The Welshman

HOUSE OF COMMONS.— Tin: ITS DAY, FEU. 11. Colonel Conolly psesented petitions from fishmongers of Bristol, Bath, Liverpool, Manchester, and Birming- ham, praying that railways from the west to the east of Ireland might be promoted, in order that the fish taken on the west coast of Ireland might be speedily brought to England. Mr. Miles presented a petition against the poor re- moval act, from Shepton Mallet. Mr. H. F. Beikeley presented a petition from copper smelters of Bristol against the duty on copper ore. Mr. S. Crawford moved for leave to bring in a bill for better securing the payment of Irish rates. He pro- posed that they shculd be levied on the landlords' rents, and that in case of any rates of absentees or others not being paid, there should be power vested in the courts of Chancery or Exchequer to appoint receivers on the estates till the rates were paid. Leave was given to bring in the bill. Lord John Ilussell, in answer to Mr. Roebuck as to the Irish poor-law and the bill for lending money to Irish landlords, had to state that his intention was that one should not stand before the other. He wished them to be read a third time, if they were approved of by the house, on days closely following each other, so that the royal assent might be given to them as nearly as possible at the same time (loud cheers). He considered that the bill for lending money to Irish landlords ought not to pass without being accompanied by the poor bill (hear, hear). Onrfhe other hand, he thought that the poor bill alone, without some accompanying measure for lending money for improving estates, would fail in its object and be a burden without an equivalent (cheers.) In answer to a question, Mr. Ward said that prepa- rations were making to proceed with the works of the Portland breakwater, as soon as the necessary steps had been taken by parliament. LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND). Mr. Sharman Crawford moved a resolution that the existing system of letting and managing land in Ireland was the main cause of most of the evils and social ano- malies of that country, and that no permanent improve- ment could be effected in its condition, unless its agri- cultural system were extensively modified. He attribu- ted most of the present sufferings of Ireland to the misconduct of landlords, and to the relation subsisting generally between them and their tenants (hear). Much blame was very properly attached by some to the mid- dlemen, but as the system of middlemen was introduced by the Irish proprietors of a former day, the present landlords, though not the authors of it, must be content to take the consequences of it (hear). He then briefly exposed the evils arising from the subdivision of land, which so largely obtained in Ireland, and the practice of conacre which so extensively prevailed. Whilst Ireland was starving, the anomaly was presented to the world of its being an exporting country, and the export of pro- visions from it could only be arrested by affording em- ployment to the people, and securing them a due remu- neration for their labour. The result of the present landed system, was to deny to the people adequate em- ployment. The monster evil of Ireland was the uncer- taintyof tenure, and the want of law compelling the landlord to give adequate compensation to tenants for such improvements as they might have effected, by the expenditure of their labour, or capital, or both, upon their holdings. He then drew a vivid picture of what had been effected for the tenant, the landlord, and the country. in cases in which such compensation was given, and held up the counties of Limerick and Down as striking specimens of the two systems. Reasonably- sized farms, held immediately of the head landlord, were an indispensable condition to the improvement of the country, as was also the abolition of the prevailing sys- tem of joint tenancy. So long as there was a middle- man between the landlord and tenant, the latter would have no security whatever for compensation for improve- ments. Without an amended law of landlord and te- nant, such a poor-law as was proposed would be utterly inefficient. The two together would act most beneiici- ally, and would prevent that confiscation of property which some affected to apprehend (hear, hear). The hon. gentleman concluded by expressing a hope that the noble lord at the head of the government would intro- duce a bill to amend the law of landlord and tenant in Ireland. Sir Denham Norreys thought that so long as the tenants were left without leases all that was done for Ireland would turn out to be inefficient. Mr. Tuite was opposed to a partial burden upon Irish landlords, such as the new poor-law contemplated, for the support of the poor, and would resist that bill until measures were taken to render all the property of Ire- land subject to such burden. Lord Castlereagh admitted all the benefits which re- sulted from securing compensation to tenants. He trusted that the landlords of the south would imitate those of the north; but imperatively to compel them to do so at present would be pernicious to the interests of all parties. He therefore felt himself compelled to re- sist the resolution. Colonel Conolly would also resist the resolution, as tending to excite expectations which would not be realised. Mr. Labouchere, after complimenting Mr. S. Crawford, said he was not insensible to the importance of the sub. ject, but he thought that the proper way in which to deal with it was not by a vague and general resolution like that now before the house. He thought that some such measure as was asked for by the honourable gen- tleman, well digested and properly prepared, would be a buitable accompaniment to the other measures proposed for the improvement of Ireland, and the noble lord at the head of the government had already declared his in- tention of introducing a measure in respect to landlords and tenants at an early period. It was necessary in in- terfering between landlord and tenant, to proceed with caution, and if they did so, he thought that it might be done very advantageously for Ireland. He hoped the honourable gentleman would withdraw his resolution, and if not, he would move the previous question. After a few words from Mr. Fiench. Mr. S. O'Brien asked the secretary for Ireland when such a measure was likely to be brought in. Mr. Laboucbere could not mention the exact time, but thought that they would be able to introduce it be- fore Easter. Mr. S. Crawford, seeing no prospect of getting such a measure introduced at as early a period as he wished for it, would consent to withdraw his motion, but would, at the same time, give notice that he would take an early opportunity of himself moving for leave to bring in a bill which would embody his views upon the sub- ject. Mr. Aglionby then obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts to facilitate the enclosure and improve- iiient of commons. RAILWAYS. Mr. Strutt, in introducing his proposed bill for the future regulation of railways, observed that the bill was divisible into two parts—the first, referring to the pre- liminary and other proceedings necessary to be observed in bringing in a railway bill, and carrying it through parliament; the second, to the regulation of such rail- ways as had already received the sanction of the legis- lature. Th first point which the bill touched related to the surveys made by the companies. Before the pro- moters of a bill would in future be authorised to enter upon land, they would be required by the railway com- missioners to deposit such sum as might be deemed sufficient to cover any damage which might arise from their so doing, upon which they would obtain from the commissioners a warrant to enter. Frequently it was with the greatest difficulty that parties could ascertain how their property was to be affected by a proposed line. It appeared advisable, therefore, to require that, after survey, the company should mark out the proposed line on the ground. lie also proposed that the commis- sioners, after the line had been marked off, should be empowered to send a competent officer to the spot to make a local inspection, who should by public advertise- ment give notice of the time and place when and where he should be found, for the purpose of hearing sugges- tions from parties interested. He also proposed, that when objections were made against a line, those objec- tions should be so heard as to do impartial justice be- tween the parties concerned. In his opinion, it would be unwise to have counsel heard in such case before the commissioners, as their presence would tend to prolong the proceedings, whilst they were entitled to be heard in committee. With respect to the reports of the commis- sioners, he proposed that they should report to both houses of parliament, and that their reports should con- tain the fullest information on all important points, such as matters connected with engineering and capital, and all other matters to which the attention of the committees would be called (hear, hear). As to the regulation of fares and tolls, several provisions had been introduced into the bill. Hitherto, these fares and tolls had been mainly suggested by the promoters of the various schemes. Before they were fixed for the future, how- ever, the most comprehensive inquiries should be made go as to do justice to all parties. A comprehensive re- port from the commissioners on this matter would be of f-ssentiiii service to the committee in enabling it to come to a conclusion. It had been urged upon him that, in ail future cases of applications for railway bills, the lines asked for should not be granted to the companies in perpetuity, but for a term of years. If they were now commencing their railway legislation, he thought that it would deserve their serious consideration whether some limitation like that urged upon him should not bs iuipoai-d. Almost <iil the li:Ie.s haJ4lrcad) beeu ♦ granted in perpetuity. All future lines '.vould be more or less connected with them, and he could see no advan- tage from adopting a different principle in reference to them. He did not, therefore, propose to do so nor did lie iropos, as he liiid been us-ged to do, to limit any further the rate of interest allowed to the companies. If they imposed any such restrictions, instead of giving the companies an interest in economy and good manage- ment, it would give them a direct interest in bad ma- nagement (hear). To limit the rate of interest would be to begin at the wrong end. The point at which they should impose their limitation was that of fares and tolls. lIe thought that as to future railways the fares and tolls granted them should be granted by parliament only for a term of years, say ten years. As to existing railways, some were already subject to revision as re- garded their fares and tolls by clauses in their bills, whilst others were