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THE COMING ELECTION.
THE COMING ELECTION. MH. R. WILLIAMS-WYNN AT LLANSANTFFRAID. On Monday evening Mr. Robert Williams-Wynn addressed a large meeting of electors at the Village Hall. LlansantfTraid. The chairman was Mr. R. D. Perrott and there were also present :—Col. Eyre, C.B., Mr. V. Hussey Walsh, Mr. J. Dugdale, and Mr. R. Williams. The CIIAIKMAN in opening the proceedings met with a hearty reception. He said, as they were probably aware, Her Majesty had on the recommendation of Mr. Gladstone conferred upon Mr. Stuart Rendel the late representative for the county the honour of a peerage. It seemed to him somewhat hard to understand notwithstanding that it was a fact, that the last speech which the late Prime Minister made in the House of Commons was an impeachment of the House of Lords and a suggestion that whoever might come after him to the.respensible post of Prime Minister, should in- troduce some measure not to mend the House of Lords but to end it At the same time the lest act of the Prime Minister was to submit to Her Majesty the names of those whom he wished to do a good turn to, as supporters and friends, for the honour of a peerage, and consequently for a seat in the House of Lords (applause). He had not the slightest doubt that had the agitation in respect of the House of Lords cropped up two or three weeks ago, they would have probably seen in the division lists of the House of Commons in favour of its abolition the name of Mr. Stuart Rendel (applause). They were told that times and circum- stances altered cases and Mr. Stuart Rendel had accepted the honour Her Majesty had been graciously pleased to confer upon him and he would in course of time take his seat in the Gilded Chamber. The result of that was that he would no longer be their representative, and that a gentle- man who sat on his right hand came there that evening to ask them to support him in his en- deavour to fill the vacancy (applause). He thought it was unnecessary for him before a body of Montgomery electors to introduce to them Mr. Robert Wynn (applause). To many of them he was already personally well known and to the majority of them he could not help being well known by name, and he felt sure he was expressing his wishes when he said that Mr- Wynn's one desire was to become more acquainted with all of them (applause). In his -position as Chairman he did not wish to detain them with any remarks of his own upon questions which he knew would be treated by Mr. "Robert Wynn, so he would only ask them to give him a fair hearing (applause). After they had heard him and considered the questions well, he thought they would agree with him to give Mr. Robert Wynn their support at the poll when the time came which would ensure his return as their repre- sentative in the House of Commons (applause). Mr. ROBERT WYXX, who was received with cheers, then addressed tho meeting. He said he apologised for going there at such a short notice but he was sorry to say that Mr. Stuart Rendel did not consult him when he took his peerage (laughter). Had he done so he (the speaker) would have given longer notice of that meeting. They must remember that without a beginning there could be no end, so they must commence their meetings somewhere. He thought there was no better place to commence at than Llansantffraid, as the time was so very short and as they had been taken. he would not exactly say by surprise, for all the papers for the last six months had been threatening them with the loss of Mr. Stuart Rendel, and at last it had come. He thought they would all join with him in saying that Mr. Rendel had gone to a very good place (applause). In his farewell address he spoke of Montgomeryshire as if it were his old home and for anyone to leave his home it must be to remove to a better place (ap- plause). He, Mr. Wynn, thought they would join with him in wishing Mr. Stuart Rendel success in his new life. Mr. Rendel had always been a thorough gentleman, and he was sure they all con- sidered that wherever he went he would retain the qualities which he possessed. Since he (Mr. Wynn) was there in the summer there had been many stirring events in England. Perhaps one of the most stLrring was the unexpected retirement of Mr. Gladstone, who for 60 years had held a public position, and during which time he believed he had T.( failed to display courtesy alike to friends and foe? the House <■ „o. mons—(applause)—andhad "or hi- a e greater than that of any "'nrnr.'e. Gladstone had done a ;:d i thn country, and although his policy ens .f)j< in whi«#i>tnany of them were op- t, :.¡ vWTVy could not help admiring I jpirii he had hown in controlling the of '•Srtrl&B'.l lxr Jal or woe. Mr. Glad- iiis vpv.ed»ci-orv idress in the House of e. of the Constitution of win- I i ar t>0 years bo had teen the chief ornament and pillar Was that a t attack, or was it, as was suggested bý o:'e ;#» Mr. Gladstone's own snipper ters, the L-g ^rti;l"y to cover a hasty retrea: .Ho Lhoatrht it something of that sort.e did not rliiitV:, i; ♦' ey would trace Mr. Gladstone's writings or eeches, they would find mack to encourage then :n the idea that he really me^nt to uttark thr- lhnse of Lords. Mr. Gladstone weii r-. ais own heart how necessary aschamier but to please his "tail" hw had b-eu obliged do something and he though- they must in his case the tail was th" ^rearer I .-he dog (applause). Mr. Wvnn then referred to ri » Home Rule Bill, which he < i'avnererizel as l L i«r-bear which kept tke House ~>C Commons eng:vu ror months 'and months when that time :o be spent in looking aft r our own afairs. Instead of that, however, t .>ry uiivi. 'i was e:: ployed in an attempt to d:&nse?ulK*r »!io> Eicpirv. That attempt of Mr. Glado'-ine'a was treated it should be treated, beca when anyone tampered with the unity of the British LtJes the- must not be astonished if they found there w«re plenty of BrItons ready to fig-hr "1' the Tlzht" whIch were left them by tl- ".r f. •.•fathers (flcpi*"»oi*). Having referred to the a capital and labour, Mr. W;- na dea'.t trh iie Employers' Liability Bill, es/^eiatly dwelling -i .