to be treated with the greatest delicacy. Out speaking is one form which perfect delicacy assumes, but in that case the ideas couched in the outspoken language must in themselves be pure. The intrusion of detestable suggestions, of imputations incompatible with the very presence of purity, becomes either an impertinence tg, be scouted or a tyranny not to be endured without shame and resentment. The Roman Catholic priesthood have forgotten those plain rules, and have made marriage itself one of the occasions for flaunting their hideous catechisms. The bride and bridegroom are to be catechized in the presence of each other, and of the witnesses. The bridegroom is to be asked twenty-four questions amongst them are two which the priest may put—one asking the bridegroom whether he ever promised marriage to the mother or the sister of the bride and the other asking him, in the coarsest language, whether the mother, sister, or first cousin of his bride, has been either his wife or his mistress. A widower is to be asked whether the bride has been his mistress during the life of his deceased wife. Nor is the bride to be spared the same questions are to be put to her, and in addition, she is to be asked, Are you pregnant ? and if so, does your bridegroom know that such is the case ?" Now it is possible that persons might come before the priest who would have to answer some of these questions in the aiffrmative but the number of such persons must be very few; and it is more than probable that, oaths and penalties notwithstanding, they would equivocate so as practically to falsify their answer. In all but exceptional cases such questions would have to be answered in the negative; but the more absolutely negative the reply which the catechumen would have a right to give, the more burning the insult. The putting of such questions is, in fact, to render the ministration of the Roman Catholic priesthood intolerable in the most important occasion of life. The people which willingly and notoriously endures insults of this kind is humiliated in the eyes of itself and of other nations; and in under- going these degradations the Austrian gives the Italian his revenge. Thus Austrian and French troops main- tain the Pope of Italy; and the Pope becomes,through his clergy, a nuisance and an opprobrium to the Austrians.-Spectator.

Too SENSITIVE.—Avoid being too sensitive. Some thin- skinned people think-because they happen to have a wart on their note-ttiat everybody is looking at it. LITERARY MES AND THE HOUSE OF Cc).Ni,.IoNs. -Oar men of letters are conspicuously absent from the list of candidates at the forthcoming elections, end we rejoice in their silence ami 1st the VLIIYir diti. Macaulay will do more for England and the world, aid for his o vn farne, by his self-imposed retreat than by the most splendid orato- iorical exere-itatioits in favour of a party which he could not elevate, of a p >licy which he oagiit to condemn, of a caste which would treat him as a proselyte, and of a minis- try whicii his head would have to serve while his heart despised. Carlyle would be as much at home in the Co.n- inons ag Promotbeus. Dickens, the mnt emillently popular man in the kingdom, might have represented a laqe con- stituency long ago perhaps we should u7 he might have made his choice of constituencies, had not that strong, calm, practical good sense which preserves the equal balance of his genius enabled him to possess his soul in patience as one of the ackn()wleLled leio\islators of hu- manity. With his immense force of will, his rare adminis- trative energy, his long habit of exact and patient investi- gation of social wrong, his practicil insight and profound sympathy, who can doubt that he would even among that miscellaneous assemblage of gossips, and jobbers, and place-hunters, leave his mark, and make true courage and honesty felt and feared? Besides, he is known to be a capital speaker, quite capable of addressing the house in the MOlt of language it likes best—terse, simple, and di- rect. Still, not forgetting ail these rare qualifications, who would not rather he should write immortal books, and enrich the world wit I the warmth and light of his genius, than break his heart in trying to roil the stone of political and social justice up the Sysyphaem hill of prejudice and obstruction ? Another of oar gre,t names in literature has been talked of for a Seat in Parliament, and who can deny that Thaclteray wouiu adorn the opposite bench, and cast a lustre upon the division list ? But would any one position in the house add lustre to the name of the author of Vanity Fair ?" No, no; let the deal bury their dead. There are names connected with literature, no doubt, in the house, but they are either men who have either dallied with literature as an epicurean recreation, or who have I justified their capacity for office by the compilation of volumes of unreadable erudition and in Jiiumcntat dulness. It is thus that the Chancellor of the Exchequer's literary effwts may present themselves to us in the shape of a tax l upon the butter they enclose !—Loader.

MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE. I Five hundred convicts from Pontonville prison and Portsmouth are about to be shipped off to Bermuda and Swan River. The average production of the Australian gold mines may now be estimated at E13,000,000 per annum of which about tll,OOO,000 is exported. A few days ago his Grace the Duke of Newcastle sent to all his labourers and cottagers on his estate six pounds of beef, one bottle of old ale, 23 years old, and one quart of real Clumber ale. Excellent news has been received from Algiers, announ- cing that one-fifth more land has been sown under wheat this year than the last, and that the growing crops promise an abundant harvest. In the course of last week DO fewer than 40 ships were reported lost at Lloyd's. Many of the wrecks were of a most lamentable character, having foundered with all hands. The losses off the coast during the week were exceedingly numerous. A man, pretending to be deaf and dumb, was begging in Stockton a few days ago. At one house where he solici- ted alms, a fine Newfoundland dog sprung out at him, when the fellow exclaimed, in an excited manner, If you don't take the dog away, I'll stick him." Whilst Mr. W. M. Bedfern was coursing last week on the estate of Cleghorn, N.B., one of his dogs (Highland Brigade) struck at a hare on the edge of the crag over- hanging the river Monso, sprang with his prize into the river, a depth of 80 feet, and came ashore unscathed. We learn from a private source that Mrs. Catherine Hughes, a healthy good tempered goung woman of about 23, and the wife of a tailor in Conway, has been selected as the wet nurse for the expected royal infant. She has received instructions to proceed to London this week.— Eddowes's Shrewsbury Journal. More than one correspondent of the Times is now urging that our abbeys and cathedral churches should be thrown open to such able preachers, of other denomina- tions than the Church of England, as could interest and instruct by their eloquence congregations of several thou- sand persons. We ( Athcnceum) understand that Mr. William Cham- bers, of Edinburgh, has purchased the fine old mansion in Peebles, formerly belonging to the Earls of Tweeddale and the last Duke of Queensberry, with the view of fitting it up, with adjoining buildings, for a public reading-room, library, lecture hall, museum, and gallery of art-the whole to be presented by Mr. Chambers, as a free gift, to his native town In an action tried at the York assizes, on Friday, the plaintiff, Mr. II. Waterhouse, jun., of Tadcaster, obtained a verdict for £2,200 against the North Eastern Railway Company, as compensation for injuries he had sustained in consequence of a coallision of trains on the defendants' railway, at Church Fenton, in July last. The company consented to a verdict for £ 1,000 in another action for damages arising out of the same action. A few days ago, before the Blackburn Board of Guar- dians, a woman applied for relief, when the chairman asked her How many are you in family?" The answer was—" There are eight of us and th' donkey. This reply naturally excited a roar of laughter, which was not re- pressed by the subsequent replies of the applicant, in which she considered the assinine member of her family as entitled to the humane consideration of the guar- dians. The Leicester Chronicle says—" Since the burglarious attempt was made in the house of the Rev. Mr. Nodder, in Derbyshire, and so bravely repulsed by the reverend gentleman, a tradesman in this town has sold seven revolvers to clergymen in this district. Burglars will now, ther fore, knoiv what to expect, should they venture to break into the parsonage houses of Leicestershire." Three men, John Johnson, John Smith, and James Miller, were tried at the Cambridge assizes, on Monday, for a garotte robbery on Mr. Ambery, an undergraduate of St. John's College, in St. Edward's Passage, King's Parade. The fellows had been captured chiefly by the instrumentality of Scott, the under porter of Jesus College. They were all convicted, and sentenced to twenty years' transportation. Scott was awarded by the judge a gratuity of E2. An American paper gives the following definition of a low bred woman One who stays at home, takes care of her children, and never meddles with the business of I -? b ours. her neighbours. SIR JOHN M'NEILL AND COLONEL TULLOCII.-Ill consequence of the recent vote of the House of Commons, Sir John M'Neill is, we believe, to be made a member.-of the Privy Council, having chosen that honour out of two placed in his option. Colonel Tulloch, we hear, is made, or to be made, a Civil K.C,B.-Seotsman. BRIE F HONOUR-At the last sitting of the late Par- liament, on Saturday, considerable amusement was caused by the Speaker calling upon a new member to come for- ward; when The O'Donoghoe, the newly-elected representative of the county of Tipperary, advanced to the table and took the oath as administered to Roman Catholic members. The honourable gentleman was introduced by Mr. Bowyer and Mr. M'Evoy, and so far his career has been distinguished by his having retained a seat in Parliament for a shorter period than any member ever returned to the House of Commons. He occupied the seat of the expelled James Sadleir for nearly half-an-hour. A CHIEF JUSTICE BRAWLING" IN THE CHURCII.