not. As to the latter, whenever they applied for an extension of their power, parliament might impose upon them what conditions it thought pro- per (hear). He thought that whatever limitation of time might be applied to fares and tolls when first fixed, should be extended to cases of the revision of fares and tolls. The fares upon the different lines should not be altered, should not at least be raised without giving due notice to the commissioners and the public (hear, hear). The commissioners should be required to make an anuual report upon the state of fares and tolls throughout the country. It was desirable to change the present system of arrangement between the railways and the post-office. As to their bargains with the post-office, he thought that they should be of limited duration, say for five years. Punctuality ill the arrival and departure of trains was necessary both for the public safety and con- venience, and he proposed that all companies should be required to keep at such stations as the commissioners should appoint a correct register of the times of the ar- rival and departure of all trains. The commissioners would also be required to make an annual report to par- liament on this subject. With respect to cheap trains, he proposed no change at present in their speed but he did propose that the times of their startinJ and their different stoppages should be liable to the regulations suggested for securing punctuality (hear). He also proposed that the number of passengers to be taken in each carriage should be fixed by the commissioners, and legibly attached to the outside of the carriage; and also that when cheap trains travelled at night there should be a lamp in each carriage. The remainder of the right hon. gentleman's statement was devoted to explaining the mode in which disputes between different companies were to be settled, the police regulations provided for by the bill, and other matters, which he designated as of minor importance as compared with the leading features of the measure. A desultory conversation then took place upon the subject, in which Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Hume, Mr. Ellice, Mr, Entwisle, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. B. Denison, Mr. Hodgson, Mr. Ferrand, Mr. Hudson, and Mr. Mangles took part. After which leave was given to bring in the bill. LORD G. BENTINCK'S SCHEME. Lord J. Russell then moved that the order of the day be now read, whereupon, Mr. Smith O'Brien rose to request the noble lord (Lord G. Bentinck) to postpone the second reading of the railways bill for Ireland, which stood first among the orders of the day. He had understood that the govern- ment had determined to stake its existence upon the issue of the div ision upon it. If the house therefore pronounced a decision adverse to the views of the go- vernment, the probability was that they would have a change of ministry (hear, hear). This would throw into confusion legislation which had already partially advan- ced, of urgent and immediate importance to the poor of Ireland (hear). He hoped the measure, therefore, would be postponed, at least until some of the Is now before parliament were finally acted upon. e Mr. Shaw concurred with the suggestion just made. He trusted the government would take a favourable view of the measure, or adopt something of their own similar to it. If the decision, however, were to be between the government and the bill, he was not prepared to run the risk of a change of government at present, although he was favourable to the principle of the bill. Mr. Grattan was opposed to any postponement of the measure, and hoped it would be passed immediately. Lord John Russell observed that he rose to request the noble lord to proceed immediately with the bill. If the noble lord was not prepared to proceed with it that evening, he was ready to give him any priority to-morrow (cheers). He strongly objected to the postponement of the measure for a fortnight, a course which would leave the whole matter in uncertainty as to what was to be the course which the legislature would adopt, or the steps which the government would think it necessary to pursue. The bill had not been brought forward as a party measure, nor had he opposed it in a party spirit (hear, hear). But the government was responsible for the finances of the country, and he had already felt him- self obliged to state that the appropriation of sixteen millions in the manner proposed was not such a course as the government could think it proper to pursae (hear), He had now no hesitation in stating that his views in that respect remained unchanged, and that the measure proposed was not consonant with the financial plan for the year which the government mUiought it its duty to adopt (hear). All that he askedw noble friend now to do was, either to bring the question to an immediate de- cision, or to give it up entirely for the present session. He cared not which of the two courses was taken by his noble friend. It was not likely during the present session that the government would have any large and comprehensive railway scheme for Ireland to recom- mend which he deemed it proper to mention, as he would wish no one favourable to the plan of his noble friend to vote now against that plan, on the supposition that the government had a scheme of its own in con- templation. He had every right to expect that his no- ble friend would not listen to the proposal which had been made for a postponement. Mr. Osborne objected to the postponement. Mr. M. J. O'Connell had hoped that some of his ho- norable friends amongst the Irish members would not have differed with others of their colleagues on this point but the differences of Irishmen had always been, and still were, the curse of Ireland. He was astonished that the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) should press the matter as he did to a decison at this moment. He hoped the noble lord opposite (Lord G. Bentinck) would give way to those who urged him to postpone the se- cond reading. Lord G, Bentinck felt himself in a painful and diffi- cult position. He was still impressed with the convic- tion that the dearest interests of Ireland were concerned in this bill. He had received only at four o'clock that day a requisition from thirty-four Irish members, requesting him to postpone the second reading of the bill to some future day. In consonance with their wishes he had consented to forego his own. Some of his English and Scotch friends had been called from the extremities of the country, and others from foreign parts to vote for the bill, but they would have regarded the convenience of Ireland as preferable to their own. From them, therefore, there would have been no op- position to the postponement. He had also heard with regret that the fate of the government was to be staked on this bill, a consideration which had also induced him, considering the condition of Ireland, to listen to the suggestion of postponement (hear, hear). But when I the Queen's minister, who was responsible for the safety of the country, told him that it would be for the advantage of the country that the measures should be pressed to an immediate decision, he could no longer hesitate to press it (hear). Whatever therefore, might be the result, however important might be the conse- (luences, oil his head would not rest the responsibility, should it be the pleasure of ministers, notwithstanding the present difficulties of Ireland, in the event of a defeat, to desert the helm of state. Great as were the difficulties with regard to Ireland with which the government had to contend, and he admitted them to be greater than any under which former governments had laboured, his (Lord G. Bentinck's) friends were not appalled at these difficulties, and would not shrink from the responsibility of meeting them (hear, hear.) Mr. Roebuck complained of Lord G. Bentinck's at- tempt to fix upon government the imputation of making this a party q,-icstion. His lordship had placed on the table a proposition which would deeply affect the finan- ces of the country. Was it fair that he should attempt I to make Lbrd J. Russell bear the responsibility of it, superinduced, as it was, upon arduous responsibilities of his own ? There was no indication of party spirit in Lord John Russell's reply all that he had said was that if the house assented to the present bill, he would not incur the responsibility of it. If there vvere persons who had made it a party question, it was Lord G. Ben- j tinck, and his friend Lord J. Manners, who, in his speech of yesterday, had shown himself not unwilling to avail himself of party tactics (hear). But it was not now a party question—it was a question of convenience to the Irish members. As far as the relief of the people of Ireland was concerned, that was already provided for, but the convenience of the Irish members meant that the bill for the relief of the poor, which affected their estates, had not passed, and should not pass if they could prevent it (hear, hear). They had got as much as t'iey could from one side of the house, and now they were ready to try what they could get from the other- £ 10,000,000 from one side and £ 16,000,000 from the other (IK ar, hear). In conclusion, as one who felt an interest in the country, he called on Lord G. Bentinck to bring this question, which agitated all the monetary in- terests, to an immediate decision, and expressed his satisfaction that the manliness of Lord John Russell's declarations of that evening would compel him to do so. I (liear, lear). The order of the day was then read. The second reading of the bill was, however, postponed till to- morrow, when the debate on it is to come on, imme- diately after the third reading of the destitute poor (Ireland) bill. The brewing from sugar bill was then read a third time and passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned. FRIDAY, FEB. 12. In answer to Mr. Roebuck, who inquired how a despatch relative to the Spanish marriages had found its way into the Morning Chronicle of that day, Lord Falmerston said the papers relating to that sub- ject had been laid on the table of the house the previous evening, and were at that moment in the hands of hon. members. III "nswcr to Mr. F. French, Mr. Labouehere said the increase of fever in various parts of Ireland had at- tracted the attention of the government, and every means would bo resisted to to meet the cxl^cucy of the ca»e. RAILWAYS (IRELAND) BILL. I The order of the day for the second reading of rail- ways (Ireland) bill having been read. The Chancellor of the Exchequer wished to say a few words in corroboration of what fell from his noble friend (Lord J. Russell) on the previous evening. He trusted that the government would be acquitted of anything like party feeling in the course they had taken with re- gard to the present measure. He thought they were fully justified