-a the con- traeting-out clause. 1 n "j n:-<. qnenca. he proceeded, of the action of the House of Lords. Mi. ^lndstone decided to strangle ti.a* -very use,1 babu' of his, the Employers' Liability Hill, becan* h" s%id, "it is l'JL.J'I.e l.J) i.l. .ù.=- :J troduced into it." Mr ryrm toon:?! t Mr. Balfour Made an able retort to this remark h: sayj-g, It is the poison of liberty ad the t-iinr is r. int of freedom." Mr. Wynn i hen devoted time to the Parish Councils Sill, the al!of't;i!t ruses connected with which he particular!v rotor red to. In conclusion he referred ro the DiseatabHcimie ,;t of the Church, considering that where thr-r. were anomalies they certainly should be swept 'ay. What would, he asked, be tn. result of the Church's disendowment ? What thev going to do the money now expended rei? jitna purposes ? Mr. Gee, of Denbigh, bron?hf oar a so he ne regard to the disposal of thai .aoae .• He *v.u + L;-«t B.t; a penny of it should be u,ed for what LÍ rates now were answerable. Aft^r he Di.'osrr'.Vo.sh- ment and Disendowment of tl o !i;reh rt r- ti>hr > would have to be paid. In < anke.1 them when the election day ca •' to do not fv..r aim alone but for r^.c j s • represented. Let them remember- » ■ duuicals had been in power for 15 months and what they had done—they had absolutely done nothing for them (applause). They had, however, threatened the House of Commons, they had threatened the House of Lords, and almost every institution in the country. Had an;, PIP of those done any good for the tradesmeIf" f f; n-l He fancied not, and that taey find as 1.. tL9 past so in the future that rhe desire for their real welfare was to be found amongst the Conservatives. He felt sure that the des' inies of this country were safer in the hands of Lo:.1 S i: dry than vertiu-y had been in the hands of Mr. uiadsi o" (r. plause). Colonel EYRE. formerly member for the Gains- bero' division of Lincolnshire said that as 20 years ef political life in and out ef Parliament had taught that in any assembly, those composing it were not of one mind, he assumed that evening that there were many Radicals present (applause). Ho could assure those Radicals there that he would-say nothing that would annoy their most delicate sus- ceptibilities. Speaking of the women present he asked if it were not of much consequence to them whether trade was dull, whether their husbands were earning 20 per cent, more money per week. whether the wages were falling or whether the land- lords rent was rising' or falling? He thought it was right that thev should enquire whether trade was bad or whether trade was good and if it were possible that the Government had anything to do with a bad or good trade (applause). In regard to an Act of Parliament such as the Housing of the Poor that would necessitate every owner havinc- his house put in an habitable condition, and who was better able to give an opinion as to the condition of snch a house as the woman who spent most of her time in the house ? He held and should always hold that a woman who paid rates and taxes had a right to have a voice in their distribution. The principle applied as much to Imperial Parliament as to County Councils. He thought that Women with property should be recognised by the state and be allowed to vote on Imperial matters in respect of ic. Dealing with the taxation of land and local taxation the gallant Colonel said it was possible there might be some ono in thc room. who did not quite understand the system of taxation and he should like to explain it. There was Imperial taxaaon to which everyone paid directly or indirectly and by which everybody benefited. Through Imperial taxation they were protected by our Army and Navy and by the judicial authority of the country. As to local taxation it was derived from two sources, from taxation on land and on houses. Everybody benefitted by it but only two classes of property paid for it. That he maintained was not fair. Everybody who benefitted by such a taxation ought to pay something towards such a taxation (hear, hear). By local taxation their roads were kept in order, police and sanitary authority were provided. Everybody benefitted by the roads but everybody did not contribute to them. For instance a man might come into their village and take lodgings. He might have £10,000 a year: from the funds. He might use the roads and be protected by their police and yet pay nothing towards the cost because he did not possess land, whereas a man with only a cot- tage of his own had to pay rates to maintain the roads. The principles of the Conservatives were towards the relief of taxation on land. Mr. Morlev in a speech at Newcastle in 1892, said that they might rest assured that taxation however spread, and however disguised, fell eventually on the work- ing classes. He wished them to remember this, for they found that the Radical party intended to increase taxation. Mr. Provand the Radical mem- ber for Glasgow, some three years ago in the House of Commons, said that taxation on land was insufficient, and ought to be increased. Some of them, however, might consider that no importance could be attached to that gentleman's words as he was not a leader, but he might say that he brought a motion before the House of Commons upon which the House divided. Mr. Gladstone, Sir William Harconrt, and other leaders of the Radical party voted for it amongst 156 Radical members. Mr. Labouchcre in Truth advocated the same policy. The additional taxation which the Radicals wished to place upon land meant additional taxation on the agricultural labourer who belonged to the industrial classes. They would notice in his refer- ence to the matter that he had not quoted words of his own, he simply quoted from leaders of sections of the Radical party, and it w"orked out in the manner he had mentioned—additional taxation would be bad for the working man. In. regard to the agriculturial depression it had been suggested by some of the Radicals that the rents should be reduced. Did however, this reduction benefit any- body ? Reductions in rentals meant, reductions in the number of hands kept by the landlord, so the