— The two learned judges who presided in the Courts at Warwick Assizes, attended St, Mary's Church of the an- cient town, on Sunday morning last. The Rev. Albert Boudier, '.he assistant minister, read the service, and in the course thereof commenced to read the prayer usually offered during the sitting of Parliament, doubtless unaware that parliament had been dissolved on the previous evening. Lord Campbell, who was cognisant of the fact of the dissolution, created some excitement by exclaiming, No, no, there is no parliament upon which the rev. gentleman desisted from putting up a useless sup- lication. LORD DERBY AND MR. GLADSTONE.-A story is going the round of the clubs, that on the appearance-of Lord Derby's last speech in the House of Lords, in which lie seemed to disconnect himself from the Tractarian party, the noble earl received a visit from the senior member for the University of Oxford. The object of that visit was I to represent to his lordship the difficulty that must exist in any future union, or even cordial co-operation between them, if such language was publicly used of that party in the Church to which Mr. Gladstone belonged. It is but a rumour, however. It is said that the conference ended far from amicably, the noble earl exclaiming as they parted that" he would resign his peerage and give up public life altogether, before he would ever consent to sit in the same Cabinet with a Puseyite." ECCLESIASTICAL INTELLIGENCE. The following pre- ferments and appointments have been recently made Rectories: Rev. W. B. Ady, to the rectory of Little Bad- dow, Essex Rev. R. Gwilt, to the rectory of Icklingham, Suffolk; Rev. J. C. Head, to the rectory and vicarage of Terryglass, Killaloe Rev. L. S. Kenny, to the rectory of Kirkby Kno.vie, with Baby j Rev. J. Manley, to the rectory of Ilittisleigh, Devon Rev. C. R. Manning, to the rectory of Diss, Norfolk R-v. E. H. Morton, to the rectory of Tatterset, with Tatterford, Norfolk Rev. W. S. Simp- son, to the rectory of St. Matthew, Friday-street, with St. Peter Cheap, London. Vicarages Rev. R Deverell, to the rectory of Drehidtarsna, diocese of Limerick. Cura- cies, &c Rev. D. Anderson, to the perpetual curacy of St. Mark, Liverpool Rev. St. V. Beechey, incumbent of Worslcy and Ellenbrook, to be domestic chaplain to the Earl of Ellesmere; Rev. J Carleton, to the assistant curacy of St. Kevin's, Dublin; Rev. T. Carroll, to the curacy of Burrishool, Tuana Rev. G. Clarke, to the curacy of Clashmore, Cashel Rev. G. Gillington, to be second curate of Carrickfergus Rev. H. C. Groves, to the curacy of Kilmore, Armagh; Rev. J. Lindsay, to the curacy of Market Bosworth, with Carlton Rev. T. W. Moeran, to the perpetual curacy of Saint Mathews, Toxteth-park, Liverpool. MURDEROUS ATTACK BY A SERVANT ON HER MISTRESS. -At Warwick assizes, on Wednesday last, Elizabeth M'Manning was convicted of having assanlted the wife of her master, Mr Joseph Callow, with intent to murder her. In the absence of Mr. Callow, a riband manufacturer, living at Stoke, near Coventry, the prisoner having secured the outer doors, went into her mistress' dressing-room and inflicted several severe blows on her with a large weight and a poker. When access was obtained to the house by Mr. Callow, he found his wife bleeding and lying on the floor of the room in a dangerous state. The only apparent motive for this violence was revenge, on account of a reprimand given to the prisoner by her master for insolence to Mrs. Callo-v. Sentence of death was recorded against the prisoner, who will be transported for life. Sophistications employed on articles of food, to give attractive appearance and pass off inferior commodities at increased prices, are admitted to have become alarmingly common, and the consumer is thus often made to partake of that which is injurious to health when taken into the systein; Tea for instance is much tampered with, for although the Chinese use it pure themselves, they cover with colour most sent to England, purposely to enable the withered to be substituted for the best, as the powdered colour gives to both qualities the same appearance. In consequence of this HOliNIMAN & Co., LONDON, im- port none but PURli TEA, the leaf not covered with colour, thus is secured Rich and Full Flavoured Tea of unusual strength, as it prevents the brown worthless Autumn leaves, so fatal to good flavour, being paise(I off for the best. AGENTS for this neighbourhood are adver- tised in our columns. HOI.LOWAY'S PILL.—An astonishing remedy for the cure of Stomach Corn plains. -Air. Edward Cock, of the Hon. East India Company's service, had heen in India for twenty years, and suffered from a complaint in his stomach and other disorders occasioned by a long residence in that climate. He was reduced to a mere skeleton, his appetite bad, and he appeared as if fast sinking into his grave. lie had the best medical advice, both in India and at home, from which he derived no benefit. Ilolloway s Pills alone however, have been the means of eflccting a radical cure of all his complaints.