in the announcement they had made, that if the measure of the noble lord was carried, they would not be responsible for the government of the country. (Hear, hear.) He believed his noble friend (Lord J. Russell) had done perfectly right in making that decla- ration, and more especially before the house had come to any decision on the subject; so that no man could say he had been taken by surprise. The government was exceedingly anxious that the question should be set at rest as speedily as possible, and the moneyed in- terest had pointed out the inconvenience that must re- sult from the matter remaining for any time in abeyance. He believed the great benefit likely to be derived from the plan of the noble lord would be confined to specu- lators in railroads. He had heard nothing to convince him that the state should for such purpose become money-lenders upon a large scale-he had heard nothing to convince him that the security proposed was of sufficient value and adequacy—he had heard nothing to convince him that the measure would give relief to the destitute poor commensurate with the extent of the loan demanded, nor had he heard anything to convince him that, in the present circumstances of this country, he should be justified in imposing any additional burdens upon the people of England. If the works were shown to be of a useful, and practicable, and remunerative na- ture, there never was found to be any difficulty in ob- taining money to carry them on. Again, with regard to the repayment of this large advance, he feared that ex- pectation was by no means iikely to be realized. In the case of canals, there was the Lagan canal, to which the government had advanced £ 130,000, and neither prin- cipal nor interest had ever been repaid. In the case of the grand canal, out of E108,000 advanced, only £10,000 had been repaid. A sum of E245,000 had been advanced for the improvements of the streets of Dublin, none of which had been repaid, and the same was the case with regard to the Limerick Docks, which owed the government £ 25,000 principal and F-34,000 interest. The Dublin and Kingston railway had, he believed, repaid the money advanced. (Opposition cheers.) The bill was still more objectionable, as it placed good and bad railways upon the same footing. The right hon. gentleman then referred to the various provisions of the bill. Many of which he considered ob- jectionable. Even admitting the whole 1,500 miles of railway were undertaken, he had been assured by com- petent authority that not m<1re than the twenty-fifth part of the money voted fur railways was expended in manual labour, and, according to that estimate, not more than -10,000 labourers would be employed by so large an expenditure. He thought that much good might be done by the people of Ireland contributing their exertions and their aid to the unfortunate starving peasantry. In the Queen's county he was glad to find that great benefit had resulted from such a proceeding; while in Mayo he regretted to find the landlords were processing the unfortunate tenantry for rent to an ex- tent altogether unprecedented. He regretted also to find that while many Irish Members were finding fault with what they termed the profligate expenditure of the government, none of them had offered any other alter- native. He maintained that they should endeavour to increase the amount of employment upon the land, with a view to its greater productiveness, instead of pressing unduly upon the resources of the people of England for so questionable a benefit. (Cheers.) Mr. H. J. Baillie entered his protest against the em- ployment of the public money in railways in Ireland unless they also made a similar grant to Scotland. (Hear, and cheers.) Was it because they were peace- able that they were to be deprived of all share of these advantages ? The hon. member made an appeal to the house OIl behalf of the peasantry of the highlands of Scotland, who, he said, were suffering the greatest pri- vation and distress. Mr. J. Stuart supported the bill. He maintained that it would be productive of great benefit to the starving people, and the objection of the government to becoming lenders of money applied with equal effect to nearly the whole of the measures brought forward by them for the relief of distress in Ireland. The hon. member referred to the evidence of Mr. Porter, for the purpose of showing that the construction of the canals to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer referred had been productive of the greatest benefit to the country through which they passed. Mr. F. Baring said the great question they had to consider was, how they could most immediately give food and employment to the starving poor of Ireland. He deprecated the employment of the people in great masses, instead of bringing it home to the doors of the peasantry, and the distress of next year would be infi- nitely greater than the present if means were not given to the people to cultivate the ground. He had voted in 1839 for Mr. Drummond's plan for railways, but had had much difficulty in inducing himself to support it, and subsequent experience had not induced him to think more favourably of it. His impression was, that under the pressure of a great emergency they ought not to deal with so large and important a question. He had no doubt that hereafter the government would see the necessity of promoting the formation of railways in the remote districts of Ireland, but he must give his decided opposition to a measure of so extensive a character, and of which the prospective advantages were by no means well ascertained. Sir J. Tyrrell believed that the measures proposed by the government were calculated to effect improvements in the social condition of the people of Ireland, but they were temporary and insignificant compared with the comprehensive scheme of Lord G. Bentinck. Their great object ought to be the encouragement of repro- ductive works, and the employment of the labouring classes in that country. Mr. D. Browne viewed the conduct of the noble lord (G. Bentinck) and his party with distrust, when he re- collected that they had been always the opponents of the extension of civil and religious rights to the people of Ireland. He should be glad to hear his policy further developed before he could consent to give him his sup- port. There appeared to be an extraordinary unanimity between parties who on all other questions differed, to support the present measure, which was calculated to benefit railway speculators and capitalists. He wished, however, to see unanimity upon a measure for giving relief to the struggling tenant, for altering the tenure of land, and extending the poor-law system, so that all the destitute might obtain relief. Lord Bernard would give his cordial and hearty sup- port to the bill, because it met the present emergency, and supplied what was defective in the measures of the government, and he firmly believed was calculated to lay the foundation of the future happiness and prosperity of Ireland. The measure had been most unfairly attacked, as it was said that all railways, good and bad, would be passed without scrutiny, but he believed they would un- dergo a much closer investigation into their merits than under the existing system. Mr. Chaplin said the measure was one of a most able and comprehensive character, and far superior to the plans of the government in promoting the prosperity of the country. He thought the security was amply sufficient for the repayment of the money. There, how- over, he must leave the noble lord, because lie feared that the drain upon the capital of the country would be productive of dangerous results. It would be better on that account to leave the management of these railways in the hands of the government, who would know how to proceed with them gradually. Sir C. Napier did not think Lord G. Bentinck's plan likely to be productive of much benefit to Ireland but even if It were, he should feel bound to vote against it, unless lie felt satisfied that the noble lord could form an administration on the resignation of the present govern- ment. That he felt the noble lord could not do, and therefore he should vote against the second reading. Mr. Hudson denied that he would have anything per- sonally to do with the Irish railways, and therefore he was quite disinterested and single in his support of the measure. He should be ready to give his assistance in carrying it into effect. His existing engagements were too heavy to admit of his taking any active part, or holding a single share. He denied the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that only one-fourth of the money advanced upon loan would be employed in la- bour. He said nearly the whole of the statements of the right hon. gentleman were founded in error. Mr. Goulburn expressed his intention to vote against the measure, and the debate was then adjourned till Monday. < The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock.

4, SIR ROBERT PEEL ON SANATORY LEGISLATION.— I have heard with great satisfaction, that it is the intention of government to direct the attention of Par- liament to the sanatory condition of the kingdom. With the exception of Ireland, I can conceive no sub- ject of deeper importance, none more closely connected with the health, happiness, and permanent welfare of the great masses of the population. I hope that the measure will be most extensive, that it will not be con- fined to the populations of large towns, but that it will extend to small places, and that the municipal au- thorities of those places will have power to make those improvements, the want of which has been so prejudicial to the health and comfort of the inhabitants. "I;pceell on the Address. THE POln OF GLOUCESTER.—We are informed, on good authority, that an agreement has been entered into between a Calcutta house and the proprietors of the Stoke works, under which a shipment of 500 tons of salt per month will be made from the port. of Glou- cester to Calcutta, if the shipping trade here do their part in providing vessels. NVe also hear that a rich vein of ruck salt hs been opened at the same works, of a quality suitable for Belgian demand, so that we hope soon to see a regular series of periodical shipments of this article from Gloucester to India, to Belgium, to Ireland, and to America. We would also indulge in visions by no means difficult to be realised, that ere long Gloucester may not only be all exporting port to India, but that we may also import into Gloucester the rich produce of that extensive country. We see no rea- son, except local enterprise be lacking, why Gloucester may not become a grand entrepot for the sugars, the teas, the spices, silks, &c., of the far East, and be the medium of supplying these articles to the densely popu- lous and important manufacturing district of which she is geographically the natural port—Cluucestcr Journal.