result would be to effect the working classes. If they reduced the landlord's income they would still further reduce his spending power. Local taxation should be relieved before allotments could be advantageously taken. He was sure he was not one of those people who encouraged the tax col- lector, although he was patriotic in other respects. Then there was another point which he should like to refer to. There were two kinds of owners of land, one who owned land directly and one who in- vested money in it indirectly—one who had a mortgage on land. Those who had a mortgage on land were just as much interested in land as the proprietor himself. Before a Committee of the House of Commons it was proved that there were 400 millions of money invested in mortgage on land, and it occurred to him to investigate who were the owners of that money. They wero In- surance Offices and Friendly Societies, in regard to which the speaker emphasized the number in- terested in them. If anything injured the security of land mortgages would undoubtedly be affected. The scheme for the Nationalization of Land would mean the sweeping away of mortgages, and what would become of the securities of ths Fire Insur- ance Offices and Friendly Societies. There were also hospitals and schools which would be affected. In his concluding sentences the Colonel asked them to remember that they were something more than electors they were trustees of the Government of this Empire for those young people who were present in that room. The younger generation would judge of their action whether they had done their duties as trustees or not. They must not hand down to them an Empire mutilated and dis- membered and with civil and religious liberty gone, but it was their duty to see that it was handed down in all its integrity. He hoped, therefore, they would send their excellent candidate to Parliament that he might appear on the Conservative side of the House to vote for the integrity .a.1lil naigiautmua «>f—ein- finrfJTnsr ~ap- plause). Mr. Hussy WALSH, in addressing the meeting, said he believed there were few constituencies whose elections were now approaching which attracted so much interest as that of Montgomeryshire. The Session in Parliament which was coming, they were told, was to be essentially a Welsh Session, and the main question was to be Disestablishment and Disendowment. He asked them to consider the important fact before they touched the heritage which they had received from their forefathers that the Established Church was evidence that this was a Christian country (hear, hear). Side by side with the question of disestablishment was the kindred subject of disendowment. Pro- perty was equally sacred to every one, be they rich or be they poor) they all suffered by the attacks which were made upon property and it was the poor man who suffered more, because by attacks on property trade was affected, trade was driven from our shores. If religious property was allowed to be attacked secular property was not sacred. Therefore he asked them were they prepared to disendow the Church? They must remember that if they devoted to. secular uses money whrch was left by our forefathers for religious ends, propertv to which it was given would cease to have any sacredness whatsoever (cheers). He believed him- self that the attack on the Welsh Church was only a part of the policy of the present Government. As they knew the Government was returned to office at the General Election on the question of Home Rule but this was rejected by the Lords. Proceeding the speaker said that at the last General Election the Radical party promised all sorts of reforms for the benefit of the working men in England and Wales. What had they received from the Government ? Nothing excepting the Parish Councils Bill. The agricultural labourers were led L' >u.i.j. \C.l.; • eix* inss.it uteu they would be placed in the seventh heaven of delight. He believed many looked forward to sitting down every night to roast mutton and champagne. They had however, only got the con- trol of the Parish pump and the Parish drains (cheers and applause). It had been said that the House of Lords had acted very badly because they made it optional for a parish under 300 to have a Parish Council, because it was an extreme luxury. They would all have to pay for Parish Councils by higher rates. The House of Lords did not wish small parishes to have Parish Councils whether they wished to have them or not, and they had vindicated the liberty of every man in a small parish as regarded keeping his money in his pockets. The House of Lords they would probably be told were robbing them of the Parish Councils, but they were doing nothing of the kind. When the Parish Councils Bill was introduced by Mr. T;1. f"lf-' 1:1; .t::¡,"rn 'i. ;j'1 ;1¡lC nothing should be done to interfere with the trusts of parish charities. Mr. Fowler said that it would be extremely wicked not only in the interests of public morality, but in the interests of the working man to interfere with those trusts. They, the Conserva- tive party, wished to encourage people to give as much money as possible in charity to help the poor but he would like toask them if charity trnstees were to be interfered with by Act of Parliament whether people would be encouraged to in the future leave money for charitable purposes—(applause)—if they were told the Parish Cruncils were likely to override their wishes. What the House of Lords had done in the matter was to hand over the administration of charities to the Charity Com- missioners, allowing them to determine how many trustees^ should be appointed. (Applause.) He would like those present to remember that thev never would have had the Parish Councils Bill but for the fact that the late Conservative Govern- .