RAILWAY TIME TABLE, SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. The Mail Trains run the same on Sundays as week day DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting 1,2,3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 & 2. 1,2,3 Exl).? 1,2,3 Mail from class class | class Exp. class 1 & 2.class. 1 & 2 a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. p.mj p.m. p. m Paddington 6 0 9.40 6.50 4.50:12..iO,P. m Glo'ster de 7.0 110.35 1.0 3.0 8.30 6.5 2.15 Woolaston 7.46111.39 ? 4.2 7.7 Chepstow 7.56 11.55 1.47: 4.20 9.30 7.20 3.12 Portskewet. 8.8 j 12.5 ,4.32 7.30 Magor 8.17 12.15 ?4.43 7.40 Newport 8.42,12.45 2.10 5.12 9.55 8.0 3.40 Marshfield 8.52 12.55 5.27 8.10 Cardiff 9.6 1.15 i.31 5.5010.15 8.35 4.4 Ely 9.12 1.23 5.55 f St. Fagans 9.17 1.30 6,2 I. Llantrissant. 9.36 1.46 6.17 9.0 4.27 Pencoed 9.511 1.58 6.25 Bridgend 9.56i 2.8 3.0 6.40 -f; 9.18 4.46 Pyle 10.12 2.23 6.53 "3 Port Talbot. 10.25 2.35 3.18! 7.9 -? 9.43 5.12 Briton Ferry 10.34 2.45 7.19 TS Neath ar 10.40 2.50 3.26 7.27 S ? 9.58 5.23 j. ?-)S 0- 2 3 Ditto de 10.43 2.53 3.30 7.32 £ 10.0 5.25 Llansamlet 10.57 3.3 7.43 Landore 11.9 3.11 3.50, 7.54 Swansea ..ar nj? 3.20 3.55 8.15 I 10.25 5.50 Ditto .?f 9.15 11.20 r 3.40 7.40 5.55 Landore 8.25 11.34 I 3.55 7.59 I Gower Rd. 8.3711.49 4.121 8.19 Loughor 8.42 11.54 4.19 8.24 Llanelly 8:55112:4 4.28?8.34 6.25 Pembrey 9.0 12.14 ? 4.38| 8.45 i Kldwely 9.12112,26 "0 I 4.50 8.56 6.45-V' Ferryside 9.22 12.36 5.0 9.8 CHmarthen.. 9.35 12.50 5.15 9.23 r 7.1? St. Clears.. 1.8 5.29 Si 7.28, Whitland 1.23 5.51 ? | 7.40 NarbenhKd. 1.35 6.6 M J 7.55 1 Ctarb.Rd. 1.55 ? 6.21 ?J 8.15 ( ll,,iverfor(lwesi 2*56.36 §} 8.30 Johnston (for j ? Milford) 2.35 6.55 8.45 Neyland (for i Pater 2.45 1 7.15 l 8. UP TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting I,'2,3 | 1,2,3 Exp. 1,2,3 1,2,3 1 & Ilaii ,1,2,3 from | cla>>s | class |l & 2^ class class class:! & 2 I.ss a.m. a.m. a.m.! a.m. noon. p m. ? p.m. p.m. Neyland 8.0 ? 11.30 ? rl 4.7 Johnston.1 8.16| 11.50 J | 4.22 Haverfordwest 8,o0 | ?12.0 ? 4 32 Clarb. Rd. 8.5°\ ? 12.12 ?j 4?47 Narberth Rd. 9*101 12.42 a ? 5.2 Whitiand 9.23 1.0 5.17 St. Clears 9.38'1 OF' 1.16=? 5.29 Carmarthen. 6.55 10.0 ? 1.40 ?' ) 5.52 8.15 Ferryside 7.10|l0.l5 o. L56 8.28 Kidwelly 7.20'10.26! 2.7 6.17 8.38 Pembrey 7.30 10.38 ? 2.20 8.50 Llanelly 7 3?S110 '48! 2.31 6.37 9.0 Loughor ?10,7,71 g 2.40 9.9 Gower Rd 7.4811.5 2.45 Landore 8.0 1 .?51, 3.7 9.34 Swansea ..ar 8.101 1.40!j 3.2,5 7.7 9.39 Ditto.? 7.55 11.23?10.30 3.0 1.40 7.12 — Landore 8.5 11.33il0.45 3.20 147 Llansamlet 8.15 10.55 3.27 1 5.3 Neath ar 8.2011.4811.5 3.37 2'3 728 Ditto .? 8.25 11.50 11.7 3.42 2.5 7.30 Briton Ferry 8.33 11.16 3.50 212 Port Talbot.. 8.46 12.1 11.2 4? 3.50 2.5 7.30 Port Talbot. 