THE NAVIGATION LJVS. I I [From the Times.] I There is to be a committee of inairy into the Na- vigation Laws. To a committee the? can be no very substantial objection. It would be to much to expect that every member of the two Ilousefhould study the evidence already given and printed. Nothing but the most absolute freshness can render blue book pala- table. Neither flesh nor fish becames-o rapidly tainted. Iî, then, the Navigation Laws are ) be made a nine days' wonder, there must be a new rourt. That is tLe condition oil which alone a topic ca) be rescued from the realms of oblivion or prejudice. We may quarrel at the busy idleness which prefers sking questions to remembering or understanding the aswer; but such is the law of the Parliamentary game. Nothing of course will be done with these laws at jesent. To quote a fashionable expression, feeling as ell as reason comes into the discussion of these chages. A proposed alteration may plead great intrinc merits, but if it comes immediately after a who! budget of similar measures, it may keep up a darigrous excitement, the end of which no man can foi-ese, Once put it into people's heads that all the insti-itioiis of the country are to go by the board, and vou nil infuse a dangerous ambition in one class, and a equally dangerous despondency in the other Th mass of mankind cannot discriminate between these innovations which are recommended on the npst mdoubtcd proofs of utility, and those which have nching but a specious show of abstract principle it. ther favour. Fear that indiscriminateness. Do not makethe people, like some monster of fable, demand its yearf victims, and hunger after change with a brutish unrclôoning appetite. We do not plead this against a wise reform, or against a review of antiquated systems, Ut only in favour of a leisurely consideration. Do notgo so fast as so acquire a momentum beyond your pwer of control. The whole commercial theory is gainst the Navigation Laws. This has received its las; reproof in one splendid example. The moment the nation is in a condition to value a slight accession to the supply of corn, it sus- pends the Navigation Laws ii favour of that import. If now, of course always ani if it is so in the case of this article, it must be so h the case of all other articles. There are other necessities as well as those of immediate famine. The maerialof remunerative em- ployment is as necessary ts food itself. Ordinarily speaking, they who have rot food must die if they have nothing to give in exchae for it. Cotton is corn to millions. So it may be sid in a less degree of many other commodities. Tha the Navigation Laws do enhance the cost of food, nd of the means whereby food is procured, is eviden from the immense propor- tions of ships which eitherso out or return in ballast, or with very trifling caries. Thousands of vessels, British and foreign, cross te Atlantic and go the still more tedious Mediterraneai and Euxine voyage, exhi- biting as deplorably wastefu a folly as that of the Kerry peasant, who balances a paviier of butter with a pan- nier of stones, and places iinself on the back of his beast to secure that ingenias equilibrium. What else is a vessel that takes out allast and returns with a freight, or takes out manfactures and returns with nothing. The theory, ther is indefensive, nor is it recommended by its histoical circumstances and its moral sentiment It dates rom an age of international jealousy, and was originaly aimed as much at the destruction of our great ommercial rivals as at the protection of our own merantile navy. It is the rem- nant of a school which put the commerce of the world on the same footing as a c-Ilue of tradesmen in a coun- on the same footiii?, try town. All this is not inly true, but generally felt and admitted. But other mestions remain. Undoubt- edly a vast number of perscis are so far interested in the fictitious value imparted 3 British shipping by the Navigation Laws, that a sdden change would be widely ruinous. The measure s.ould be framed to avoid or avert this conclusion an: that is a work of time and reflection. There are soie still more important con- siderations. The father cf free trade himself hesitated to resign navigation to he province of general prin- ciples. There are things vhich are beyond the reach of free trade especially all tiat concerns the Government, the laws, and the defenceaf a country. It is necessary to have a standing arm;, and a standing navy also. The most economical fem of keeping the maritime army in practice is to seure for it in the interval of peace, employment in mecantile enterprise. Such was Adam Smith's difficulty and it was felt last night. This is the chief obstacl- to a settlement of the ques- tion on those principles of freedom which have now been stamped with an axiomatic and catholic cha- racter. It falls to the oiice of a committee to inquire what weight is due to tils objection—how far it is real, and how far a pretence. It is at least possible that an indefinite enlargement jf our trade, not only in pro- portion to our increast of population, but in a consi- derably greater ratio, nay eventually find employment for as much shipping md as many sailors as these islands can supply, and, even without the artificial help of the Navigation Law-, educate enough hands for the naval defence of the couitry.

OPEN QUESTIONS. [From the Morning Chronicle.'] We really seem to be living in very pleasant and comfortable times, ali things considered. The" intel- ligent foreigner," to whose presumable opinion it was at once an oratorical fashion to appeal apropos of every thing, would scarcely suppose, to see and hear us, that we were in the very thick of an imperial calamity." Taking things easily appears to be the order of the day. We are all of us hoping to fare better, or work less, in our emergency," than has been heretofore the painful habit of our every-day existence. For the Irish peasant we have rose-coloured visions of "beef and mutton," handsomely sauced with English gold." And for the English artizan, who, as is universally acknowledged, is burdened at this moment with an inconvenient sur- plusage of butcher's meat and the precious metals, we can devise nothing more appropriate than the luxury of leisure. Our very statesmen obey the genera l im- pulse, and good-naturedly give themselves a dispensation from cares and toils that have been ordinarily accepted as unavoidably incident to official rank. Cabinets hold themselves absolved from the necessity of having an opinion, or taking a line, on certain matters on which it was once deemed a Ministerial duty, of first-class obligation, to have the true opinion and take the right line. The dolce far niente is infecting us all-those not excepted whom a respectable and graceful fiction presumes to be absolutely overdone with the solicitudes and labours proper to the crisis." The most embar- rassing of difficulties is got over by the simplest and cheapest of expedients. Make an open question" of it, and let every man do as he likes. We are sure the late Premier must envy the happy facility with which his successors have given the go-by to an awk- ward controversy. As for our Prime Minister, it does not appear that he would have judged it necessary to take any trouble whatever about the business alluded to, beyond giving a silent vote against his Chancellor of the Exchequer, but for the accidental circumstances that somebody made an attack upon him," which seemed to call for a few words." As it was already perfectly well known that united opinion and action on the subject of the short-time question were not to be expected from the present Cabinet, we cannot of course affect to be surprised at the otherwise very remarkable incidents of yesterday's debate. That peculiarity in the composition of the Russell Administration which was confessed, at the period of its formation, with a frankness that almost made an unavoidable defect look like a positive merit, had prepared the public to anti- cipate the unwonted exhibition of Ministers of the Crown speaking and voting against one another on a legislative question of first-rate importance. At the same time, we cannot refrain from adverting to the grave consequences necessarily attendant on giving so large and unusual a latitude to individual opinion. However pleasing it may be, as a matter of taste and fueling, to see noble lords and right honourable gen- tlemen agree to differ" with reference to a subject of angry controversy, it is impossible to overlook the objections with which the cooler judgment of the public will be apt to regard legislation conducted on the volun- tary principle. To reflecting persons there is something unwelcome, not to say ominous, in hearing the Premier give a free and easy—we had almost said a non- clialaitt-assent to a legislative experiment which his Chancellor of the Exchequer pronounces to be fraught with danger to the industrial and commercial interests of the country. A measure of industrial legislation that is stoutly, and even sternly, opposed by those members of the Government who officially represent the interests of trade and finance, and who are officially responsible for so much of the economical condition of the trading and working classes as may be influenced by acts of the Legislature, does not come before us under pleasant auspices. It strikes us as a particularly unfortunate result of that system of individualism and open questions," which circumstances have in a manner forced upon the present Government, that a measure directly and largely affecting, whether for evil or for good, the most momentous of all our national interests, should be likely to receive the force of law without the customary guarantees of Ministerial approval and Ministerial responsibility.