•aent^ gave tliem^ the Local Government Bill, the principles of which were founded on Trust the people." But for County Councils they could hardly have had Parish Councils, so they practically owed the passage of the measure to the initiative of the late Conservative administration Speaking of the Employers' Liability Bill he said that the Unionist party were heartily"in favour of that measure. In referring to the contracting out and the effect of its omission from the Bill he said that the only person who would benefit by it would be the lawyer through the law suits which would arise for compensation for injury. Whatever ser- vice the House of Lords might have done in regard to the Parish Councils and Employers' Liability Bill, they had done them a great service by throw- ing out the Home Rule Bill, which would be most disastrous to the people of Ireland. Mr. Gladstone had stated that in giving Ireland Home Rule they would have to give them a fair start to be obtained by allowing them £500,000. Where was that money to come from ? It was to come out of the pockets of the tax-pavers of England and Wales. Under the Bill Ireland would owe to England 18 millions of pounds, and under that Bill also, men would govern Ireland who would say to the people, in the same way in which they had spoken in regard to the landlord, Educate your children, put by for a rainy day, then, if anything is left, let it go towards Imperial taxation." Such an action as that would mean a loss to the people of England and Wales of 5 millions of pounds a year. If they went through Ireland and asked the farmers why they were Home Rulers, they would say they were Home Rulers because they wanted protection for Irish agriculture. It was all very well to say there was a clause in the Home Rule Bill to prevent protection. They could not prevent an Irish Parliament giving money to the Irish farmer, and agricultural labourer, to enable him to produce wheat, barley, and oats, and cattle at a cheaper rate than it could be produced in this country, to enable them to undersell the people of Wales. After commenting upon the fact that 80 Irish members would sit in the Imperial Parliament, he said that according to lr. T. P. O'Connorif Home Rule were passed it would not bring about a final settlement of the Irish question, but simply vantage ground for further demands. How would that Home Rule question affect They had the answer in a speech of Lord Rosebery delivered on the previous evening The Premier said, The policy of Home Rule would not be less definitely pursued, and if they had any doubt on that subject in their minds one pledge which the Government gave was the continuance of Mr. John Morley at the Irish Office." Now the Conservative party were asked why it was they ventured to oppose a measure which was laid before the country so emphatically at the last election? He ventured to ask them whether they were told by their members that the Home Rule Bill was to contain a stipulation for the manage- ment by the Irish of their own affairs and also tho affairs of this country ? Were they told at the last general election that Home Rule was not to > be a final settlement of the Irish question, and that under the Bill they were to give Ireland a fair monetary start ? No they were kept in absolute ignorance as to what Home Rule involved. Who were the men in Ireland who boasted of being the supporters of the Homo Rule Bill? If they read the history of the last ten or twelve years they would find that they were the men who had scoffed at British victories and rejoiced over British defeats, and who had but one desire—the destruction of the British Empire throughout thcworld. Ho asked them to stand by the people of Ulster in their hour of trial and difficulty. Let them remember the debt which they owed them in the past, and when they were asked to decide aye" or "nay" as to whether the Union should be upheld or whether Home Rule should be carried let them rally to the cause of the Union and stand true and steadfast to one Parliament, one Crown, and one Constitu- tion for the British Empire (applause). Yn nesaf cafwyd araeth Gymraeg gan Mr. WIL- LIAMS, Caernarfon, yr hwn a sylwodd mai un o brif bynciau gan eu cyfeillion o'r ochr arall oedd "I lawr a Thy yr Arglwyddi." Wrth gv/rs yr oedd pawb yn gwybod fod pob math o ddynion -da a drwg— i'w cael yn mhlith yr Arglwyddi, fel y ceid yn mhob Ty arall, ond pan fyddai gan Mr. Gladstone a'i blaid ryw ddyn gwell na'i gilydd, y ffordd i dalu anrhydcdd i hwnw oedd trwy 01 wneyd yn Ar- glwydd. Yr oedd yn ddull tra nodweddiadol o'r Gwvddel i geisio diddymu yr Arglwyddi trwy wnevd ychwaneg o honynt, ond tybeu y byddai yn nodweddiadol o'r Cymry i ddyrehafu dyn heddyw i fod yn Arglwydd, ac yfory i dviiu y st6l o dan ei droed gan ddweyd nad oedd Ty yr Arglwyddi i gael bodoli! Beth oedd yr Arglwyddi wedi wneyd ? O," meddai rhywun, ni wnaethant erioed ond drwg, a rhwystro pob daioni." Yr oedd yn an- hawdd credu y gallai pobl fod mor anwybodus nad oeddynt yn gwybod fod pob deddf a gafwyd erioed yn y wlad hon, pob diwygiad a lies a ddaethai trwy y Senedd er's cyn cof, wedi cael eu pasio a'u cym- eradwyo yn Nhy yr Arglwyddi, cyn byth y deuent yn ddeddfau. Ag eithrio Mesur Home Rule i'r Werddon, pa fesur arall oeddynt wedi wrthwynebu yn ystod yr ugain mlynedd diweddaf ? Yn hollol i'r gwrthwyneb yr oeddynt wedi trin a thrafod pob mesur a ddygwyd ymlaen erioed, gan ddymuno eu gwella a'u perffeithio; yr oeddynt wedi dwyn cryn lawer o ysbryd a barn annibynol i weithredn ar fesnrau, ambell dro yn fwy felly nac a geid yn Nhy v Cyffredin, lie yr oedd dynion yn gwyro barn ac hyd yn oed yn pleidleisio yn groes i gydwybod rhag ofn digio ambell i glymblaid yn mhlith eu hetholwyr. 