8.46 12.1 11.24 3.58 2'20 74? Pyle 9.5 11.39 4.18 2 35 Bridgend 9.25,12.23 ?1111..539 8 4.18 2.35 8 7 Pencoed 9.34 4.35 2.50 8.7 Pencoed 9.3'11.. 12.13 4.45 3 0 Llantrissant 9.50 12.29 5.10 3.15 8 25 St. Fagans 10.5 112.44 5.25 3.30 Ely 10.11 12.49 5.32 3.35 Cardiff 7.10 10.23 1.0 1.10 5.44 3.40 848 Marshfield 7.26 10.23 1.0 1.10 5.44 3.40 8.48 MarshSeid 7.26 1.26 6.0 3^50 Newport 7.44 10.50 1 21 1.44 6.20 3 55 9.15 Magor |.4 H.S 2.5 6.35 4.19 Portskewet 8.13 2.15 6.45 4 34 Chepstow. 8.25 11.27 1.46 2.29 6.57 4'46 6.4.5 Lidney 8.43 11.44 2.47 7.20 5.4 10.0 Lidney 98..5 43 ?12.0 3.7 7.40 5.24 10.20 12clil2ci lo'8er .[ 9.45! 12.50) 2.37 3.27 8.1016.°-11.40 1  Glo'ster 2.251 5.5 6 09.5 10.351 4.50 Paddington.. 2.201 5.5 6 0 9.5 10.35 4..50 SUNDAY'S, DOWN TRAINS, j SUNDAYS. UP TRAINS. Startg. from 1,2,3 1,2,3 1^3 istartg. from 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2, a. in. a.m. Ip. m- II Padding ton 8.0 Neyland .1 9.15 3.0 Glo'ster 8.0 Neyland :1 9.35 3.20 Paddingtoan r 2.35 Johnston I 9.35 3.20 Ditto..? 3.0 H. West .J9.45 3.30 Chepstow. 4.15 Narb. Road .il0.20' Newport 7.38, 5.0 Whitland 10.35! Cardiff 8.3 ? 5.29 1St. Clears p.m. Neath ar 9 *38 7 *0Carmarthen ill.35 6.15 Neath   7.0  ?11.20 6.0 Ditto ::t'i 1950? 7.10 rryside.1.32 6.15 Landore ..?10.10? 7.35 Kidwelly ill.47 6.27 Swansea ar 10.15) 7.40 Pembrey 12.0 6.40 Ditto ..de 10.20! 7.45 Llanelly ijI2.ll o!51 Landnre 10. -'0 7.55 Landore :1'12'-116.51 Llanelly 10.55? 8.22 Swansea ar :1').50 7 ''0 Pembrey 11.5 8.32 Ditto de 8.30' 1.10 7.35 Kidwelly 11.17 8.44 Landore 8.3.5 1.18 7.43 Perryside 11.27 8.54 Neath ..? 8.53 1.28 7.58 Carmarthen 11.42 9.9 Ditto ..<?a.mJl.30 8.0 St. Clears.. 9.29 Card,ff 11.15! 3.3 9.41 Whitland 9.46 Newport.. 11.49! 3.28 10.10 Narb. Rd. 10.0 Chepstow.. 12.291 4.10 H. West. 10.34 Glo'ster ar 1.38 5:16 Johnston 10.50 Ditto de 5.25 Ncylan(I 111.0 Paddington ilO.O ——————

LLANELLY AND LLANDILO RAILWAY.  UP TIU.INS. cS Cl ass Starting ¡;o;I-: P.M. Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 9 10 5 0 Dock .914 5 4 ^nea 9 22 5 12 Bynea 928 5 18 Pontardulais 9355 25 Liangennech 9 35 525 Garnant ??-??.910 5 0 77 TT Cross Inn 9 55 5 25 ? Cross Inn a?-?? 10 0 5 55 Garnant )l0 25 6 20 Handebie. 10 5 5 55 Derwydd Road 10 10 6 0 Fairfach 10 201 6 10  Llandl'° 25 6 15 ..1 I D 1,2,:3 1,2,3 su, Clag Cl ass SUNI,Ayg> Starting from A.M. P.M. A.M. P.M. Llandilo 9 15 5 g Fairfach 9 20 5 10 1! Derwydd Road. 9 30 5 15 Llandebie 9 355 25   Garnant.<??'<M?. 9 10 15 0 Cross Inn.. 9 3-5 5 25 '] Cross lnn..a?tt?? 10 0 5 55 Garnant. 25 6 20 Ponta I Ta.; 10 25 6 20 i. Pontardulais !l0 5 5 55 "TT Llangennech 'lO V 6 2 ..fio 1S 6 8 ? 1)ock :110 25 6 15 ? Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 'l0 30 6 20 Garnant Passengers wlil be set down or taken up at Gellyceidrim or Cross Keys, if required.

VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. UP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. Starting From 12312312 3.1231 2 3 1 2 3 Class Class Class!Class Class Class  SOUTH WALES A.M P.M. P.M. P.M. A.M P.M. Swansea .dep 7 55j 1 40 3 50 7 12 8 30 7 35 Llansamlet 8 151 1 55 4 7 8 45 7 50 Neath .arr. 8 20] 2 3 4 15 7 28 8 53 7 58 YALE OF NEATH. Neatli .dep. 8 40: 2 10 7 45 9 0 8 10 Aberdylais 8 45, 2 15 7 50 9 5 8 25 A b cr d y t a i s. 857 225 8 09 15 8 30 Resolven 8 57| 2 25 8 0 9 15 830 Glyn-Neath 9 7; 2 38 8 8 I) 23 8 30 Hirwain arr. 9 27i 2 53 8 28 9 43 8 58 Hirwain d. for Aberdare 9 33! 3 0 6 30 8 35 9 50 9 8 Aberdare Arrival 9 45; 3 10 6 45 8 45 10 0 9 15 Hirwain d. for Merthyr 9 301 2 56 8 31 9 46 9 5 Llwydcoed 9 37 [3 3 8 33 9 53 9 1 Merthyr Arrival 10 0i 3 25 9 OjlO 15 9 38 DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS ————— Z 1 3 3 11 2 311 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 Starti: ng Drom ClassjClass Class Class Class Class VALE OF NEATH. A.M.! P.L, p.M'1 P.M. A.M. P.M. Merthyr .dep. 9 01 1 35 6 0 8 30 5 50 8 47 6 7 Llwydcoed 9 17 1 52 6 17 ? 8 30 5 P.4. Hirwain. arr. 9 23 1 581 6 231 8 53 6 13 Aberdare Departure 9 5 1 40: 6 51 8 35 5 55 Hirwain Arrival 9 18 1 a- 3 6 18 8 48 6 8 Hirwaiii del). 9 26 2 01 6 2.51 8 55 6 15 Glyn-Neath 9 46 2 19 6 44 9 11 6 34 Resolven 9 56 2 28 6 53 9 23 6 43 Aberdylais 10 10 2 40, 7 5 9 35 6 55 Neath arr. 10 15l 2 45 7 10 9 40 7 0 SOUTH WALES. j Neath dep., 10 43: 2 53 7 32i 9 50 7 10 Llansamlet 571 3 3 7 43 10 0 7 20 Swansea arr.i 11 14; 3 20 S 151 10 15 7 40

ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECEIVED BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS:- LONDON: Mr. White, 33 Fleet-Street; Messrs. Newton and Co., Warwick-square Mr. Deacon, 154, Leaden- hall-street; W. Dawson and Son, 74, Cannon-Street Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Fleet-street; Messrs Hammond and Nephew, 27, Lombard-street; Mr. Charles Everett, Old Broad Street, London. THIS PAPER IS REGULARLY FILED by all the abov; agents, and also at Peel's-Cotfee-House, No. 1 • 7, 1<8 Fleet-Street. Printed and Published in Red Lion Yard, in the Parish St. Peter, in the County of the Borough of Carmarthen by the Proprietor, JOSEPH HEOINBOTTO.M, of Picton Terrace, in Carmarthen aforesaid. Friday, ARIUL 3, 1867*