THE FACTORY BILL. [From the Morning Herald.] Lord John Russell has wisely determined to sanction at least the principle of Mr. Fieldcn's bill, and to stand by the legislation of the last few year?, which has sought to mitigate the sufferings of the tender portion of the operatives in the factory districts. His lordship exercises a wise discretion. He cannot but be coneious of the absurdity of passing laws for the better education of the people, of establishing parks for their recreation, whilst the arrangements of millowners keep the young from school, and deny the more advanced freedom, exercise, or any other open-air enjoyment whatsoever. You may pass a law providing roast-beef and plum- pudding for the daily fare of every pauper in the king- dom, but unless you enable the pauper to get at it the law is absurd, and the money is thrown away that carries it out. We thank the Premier for his adherence to the principle, even if he limits his sanction to an eleven hours measure. His lordship may rest assured that the allotviiiicr- cannot stop there. Life, health, the well-being of the people, their usefulness to the State, all depend upon an enactment that shall provide for the needful rest of working creatures, without interfering with the lawful rights of capital, and the necessities of trade and commerce. Such an enactment is the Ten Hours Bill. Without implicit}' relying upon all the accounts which have reached us from time to time of the fearful cons, quenccs of factory labour, we may, with, uut much fear of llame, listen !u the reports of cudible ">. < eye-witnesses, and of men who have no interest i;1 withholding' or mutilating tiuth. The hon. member for Birmingham is no Protectionist his political sym- pathies are with the hon. member for Durham he hates what both gentlemen call abuses he voted against the corn laws. He is a Radical Reformer. What is the evidence of Mr. Muntz ? The labour of the opera- ratives," says that gentleman, has been largely in- creased, but their wages has been diminished." He had gone into a manufactory in Manchester, where there were perhaps l,0l)0 women and girls employed, and their appearance was neither healthy nor creditable. When he looked at the emaciated and unhealthy appear- ance of the women in such factories, he was bound to say that it was the dutv of Parliament to see how far the work by which they earned their daily bread was suitable for them." As he went over the manufactory at Manchester, he found it was like a hothouse. He asked how the people could work in such an atmos- phere—why not open the windows ? The person ad- dressed admitted it would be much better if the windows were opened but lie confessed the spinners of cotton could not work unless at a certain heat, for the cotton thread would not hold together unless a high tempe- rature was preserved. It appeared to him it was ne- cessary to keep all these unfortunate girls in a state of continual perspiration, that they might better perform their task. He believed it was from the necessity of going from so heated an atmosphere into the cold air that all sorts of complaints were generated, and that the factory girls became depraved both in mind and body." All that is said by Mr. Muntz is corroborated by others, and the result of the mischief is clearly inuicatcd in the comparative reports ot aeatns tnrougn- out the kingdom. Still, as Mr. Bright naively ob- served, Did any one ever hear of such a proposition in these later days of persons asking the House to transfer the superfluous profits of the cotton manufac- turer to the hands of the workmen r" And did any one, we will add, ever hear of a slaveowner giving liberty to his slave until the Legislature stepped in to disarm inj ustice, and to give wings to the oppressed ? As we treated the slave-owners, so we must treat the manufacturers. When sixteen men are crowded into an omnibus, the policeman interposes and the magistrate fines. When the weak are ground down by the rapacity of the strong, Law appears in her loveliest attire. She is, if ever, godlike then. It is not the fault of the operatives that the policeman is about to be despatched to Rochdale. Time enough has been given to John Bright and brothers to make terms with their servants and the State's children. Hating all monopolies but their own, they have suffered the time to slip away. It is now too late.

THE IRISH RAILWAY SCHEME. I [From the I Create trade in Ireland by giving her railways Would it were feasible But, alas it is net. Rail- ways do not create a trade. They stimulate, they aug- ment, and they perpetuate an existing trade. But it is not for them to make a trade where there are no pre- cedent conditions, nor elements of trade already at work. This must be done by the reciprocal industry and necessities of men, combined with certain local relations. The earliest line in England-that between Liverpool and Manchester—arose, not from a desire to create trade, but from the urgent necessities of a trade which long existed. The traffic between the great manufacturing city of the North and its maritime outlet had been so impeded by the suicidal obstructions of monopoly, that the merchants and the manufacturers were compelled to cut out some new way of communi- cation. When they had done so, the facilities which they obtained undoubtedly multiplied the commercial tran- sactions of both towns. But the commerce and manu- factures had subsisted before, though under difficulties which it finally became of vital moment to remove. The same remark applies with greater force to the con- struction of lines between towns more remote, such as London and Liverpool, London and Bristol, Manchester and Leeds, all which places carried on continual inter- course, liable, however, to frequent interruptions and delays from the insufficiency of the existing means. These all afford the example of a commerce checked and repressed by a want of proportionate facilities, and afterwards raised to its just standard when these were afforded. But the case of Ireland is different. Where in that country do you find men whose bales and cargoes exceed the present powers of transport ? Where do you find men pressed by the exigency of a heavy order and an insufficient conveyance ? What commercial transactions are there of such magnitude between Dublin and Cork, or Dublin and Galwav, that a railway is necessary to satisfy their emergency ? Yet, if there be none, do you expect to make any by laying down rails, and constructing tunnels from one end of the island to the other ? To say that you do would be to imitate that worst of the Repeal niaiscries, that Eng- land destroyed the trade of Ireland by an Act of Par- liament. The fact is, you are making a temporary makeshift by a profligate expenditure, which you flat- ter yourself will germinate into a provision for the future. No such thing. You have begun in a cart- before-the-horse fashion. You have feasted your ima- ginations on Paddies rendered for the first time car- nivorous, and exhibiting all the virtues of which "navvies" are capable at 30s. a week. But in the poetic vision you have left out some sober realities, of which the oblivion is more pleasant than the suggestion. You forgot, in the first place, that the railways may never pay; that the stoker may travel on a tour of solitary pleasure three-fourths of his way from Dublin to Connemara, and have no companions on his return but pigs and grain, the latter article being one which we are told is already too largely exported from Ireland. You forget, too, that whether the railways pay or no, the money will all have been spent in four years and then, when that is gone-when the" navvies" and the children of" navvies" are spread over the face of the land, with an auxiliary corps of cashiered stokers at their sides—all with their physical dimensions and gentlemanly ideas consi- derably enlarged, as becomes men who have been living on public works—that then you will find yourselves just where you were when you first set out, with a mass of squalid indigence utterly unprovided for, a legalised mendicancy, a devouring and desolating pauperism