0 barthed Mesur Cyfrifoldeb y Meis- triaid, yr oedd Ty yr Arglwyddi wedi sefyll o blaid rhyddid i'r gweithwyr i ddewis eu buddianau, tra yr oedd y blaid Gladstonaidd, mewn ystyr, yn dweyd nad oeddynt am oddef i'r gweithwyr a.'r meistn i gytuno a'u gilydd mewn ysbryd cyfeillgar. Gwell ganddynt hwy yw gweled pleidiau yn croes- dynu yn erbyn a'u gilydd, a chael gweithwyr a meistri i edrych ar y naill a'r llall fei gelynion. Yr oedd llawer o bobl i'w cael ag oedd yn synied mor uchel am danynt eu hunain, ac am eu plaid, fel ag i gredu o'r bron fod pob daioni yn lianfodi ynddynt hwy, yn gymaint felly fel nad oedd dim yn perthyn i neb arall. Wel, tybed nad oedd peth daioni wedi tarddu oddiwrth y naill blaid lawn cystal a'r llall. Bcth pc cymerent gipdrem dros hanes y wlad hon yn ystod yr wyth mlynedd diweddaf. Yr oedd plaid fawr y diwygio, a'r cynilo,—plaid yr hedd- weh wedi bod mewn swydd er's agos i ddwy flyn- edd bellach, ac er iddynt lafurio mwy yn ystod y pymtheng mis diweddaf nag a wnaed erioed o'r bron, beth oedd y cynyrch ? Beth a gafwyd yn ystod yr amser y gallai unrhyw ddyn gyfeirio ato a dweyd, "dyna rvwbeth sydd yn lies i mi, wedi ei gael gan y blaid Gladstonaidd yn ystod cu gwein- yddiad." Na, nid oedd dim, ond yn ol adclefiad yr arweinydd ei hun yr oedd y senedd-dymhor yn fethiant hollol. Ag eithrio Mesur y Cynghorau Plwyfol pwy allai grybwyil un peth a gwerth ynddo ? Beth gawsant ? Yn gyntaf gollyngwyd o garchar nifer o ddynameitwyr, y rhai a geisiasant ddinystrio bywyd ac eiddo yn ein prif ddinasoedd a'r rhai a garcharwyd pan oedd y Rhyddfrydwyr mown swydd. Yna cafwyd cornmissiwn i fyned i'r Werddon er ceisio gwyngalchu y tenantiaid hyny a gawsant eu troi o'n tyddynod yn ystod swyddog- aeth y Gladstoniaid. Yna cafwyd y gyllideb yn yr hon yr oedd diffyg o filiwn a haner o bnnnau am y fiwyddyn, a cheiniog ychwaneg i gael ei roddi ar dreth yr incwm. Ac yr oeddynt eleni yn son am roddi dwy geiniog ychwaneg arno—y blaid hono oedd bob amser am ddiddymu treth yr inewm a phob treth arall liefyd pan eeddynt yn ceisio pleid- leisiau. Yr oedd rhai gweithwyr yn tybied nad oedd treth yr inewm yn cvffwrdd rhyw lawer a ul" "ltlJ, \nHt"'Jllo.d ii.avrr d"'Jl.l1\.1 .il"¡Jl<. L U(1:"1;- barth gweithiol yn y pen draw oedd yn cynyrchu treth yr incwm. Beth arall a gawsant gan y Llvwodraeth bresenol ? Wel, yr oeddynt wedi cael cyfres arall o ryfeloedd yn Afi'rica. Betl', rhyfel- oedd gad blaid heddweh ? ie, ond efallai mai rhyfeloedd ar egwyddorion heddweh oeddynt o leiaf dyna a glywsant o'r blaen—pan oedd Mr. Gladstone mewn swydd o 1880 hyd 1886, gyda phlaid yr heddweh wrth ei gefn eawsant saith o ryfeloedd am y rhai y bu i'r wlad dalu tuag. ugain miliwn o bunau. A gawsant rywbeth arall yn ys- tod y fiwyddyn ? Do, fe gawsant fod masnach y wlad wec1i myned i lawr lawer 0 filiynau, yn lie cynyddu fel y bu dan weinydcliad Ardalydd Salis- bury. Cymerer y ffigvrau 0 gvfrifon y l1:vwod- raeth am y pyinthee" mlynedd diweddaf o 1880 hyd 1886, tra yr oedd Mr. Gladstone mewn swydd, aeth masnach i lawr oddeutu £78,000,000 Ond pan ddaeth yr hen blaid bechaduru?, "yr hen blaid ryfclgtir, a gwastraffns,"—plaid y Toriaid i swydd dan Ardalydd Salisbury o 1886 hyd 1892, ni wariwyd cymaint a swllt ar ryfeloedd, ac oher- wydd fod heddweh wedi ei sicrhau aeth masnach ar gynydd dros £ 130,000,GOO yn ystod y chwe blyneclcl. Mr. G. KEMPSTER proposed That this meeting desires to express its confidence in Mr. Robert Wiliiams-Wynn as the candidate for the county and pledges itself to do everything possible to secure his return at tho coming election." He s;'1id he was sure he was exprcssig the wishes of everyone present when ho said that Mr. Williams- Wynn had their good wishes. He thought himself that they could not place confidence in a better man (applause). One reason why he would vote for Mr. Robert Wynn was on account of the fact that Mr. A. C. llumphreys-Owen favoured Home Rule. They did not want Home Rule. The Non- conformists of Ireland had prayed that their brethren in this country would vote against it. Home Rule would be placing power in the hands of men who should not have it-- the priesthood of Ireland. Let them keep Mr. Humphreys-Owen out of the position to help forward Home Rule; he was a very good man and it would be much better for them to have him looking after the affairs of the county than in Parliament. Let them keep him at home where they could give him plenty of employment. Mr. "Robert Wynn would be the best man for them. He would vote for the best Govern- ment and would support the best measures (applause). Mr. WATKIXS seconded,andsaid he had great regard for the Wynn family, and that he believed Conser- vatism was awakening as he had been to several meetings of that nature, but he had never been to such a good meeting as that one (applause). The motion was carried amid cheers. Mr. WYNN in reply speaking of his opponent said Mr. A. C. Humphreys-Owen was a very nice man and had done a great deal of gool in county work. He then proposed a rote of thanks to the Chairman whom he referred to in words of praise and especially to his ability in organization (applause). Mr. MARSHALL DUGDALE, in seconding the vote of thanks, regretted the shortness of time to an- nounce that meeting, and said they had in Mr. Robert Wynn, a candidate in whom they had every confidence. They believed he ""as the best man they could get, and he could assvre them that he had the support not only of the big houses in the county, but had won t!13 respect of both farmers and labourers already (applause). Nl r. Robert Wynn had been working in the county quietly for some considerable time by himself. Now that they were plunged in:o the election lie hoped that people would sink their personal dif- ferences and work for the Conservative candidate. Then they would be successful. They must, how- ever, thoroughly understand that they wanted them to work and to consider that Mr. Robert Wynn was their candidate as well as the candidate for the upper classes in the county (applause). He was glad that they had addressing them that even- ing such a borough organiser as Mr. R. 0. Perrott (applause). The CHAIRMAN having returned thanks, the meeting separated. ♦ —
LARGE AND ENTHUSIASTIC MEETING…
LARGE AND ENTHUSIASTIC MEET- ING AT WELSHPOOL. On Tuesday night the Town Hall, Welshpool, was crowded with a large and enthusiastic gather- ing of the supporters of the Conservative candi- date for the County of Montgomery, Mr. R. W. Williams-Wynn. Colonel Harrison, of Caerhowel, presided, and was supported on the right by the candidate, and on the left by Lady Powis. There were also present Mr V. Hussey Walsh, Colonel Eyre, Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, Bart., the Hon. Margaret Herbert, Capt. Mytton, Mr. J. Marshall Dugdale, Capt. Tigar, Mr. J. E. Jones, Mr. T. Whitehall, Mr. T. Morris, Mr. Bolding, Miss Parry, liansion House, Mr and Miss llarrisoll, Caerhowel, the Rev. J. Roberts, Mr. Jones, Brynpenarth, Mr. P. A. Beck, Derwen, Mr. and Mrs. W. F. Addie, Dr Marston, Dr. Ward, Dr. and Mrs Hawksworth, Dr. Gill. Mr. E. Green,.the Moors, Miss Vaughan, the Rev. S. Reed, Llanerfyl, the Rev. James, Llan- fair, the Rev. D. Stevens, Mr. W. Wall, J.P., Mrs. and Miss Wall, Mr. Fred Wall-, Miss Worsley, Miss Davies, Salop Road, Miss Golding, Mrs. Morris, Mr and Mrs. Arthur Jones, Mr. W. P. Hole, Mr. and Mrs. Pryce Yearsley, Mr. and Miss Thomas, Mr. and Mrs. W. Farmer, Mr. R. J. Harrison, Mr. Fortune, Forden, Mr. T. Morris, Mr. J. Pugh, Pool Quay, Mr. W. A. Rogers, Mr. T. Bratton, Mr. T. Watkin, Mr. T. Green, Mr. J. Heathcote Addie, &c. The gallant CHAIRMAN, who was received with loud cheers, said he had to apologise for the absence of their excellent Borough member, Sir Pryce Prvce-Jone3, who was not able to attend there that night because he was looking after their interests in Parliament. (Cheers.) ^ad also to apologise for the absence of Mr. E* ^T- Webster, M.P., who was also detained in London, and also for the absence of General Herbert, who had been with them on so many occasions and had helped them in so many well-fought fights (cheers.) He regretted to say that the absence of General Herbert was caused through the ill-health of his brother, the Dean of Hereford. He felt sure that they all sympathised most heartily with the Dean in his illness, and sincerely hoped that he might soon be returned to perfect health (cheers.) Thej- were, as all were aware, at that moment in the face of a severe fight. That fight had come upon them rather suddenly. But at the same time, although it had come upon them suddenly, they were prepared for the fray (cheers.) This world was made up of changes, uncertainties, and incon- sistencies. With regard to the changes, a change had come upon the representation of Montgomery- shire. With regard to the uncertainties, the un- certainty had been as to when that change would take place, and he thought they would agree with him that the inconsistency consisted in the way in which that change had been made (cheers.) Eng- land had just lost a splendid Prime Minister— (cheers)—whose magnificent eloquence and splen- did abilities were admired and valued by all the inhabitants of this great Empire however much they might differ from him in his political senti- ments and principles (cheers.) Mr. Gladstone in the last speech which he made in the House of Commons declared war against the House of Lords. Within a week of ;hai time he had ceased to be Prime Minister' of country and was succeeded hy a member of tsgl -op- tc. be doomed House j (cheers.) They u\ight say that it was an accident of birth in regard to Lqrd Rosebery, but what were they to say when they found that the last action of the Prime Minister was to recommend his dearest friend, one who had attended to his every fVant, who they might say had nursed him most tenderly (laughter)—that his last action was to recommend him to Her Majesty for promotion to that House which he had so recently condemned in such strong language (cheers.) This had come to them in 110 surprise. They had known for a long time that a coronet had been suspended in the air as a sort of halo above the head of Air. Stuart Rendel ready to fall upon him at the favourable opportunity (laughter.) That had at last taken place and Mr. Rendel would now be able to slumber peacefully in the gilded chamber and remember how successful lie had been able to use the Montgomeryshire Electorate for promoting his own success (cheers and laughter.) He thought it was time that this career of words and promises was blown upon (cheers.) The Radicals during the last 14 years had been most prolific in their promises, and what had been the result ? Was there a single human being in that county who was of any position, from the highest to the lowest, who was in any respect better than he was before the year 1880 ? Was it not a fact that every interest in that county and il. the country was in a far more prosperous condition before that date than it had ever been since ? (cheers). Let them not for a moment think that they laid the whole of the blame to.the late county member. But for all that, he would urge upon them most strongly the fact the most wonderful promises made to the Principality had utterly failed to be carried out (cheers). With regard to the result upon the other side he did not dwell. He would only say, as he had said before, that Mr- Rendel rested securely in the House of Lords, and -Air. Thomas Ellis had £ 2,000 a year as Senior Whip of the Radical party (cheers and laughter). They were in for a fight and they meant to fight-(loud cheers)—and he sincerely hoped that when the fight was over there would be no feeling of bitterness left behind- (hear, hear)—that none of them would have said a word or done a thing that w hen the heat of the contest was over they would not do, and that they would be friends with their opponents afterwards as they had been before (cheers). The Radical candidate, Mr. Humphreys-Owen (cheers)—was a very old friend and neighbour of his, and he would impress upon them the fact that they were fighting against his principles and not against him personally (cheers). And then, with regard to their own candidate who they were pleased and proud to see amongst them (loud cheert). He came of an old family which had dwelt for cen- turies amongst them, and which had been mixed up with all the joys and sorrows of Wales for rnnny and many a year. They were told that this was a disadvantage. He entirely denied this in every way—(cheers)—and what he wished to im- press upon them was that Mr. Wynn had not come forward because he was a member of that family, but because he honestly believed that the Unionist principles were those which were best calculated to safeguard the interests of this Great Empire, and restore prosperity to agriculture and all the other;industries which were at thejpresent time de- pressed (cheers). They were going to fight, and they were going to win (loud cheers). They at Welshpool knew what victory vas-- (cheers) -is it was by their indomitable pluck and determina- tion that the Boroughs were