IRISH INNOCENTS AND ENGLISH OGRES. I (r rom Douglas Jerrold's Aelcspaper.) I The innocents are the Irish landlords the ogres, the capitalists and merchants of London. On Monday last, Sir II. W. Barron, member for Waterford, briefly-but, oh, how cunningly!—unfolded the awful plot. Never before—no, not even in the House of Commons—was so alarming a cat let out of so mysterious a bag The Irish landlords were to be hunted to death and destruction, in order that the Engligh capitalists might step in, buy up their estates, and so invest their money in land. There! At this moment English merchants are governors and landlords of some Irish Barataria. They have subscribed, many of them individually, their thou- sands for the relief of Ireland this fact was most cordially and gracefully advanced, in reply, by Lord Russell. What of it ? Their benevolence was rapacity in disguise the guile and trick of mere thrift, clothed in the garb of charity. They invested in present horror, only that they might extract from the wretchedness a future profit. It was their purpose to coin wealth from broken hearts. Such is the charity—such the thanks of that tenderest, most sensitive of bipeds, an Irish landlord—towards the merchants of London who not only largely subscribed, but-says Lord Russell—" they met every afternoon when business was over to receive subscriptions, to con- duct correspondence, and daily to transmit the funds in the way likely to be most useful to the people of Ireland." Again we ask, what of it ? Such seeming benevolence could not deceive a Barron for, intuitively, he knew that every merchant carries about him carries it still-a pocket map of Ireland, and in his way to and from business, in the privacy of his carriage, consults that document, day-dreaming over lands already his. The public are not aware of the fact; but the whole of Ireland has been partitioned out among the principal merchants and bankers of London. The whole of Tipperary has fallen to the lot of the Brothers Baring though the exact day is as yet a secret when they will take possession. Look at the Irish landlord as we will-study him as we may—he is, on his own word, the most interesting and the most ingenuous of creatures. An Arcadian, lie —only, an Arcadian holding the hat—at the door of England. All his past faults—for his errors are of the past he is now regenerate and pure—we are to forget. We are to say no word to him, save the monetary two- How much ?" And then in the blandest way, he will answer, Some handful of millions and then, we are to draw the cheque upon the back and belly of England, and the money gone, there are to be no more questions asked. The sensibility of the Irish landlord is even morbidly acute. Say one word to him about the sufferings of Englishmen, and you insult him. His compassion is purely geographical, and does not cross the channel. Sir B. Hall gibbeted the names of certain Irish land- lords, to our mind denaturalized, made monstrous by their homicidal selfishness for with wealth sufficient to assuage the misery around them, they buttoned their pockets, and let famine do its work of death. No matter how many graves are opened, the landlord's purse is closed. And these men have their good-natured, mistaken advocates; and kind Mr. Monckton Milnes is one of them. He gently rebuked Mr. Roebuck that he should come forward at this crisis and objurgate the Irish landloids." What! When it is proved that certain stony-hearted owners of the soil are guilty of the crime of indifference—a crime made fiendish by the overwhelming horrors of the present—are we to stifle the expression of detestation out of a gingerly regard to the conventional mealy-mouthedness of tranquil times ? Certain Irish landlords are "caught in the manner;" but according to Mr. Milnes, and such amiable illu- but accor( I iii,- to -N Ir. sionists, for this reason, such is not the time to expose t hem. When then ? When they are not caught? Is it the innocent who is to be pilloried for public abhor- rence ? Certainly not, says Mr. Milnes. The guilty, then ? No certainly not—the guilty neither. Now, this may seem very amiable but it is not so it is a wicked weakness, for it is gross injustice. Lord J. Manners has, of course, a peculiar regard for Irish landlordism. Hg is a most poetic legislator. His liberal readiness to Let art and commerce, laws and learning die, But give us still our old nobility," is not to be forgotten; (indeed, we marvel that the sentence is not set in jewels somewhere in the Man- chester Athenujum.)—Thercfoie it is no wonder, that he should wish for an act of oblivion in favour of a rapacious aristocracy. However, let his lordship content himself with the;;e gentle aspirations: let him not hope to contend with Mr. Roebuck, whose moral courages against the combined attacks of the Irish members—5 and whose contempt of an imbecility that, incapable of argument, sinks to abuse that lowers the utterer— challenge the approval of the people of England. He is the champion of their pockets against a light-fingered landlordism; and the louder he cries stop thief," the greater will be the outcry against him. The hon. member for Bath gallantly, though vainly endeavoured to bring the Chancellor of the Exchequer to book as to future taxation. You talk of millions—how are they to be raised?" was the pertinent question but the Minister waived reply an evasion sufficiently significant. In the following passage, we believe that Mr. Roebuck uttered the feeling of the heart of England: He was not opposing anything like a full and generous provision for the Irish poor. On the contrary, he wanted it, and not only now, but hereafter. He wanted to mort- gage Ireland for its poor, and he cared not one farthing what became of its landlords. And if Ireland be not relieved in this spirit,—let Mr. O'Connell be assured of this fact: that he may in Eng- land count upon millions of Repealers. It was well said by the Times, that every English peasant would have an Irishman on his back." But it is no less true, that —with no Irish poor- law-the Englishman will not keep him there. Depend upon it, if-scaiit justice be done to this country in increasing Irish demands upon her- Hurrah for repeal;" will arise from out the length and breadth of England.

DON MIGUEL.—A telegraphic despatch from Marseil- les, of the 7th, announces that Don Miguel had secretly left Rome. He went down to the port of Ostia, entered a boat waiting for him, and was put him on board a vessel cruising off the port, which immediately set sail. It is believed that he intends to return to Portugal, where, however, he will probably arrive too late to find any of his adherents in arms. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN TURKEY.—The corres- pondent of a French paper writes from Constantinople on the 20th ultimo. The Sultan himself proposed a measure which will produce a great sensation in Europe, namely, to issue an ordonnance for the suppression of the slave market. This is not indeed a suppression of slavery altogether, but it is a tirst step towards it. The Bey of Tunis has already abolished slavery in his regency, and Ibrahim Pacha, on his return from Europe, gave freedom to all his slaves, without either of these acts producing the least disapprobation in the Mussul- man states. THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.—Hugh Percy, third Duke of Northumberland, succeeded to the dukedom at the death of his father, in 1817; in 1810 he was appointed Chancellor of the University of Cambridge he was Lord Lieutenant of Northumber- land and Newcastle-upon-Tyne; was Lord Lieutenantof Ireland in 1826-30 was Ambassador Extraordinary to France on the coronation of Charles X. in 182.5 and in consequence of having defrayed his own expenses, was on his return presented by the Government with a sword, value 1,000 guineas; he was a knight of the Garter, and patron of 11 livings: the Duchess was governess to her Majesty when Princess Victoria. His grace died at Alnwick Castle, on Thursday morning, in the G2nd year of his age. He had been for some time labouring under an attack of influenza but no dangerous consequences were apprehended by his medical attendants. His valet entered the bed-room at his usual hour in the morning, when he thought the duke was asleep; but it was subsequently ascertained that it was the sleep of death. He has left no issue; his brother, therefore, Lord Prudhoe, who was elevated to the Peerage in November 1816, succeeds to the title and estates. The present duke was born in 1792, and became a captain in the navy in 1815. He married in August 1839, Lady Eleanor, eldest daughter of Earl Grosvenor. GEOHGE ROBINS.—This eminent auctioneer filled for many years an exalted position in his profession. No one, perhaps, has exerted greater capabilities in that profession. He was undoubtedly one of the most successful and persuasive advocates in seducing his anditors to unloose their purse strings that have ever appeared at the Auction Mart. Turning to what may be termed his private life, his first unprofessional effort was at Margate, where, in the cause of charity, no less than that of assisting the funds of the Margate Sea- Bathing Infirmary, by holding a plate for contributions outside the church gate, he, with several other gentle- men, were taken into custody as rogues and vagabonds for begging, and were afterwards compelled to attend the Dover Sessions, where no evidence was offered against him and upon the trial of an action against the magistrates of Margate at the Maidstone assizes damages were obtained, and to this day a tablet in the walls of the institution at Margate record his victory and the increase to the funds for the sick at the infir- mary. Notwithstanding his numerous avocations, he could spare time for the cause of charity, and many were the successful claims to public benevolence that he advocated-the most remarkable was that for poor Emery's (the comedian's) family, when by the greatest indefatigability, a sufficient sum was obtained to provide a comfortable annuity for the widow and children. The description of a dinner given by him to Lord Byron is recorded in that nobleman's memoirs, edited by Moore, when Lord Kinnaird and his brother, Sheridan, C'olman, John Kemble, and other eminent men were present. In his private life he was strictly a domestic man, always ready to do good and to succour the distressed. He leaves a widow and seven young children, whom his exertions have enabled him to provide for in an ample manner. Mr. Robins died at Brighton, where he had been residing as an invalid for some time. IMPORTANCE OF SPACE IX WORKSHOPS.—"Among 104 men (letter-press printers) having less than 500 cubic feet of air to breathe, there were 13 who had spit blood, 13 who were subject to habitual catarrh, and 18 to other diseases, making a total of 44 invalids; of 10.5 men who had from 500 to 600 cubic feet of air to breathe, five had spit blood, four were subject to colds, and 23 to other diseases, making in all 32 invalids while out of 100 men having more than 600 cubic feet of air to breathe, four only had suffered from spitting of blood, two from catarrh, and 18 from other diseases, making a total of 24 invalids."—From D)-. Guy's Evidence before the Health of Towns' Commission. SINGULAR EsCAPi,We read in a German journal the following :—" The cookmaid of the family of the poet Hartman, at Prague, being aware that a sum of 2000 thalers was kept in a secretary, communicated the fact to a man whom she knew, and proposed to him to steal it. The latter gave her some poison, which he directed to have thrown into the soup, assuring her that it was merely a narcotic, which would not fail to plunge the family into a deep sleep. A curious circum- stance saved them all. On the edge of the lamp suspended over the table was placed a rod, to keep in awe one of the children. The child having begun to cry, just as they sat down to table, M. Hartman stretched out his hand for the rod, and in doing so overset the soup tureen. The cat lapped up some of the liquid, and died immediately. This aroused sus- picion, and an investigation being instituted, the truth was discovered .Globe. LORD SID.MOUTII'.S LAST INTERVIEW WITH NELSON —"Amongst other things, Lord Nelson explained to him. with his finger, on the little study table, the manner in which, should he be so fortunate as to meet the combined fleets, he purposed to attack them. 'Rodney,' he said, broke the line in one point: I will break it in two. There,' he said to Miss Halsted, whose pen has recorded the anecdote, there is the table on which he drew the plan of the battle of Irafalgar but five weeks before his death. It is strange that I should have used this valued relic for above thirty years, without having once thought of recording upon it a fact so interesting. Now,' pointing to a brass plate inserted in the centre of the table, I have perpetuated it by this brief record :— On the 10th day of September, 1805, Vice-Admiral Lord Vis- count Nelson described to Lord Sidmouth, upon this table, the manner in which lie intended to engage the combined fleets of France and Spain, which he expected shortly to meet. He stated, that he should attack them in two lines, led by himself and Admiral Colling- wood and felt confident that he should capture either their van and centre or their centre and rear. This he successfully effected, on the 21st of October following, in the glorious battle of Trafalgar.' Lord Nelson then asked Lord Sidmouth to hold his proxy in parliament; but the latter declined, observing that he might some- times be compelled to oppose the government, which Lord Nelson, as an ofifcer acting under them, had better not do. In reply, his lordship mentioned the names of some peers who had applied for it; and added, that if Lord Sidmouth would not take it, he should not give it to any one else and he did not.' At the close of the conversation, he said to the present Viscount Sidmouth, then a youth, Now, boy, man the boat!' alluding to his chaise which was in waiting. Just as he was entering it, Lord Ellenborough drove lip. I Yoti must return for a few minutes,' said Lord Sidmouth, and speak to Lord Ellenborough.' The minutes proved an hour, at the end of which Lord Nelson proceeded to town. Alighting in Bond street, he there met Mr. Sullivan I have passed a couple of hours,' said he, with Lord Sidmouth but I shall never see him anain I have looked upon him for the last time. — Life of Lord Sidmouth. IIOLLOVYAY'S OINTMENT. —A BAD LEG CURED AN EXTRAORDINARY.—Mrs. Jackson, a monthly nurse, re- siding at 30, Stanhope-street, Clare-market, had a bad leg of a most desperate and alarming nature; inde- pendent of every other bad symptom attending the limb, it swelled most alarmingly, and was likewise accom- panied with great inflammation, which made her case one of extreme danger she was taken to King's Col- lege Hospital, where they could do nothing with it. The leg, however, like "thousands of others" which are given up as incurable at the hospitals, was soundly healed in about a fortnight by the use of Holloway's Ointment.

LONDON GAZETTE. BANKRUPTS.—(Friday, Feb. 12.)-J. Bond and E. Morgan, Oxford-street. shawl manufacturers.—J. Clarke, Great Castle-street, Regent-street, painter.F. Hatch, St. John-square, Clerkcnwell, Iron plate worker.—B. Bromly, Great Bromley, Essex, cattle dealer.—W. and G. W. Lovett, Barossa-terrace, Cambridge-heath, Hack- ney, builders.—T. Gillett, Gutter-lane, Cheapside, ware- lintiseiii,in.-P,. Greig and W. Rawlings, Maiden-lane, King's-cross, timber. mcrchants.-F. Hopkins, Cam- bridge, brewer.-G. D. Payne, Saville-rovv, Regent-street, tailor.—J. Rouse, Lower Paul-street, Exeter, plumber. —S. Bentley, Birkenhead, Chester, innkeeper. (Tuesday, Peb, 16.) Robert Layt, spirit merchant, Hingham, Norfolk.—Jules Rockat, jeweller, St. Martin's-lane; Ilenry Hunter, confcc i mer, Old-street, Middlesex. Jonathan Smith, innkeeper, Gloucester.—Jenkin 11. Llewellyn, surgeon, Strind.- Cliai-tes Proctor, wine merchant, Witham, Essex.—Jo- seph Allison, booksell?r, Penrith, Cumberland.—T. N. Brown, leather dealer, East Stonehouse, Devonshire.