at that moment repre- sented by a Conservative in Parliament (cheers). He would appeal to them to go with them into the county and help them to inspire their friends and their relations in the county with the fact that as they had won, so could they help them to win (cheers). If they all put their shoulders to the wheel, if they did their best, if they all worked together, he held that in the end they would have the satisfaction of returning Mr. Wynn to Parlia- ment by a thumping majority (loud cheers). Colonel EYRE, C.B., and late member for Gains- borough, next addressed the meeting. He said ho must apologise for taking up their time when they were anxiously expecting their candidate to address them. The Chairman had alluded to his having been the member for the Gainsborough division of Lincolnshire. Well, owing to an aberration of intellect on the part of his con- stituents in 1892-(laughter)-they chose a Radi- cal to represent them instead of a Conservative— (cheers)—and all he could say was that if all the promises were fulfilled that were made by the pre- sent Radical member when he stood for the division, the constituency of Gainsborough would be the most fortunate throughout tho whole country (laughter and cheers). There would not be a single working man there who would not have just as much land as ever he liked—(laughter),— and there would not be a single poor man who would not be possessed of most of the personal pro- perty of anvooijy who might have anything in that division (laughter). Well, he hoped that the separa- tion would not be a judical one. He believed that they would not be long before they would return to their old love, and their old love would receive them with open arms (cheers and laughter.) He would ask them to allow him to say a few words on something directly or indirectly connected with politics. Coming as a stranger amongst them it was difficult to chose some special subject which might interest them. He had taken the subject of good and bad trade, for it occurred to him that there would be no one in the room who was not directly or indirectly interested in good or bad trade. The question he would ask himself and which he hoped they would ask themselves, and consider, was Can the action of a Government influence trade for good or bad ? Now, he was not going to say that goud trade always followed a Conservative Government, or that bad trade always followed a Radical Government, but this he would say, that the action of a Government could intensify the wave of good or bad trade which might be passing over the country at any one time (cheers). He wanted to prove this to them, not by any senti- mental ideas of his own, but by practical argu- ments. lIe would produce the inexorable logic of facts to provo and bring to a righteous conclusion the statement he had made. Now the first thing he would bring before them was the question of Home Rule as, affecting trade. Let them not be alarmed for he was not going into a long disserta- tion on Home Rule. He was only going to show them the effect it had on trade. In 1886 when the Home Rule Bill was introduced anyone who had watched the commercial interests in the Irish papers would have seen that railways, steamships, tramways, banks, and in fact every commercial inter- est fell something like 20 to 25 per cent within three diys. What was meant by this fall of securities in the country ? It meant that there was a feeling of insecurity through some cause or another and that having happened immediately after the intro- duction of the Home Rule Bill that there was something in the Bill which created such a feeling of insecurity, or in other words that those capitalists who had largo sums of money in various interests in Ireland before that, began to soil out and that created a feeling of bad trade in the country. Because when money was being withdrawn from a country, any one who had passed the 4th Standard in any school could understand that it meant poverty to the country, and that increased money meant increased wealth. The result of tho intro- duction of the Home Rule in 1886 was that every single security in Ireland fell. Therefore the action of the Government could influence the bad trade which had been passing over the country generally at the time. The moment the House of Commons upset the Home Rule Bill, and the moment that the country by its action returned a Unionist Govern- ment to power—they had only to see the Irish papers again—every one of those securities in Ireland rose 20 and 25 per cent. (cheers). Therefore the Government had an influence over good or bad trade. During the whole time that the Unionist party was in power the trade of Ireland gradually rose. Statistics were tiresome things and difficult to carry away, but he should like to quote one and that was in regard to the Bank of Ireland. The Bank of Ireland Stock in 1886, on the introduction of the Home Rule Bill stood at 280—commercial men would know what he meant—and within a few days it fell to 260, while within a few days of the Unionist Government being sent to power it rose steadily up to 325 (cheers). To show them what a political barometer trade was he said that during the Election of 1892 he carefully watched the re- ports of trade from Ireland. By this he meant the rise and fall of the great commercial interests, and what did he see ? He saw that as soon as it be- came known that the Unionist Government would be in the minority every trade and commercial interest fell again as it did in 1886. History re- peated itself, as it always did, and therefore he said again that the action of the Government could undoubtedly influence trade. What happened now ? Some one might say that there was a Radical Government in power and Ireland un- doubtedly was better than it was before. So it was, from the moment that the House of Lords threw out the Home Rule Bill (cheers). From that moment the trade in Ireland began to riso again, and commercial interests began to rise, and why ? Because it was absolutely certain that the Home Rule Bill-would never be passed (cheers). This is why he held that the action of the Government could