AGRICULTURE, MARKETS, &c.. (From the Mark Lane Express"). The continued drain on our stocks to supply the wanta of the sister isle, and the unusually large consumptioa of bread-stuffs in all parts of the united kingdom, have already caused Wheat to become somewhat scarce and though we differ from some authorities, on whose judg- ment we generally place great reliance, we ca.nnot come to any other conclusion than that the stocks of Wheat at present in the country are smaller than in ordinary years at the corresponding period. With this conviction, and with the prospect of having to ship largely to Ireland for several months to come, whilst no effective supplies from abroad can be looked for till April, we can discover nothing in the position of affairs to lead us to anticipate low, or even moderately low prices; on the contrary, a further rise appears to us far more probable. The supplies of Barley, which a few weeks ago were liberal at the markets in those cougties where this grain is most exten- sively grown, have Mr at once fallen off materially; and we think it will not be long before the discovery will be made that the crop of this grain has turned out quite as deficient as represented at harvest time. The maltsters, as a body, are certainly far from well stocked; and having during the week come forward more freely as buyers, the supplies have proved inadequate to the demand, and prices have advanced about 2s. per qr. all over the kingdom. Oats, on the other hand, have not as yet recovered any portion of the recent decline, which may be partly accounted for by the economy observed in their consumption. The comparatively low price of hay has caused that article to be used more extensively than usual; other substitutes have also been largely employed But notwithstanding all these shifts, Oats are evidently becoming very scarce; and when the seed demand com- mences, their value will in all probability rise. Floating cargoes of Indian Corn, particularly those close at hand, have been eagerly bought on Irish account, and nearly as high prices have been realized as at the period when the greatest extent of excitement prevailed. S. S. I S. 8. Wheat, Engl., red 69 to 73 Oats, English feed 32—37 White. 75-82 Potatoe. 37-39 Norfolk & Suffolk 70-74 Y oughall Black. 25 29 Do new 80 85 Scotch feed. 35 40 Barley, Malting 55 — 60 Irish Galwav. 23—26 Chevalier. 61—63 Dublin. 30—#33 Grindin, 40-46 Londonderry 37-33 Irish 37]—39 Waterford white 30 36 Scoteli 50-55 Clonmel. 31-3: Beans, Tick new.. 44—48 SEED, Rape 22J. 251. Harrow 48 — 49 Irisli -1. -1. per last Peas, Boiling 55-60 Linseed, Baltic. 44 43 White 54-58 Odessa 45-43 4. 8-10 Maple 53 55 Brown.. 9 -10 per bush. < Malt, Brown. 71-73 Flour, Town-n-iade Chevalier 81—85 and bestcountrr Kingston & Ware. 72-80 marks 60—65 Suffolk & Norfolk 50—55 Stockton. 48 5t Itye,new.45-48 "Norf.&Suffolk.. 50-55 Indian C0rii 56-60 t Irish GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF CORN. Week ending Feb 6.—Imperial—General Weekly Average,—Wheat, 73s. lOd Barley, 53s. 5d Oats, 331. Od Rye, 55s. 9d Beans, 54s. 3d Peas, 7s. 8d. AggregateAverage of six weeks which governedDuty. —Wheat, 70s. 7d.; Barley, 50s. 9d. Oats, 30s. 2d. i Rye, 51s. Id.; Beans, 50s. 6d.; Peas, 53s. 9d. LONDON AVERAGES. £ s. (1. £ s. d. Wheat. 5,899 qrs.3 14 4 Rye. 42 qrs.2 18 9 Barley. 1,357 2 16 1 1 Beans.. 1732 2 15 6 Oats. 6,504 1 14 11 Peas 650 3 1 6 SMITHFIELD MARKET. The number of foreign stock on offer to-day was small, viz., 64 Oxen and Cows, and 220 Sheep, in fair average condition; while the sale was inactive, and prices were not supported. With home-fed Beasts we were season- ably well supplied, both as respects numbers and quality. Owing to the change in the weather, and the absence of the principal country buyers, the Beef trade was ex- t ccedingly dull, at a decline in the quotations obtained on t Monday last of quite 2d. per 81bs. With Sheep we were very scantily supplied, and the quality of that description of stock was by no means first-rate. All kinds moved off slowly, and last week's prices were with difficulty sup- ported. The number of Calves was small; yet the Veal trade was in a very sluggish state, at an abatement in f value of 2d. per Sibs. In Pigs, comparatively little j business was transacted, at late rates. J A COMPARISON of the PRICES of FAT STOCK. i sold in SMITHFIELD CATTLE MARKET, on Monday February 16, 1843, and Monday, February 15, 1847. Per 81bs. to sink the offal. Feb. 16, 1816. Feb. 15, 1847. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Coarse & inferior Beasts. 2 10 to 3 0 3 2 to 3 4 [ Second quality do. 3 2 3 6.. 3 6 3 8 Prime large Oxcn. 3 6 3 10 310 4 0 Prime Scots, &c. 4 2 4 4 42 4 4 Co-,trse &- inferior Sheep.. 404 4..3 10 46 Seeondqualitydo. 4 6 4 8 40 4 2 Prime coarse woolled do.. 5 0 5 2 44 48 j Prime Southdown do 5 2 5 6 410 5 0 j Large coarse Calves 4 4 4 10 40 4 6 i Prime small do. 5 0 5 4. 4 8 5 2 Large Hog-s 3 10 4 8 38 4 6 Neat small Porkers. 410 5 2 48 4 10 BUTTER, BACON, CHEESE, AND HAMS. s s. Cheese, per ewt. s. 8. DorsetButter,pr.fir. 54 Double Gloucester.. 62 64 Fresh Butter, 14s. 6d. I Single ditto 52 62 per dozen. Cheshire 56 84 Irish, do., per cwt. Derby 58 66 Carlow, new 106 American. 52 54 Sligo 80 Edam and Gouda.. 46 56 Cork, 1st. 98 100 Bacon, new. 66 70 Waterford 98 100 Middle. — — Foreign Butter, cwt Hams, I ;iI 92 — Prime Fries'and. 106 Westmoreland. 96 Do. Kiel 102 — York 112 — PRICE OF TALLOW, &c. 1843. 1844. 1845. 1845. 1847. Stock this day 28,270..27,563..27,603..20,916..13,282 Price ofY.C.. 43s.6d. ,4ls. Od. ,39s.6d..42s.6d..49s.6d. to to to to to 41s.9d.. Os.Od..40s.0d..42s.0d..oOs.Od. Deliver.lastweek 2,054.. 1,551.. 1,679.. 1,138.. 1,311 Do.from 1st June73,147..67,229..67,140..69,357..66,327 Arriv. last week 210.. 716.. 264.. 37.. 51 Do.from 1st June78,167..75,693..75,755..75,637..68,986 Price of Town. 48s.6d-44s.6d-12s.6d-46..6d-52s.0d. METALS. £ s. d. ;C s. d. Ipox—bar Wales per ton 8 15 0 to 9 0 0 London 9 15 0 to 10 0 0 Nail rods 10 10 0 to 10 1.5 0 Hoops (Staf.). 11 15 0 to 12 0 0 Sheets. 0 0 0 to 13 0 0 Bars 11 0 0 to 11 10 0 Welsh cold-blast foundry pig 5 5 0 to 5 10 0 Scotch pig, Clyde 3 13 6 to 3 14 6 Rails, average 9 15 0 to 10 0 0 Gourieff. 0 0 Oto 0 0 0 Archangel. 0 0 0 to 13 10 0 Swedish, on the spot. 0 0 0 to 11 15 0 Steel, fagt 0 0 0 to 16 50 ket,s 15 0 0 to 15 5 0 COPPER—Tile 0 0 0 to 87 10 0 Tough cake 0 0 0 to 88 10 0 Best selected 0 0 0 to 91 10 0 Ordinary Sheets .lb. 0 0 0 to 0 0 10 bottoms. 0 0 0 to 0 0 11 TIN-Com. blocks cwt 0 0 0 to 4 18 0 b.us. 0 0 0 to 4 19 6 Refined. 0 0 Oto 5 1 0 Straits. 4 18 0 to 4 18 0 Banea 0 0 0 to 5 1 0 TIN PLATES-Ch., IC.box 111 Oto 112 0 "IX 1 17 0 to 1180 Coke, IC 0 0 0 to 1 7 0 b" IX. 0 0 0 to 1 13 0 L.E.D-Sheet.ton 19 5 Oto 19 140 Pig renned. 0 0 0 to 21 0 0 common. 18 10 0 to 18 100 Spanish, inbd. 17 10 0 to 18 5 0 SPELTER.-(Cake). 2210 Oto2:3 0 0 ZINC.—(Sheet) 0 0 0 to 23 0 6 QUICKSILVER lb 0 0 Oto 0 4 6

WEEKLY CALENDAR. THE :Moo:o;'S CHANGES.—First Quarter on the 22d of F ebr,tary, at 3h. 59m. morn. HIGH WATER AT THE FOLLOWING PLACES. TOR THE ENSUING WEEK. Carmar- Cardigan Tenbye'? DAYS. then Bar. and and ?"?< LlancUy Bristol. Milford ?" F 1, -I-I II. ?' Satu rday. 2 9 M 10 17 9 2 10 47 Sunday. 111 10 17 11 2 9 47 11 32 MOQdåv. 22 11 1 11 49 10 3! 12 19 Tuesday. 23 11 57 12 42 11 27 0 12 Wednesday. 2,ti 0 30 0 56 j 0 41 2 M Thursday..25 1 M 2 21 2 6? 3 51 Thursday 2.51 l 3 17 3 21? 3 57 4 1? Fri(lay. 2.3

ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECEIVED BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS :— LONDON Mr. Barker, 33, Fleet-street,; Messrs New- ton & Co., Warwick-square Mr. G. Reyncll, 42, Chan- cery-lane; Mr. Deacon, 3, Wail)rook, niar the Mansion House; Mr. Hammond, 27, Lombard-street; W. DaW- son and Son, 74, Cannon-street; Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Fleet-street: Messrs. Lewis and Lowe, 3, Castle-Court, Cornliill; Mr. W. Thomas, Catherine- street, Strand, London. AnERYSTWYTU .Mr. Jenkins, Printer, Great Dark- Gate Street. ABERGAVENNY .Mr. C. R. Phillips, Auctioneer. BRECON Mr. Thomas Davies, Llanfaes. BUISTOL Messrs. Philp&Eva.ns,29,Clare-8T CARDIFF Afr. Bird, Post Office. CARDIGAN Nlr. Isaac Thomas, Printer. DUBLIN .J. K. Johnstone & Co.,EdenQuay. HAVERFORDWEST Mr. Henry Davies, Victoria Place. LLANDII.O Mr. D. M. Thomas, Printer, &c. ll'o Nir. D. M. LAMPETER .Mr. Rees, LLANELLY .Mr. Gawler. MILFOKD .Mr. J. Merritt, Chemist. MEIITHYR MR. David Jones, Bookseller High-street. Mr. Wilkius, Bookseller. NEWCASTLE-EMLYX Mr. William Jones, Printer. NEATII Mr. Whittington, SWANSEA Mr. Wm. Morris. High-street. Miss Jenkins, Library. TEXHY .Mr. Walkinton, Chemist. And all Postmasters and Clerks of the roads. THIS PAP nit is REGULARLY FILED by all the above agentS and also in London, at Peel's Cofifn-House. No. 111. and 178, Fleet-street.—Deacon's Coffee-House, Nyal- brook, and the Auction Mart. Printed and Published in Guildhall Square, in the Parish o St. Peter, in the County of the Borough of Carmarthen, lIf the Proprietor, J'¡SEI'I{ HEGISnOTToM. of l'ictoa Trra':<: in Carmarthen aforesaid. FIUMAT, FEBRUARY 10, 1S17.