adversely or otherwise influence trade. But how did the Home Rule Bill effect Wales ? There were large slate quarries in Wales, some of which belonged to Lord Penrhyn. He saw the copy of a letter from his agent in Ireland to his agent in Wales and he said this You need not send us any more slates over to Ireland, all the trade is at a standstill; there is no demand for slates, because there is no building going on." Here they had practical evidence of the action of the Government, in bringing in the Home Ruje Bill, not only affect- ing the trade of England, but also indirectly affect- ing the trade in Wales. What did it mean when it was said that no slates were wanted in Ireland ? It meant that there was no building going on, no work for stone masons, bricklayers, timber mer- chants, furniture makers, or anything directly or indirectly connected with building. This, again, showed that the action of the Government had adversely affected the trade of this country. He could quote letters he had seen from Scotchmen and their travellers in Ireland, saying there was no business being done in Ireland, and that the trade between Ireland, Scotland, and England was in certain interests paralysed. This question also affects the working man and the artisan. The money that was spent found its way down to the working classes and the artisan. The more money there was spent in the country, the more money was in circulation, and the better it was for the working classes, and the more demand there was for their labour (cheers). This was easily proved by the report of the trades unions from 1880 to 1886. During that time it was shown that the number of men out of employment was something like 10 per cent. Between 1886 and 1892 they found the reports stated that in 1891 there was only 3 per cent. So, they saw that bad trade not onlv affected the capitalists and the wealthier classes but found its way down to the artisans and the working classes (cheers). He hoped nothing would bo said or done that would annoy or cause pain to any person in the division during the time of the election (cheers). He had always depre- cated personality, and he h?d endeavoured di;r:'ng the six years that he was a member, and during the many years he had been connected with politi- cal life, to say something in which both sides might take an interest, whether Conservatives or Radicals. He had taken care not to say anything to annoy the most delicate susceptibilities of any Radical who might be present (cheers). He earnestly hoped and trusted that the result of this election would be to send their candidate to Parliament (loud cheers), as one who would strengthen the hands of those who were in favour of law and order and security, those who recognised that good trade was the basis of the happiness and prosperity of the Empire, and those who recognised that the first duty of a Government was the aggrandisement of the Empire, and the second to raise the social condition of the poorer classes (loud cheers). Mr. ROBERT WYNN, who was received with loud and prolonged applause, said it was v.ich prido that he arose to address them that evening, for war had been declared, and he thought the men of Mont- gomeryshire, at least in the Conservative camp, would not be afraid to fight (applause). Whatever harm their foes might do he hoped it would be a victorious campaign. The fight was forced upon them, as the trade of the country was disarranged, the business of the country was out of order, which they must blame the other party for. Some time ago they were all astonished to wake up and find that Mr. Gladstone bad really resigned the position of Premier. Well, the position was a great one, and as the chairman had remarked Mr. Gladstone had fulfilled the duties for a larger number of years than any other Premier in the world. He had been a great figure in English politics, lie had displayed many phases; he begun as a Conservative, he became a Whig, and last of all they saw him as one who was anxious to pull down the Constitution. He thought Mr. Gladstone's personality in the House ef Commons would be greatly missed, missed not only by his friends, but also by those who were oppise(i to him. Whatever his faults might have been, they were certainly not the faults of a small man. His eloquence was such that he could keep the House of Commons—and he might almost say the whole of the civilized world-at his beck mtd call. His courtesy to friend and foe even in the extreme moments of heat and passion never gave way and he thought they could all learn a lesson from him (applause). The only jarring moment in Mr. Gladstone's career was when he addressed the House of Commons for the last time. They might have expected from him then something stirring and something noble, but he was sorry to say that after 60 years of service to the Queen and the Constitution in his last speech he undertook an attack on the Con- stitution, and with a clear ringing holloa he tried to draw his pack upon the House of Lords for a fox (applause). Mr. Glad- stone's last Act was to send their old member, Mr. Stuart Rendel, to act with the fox (laughter.) In a way Mr. Gladstone had goue II to a quiet home where he might say the wicked cease from troubling and the weary aro at rest (laughter.) In his valedictory address to the people of Montgomery Mr. Stuart Rendol said You have given me adoption and brotherhood." He thought Mr. Rendel did not go quite far enough. He ought to have said You have also been my father and mother because you have given me a name (loud laughter.) He did not think the credit was entirely one-sided. Although Mr. Stuart Rendel had done something for Montgomeryshire, Mont- goineryshire had done more for him, and he could only hope that should Mr. A. C. Humphreys- Owen be successful, but he did not think he would be, that they would treat him to a dose of the same medicine (laughter.) In regard to the present Prime Minister they found that the Government which had attacked the House of Lords had more Lords in their Cabinet than any Government for sometime, and ho did not think it would do any harm either (applause.) They had known Lord llosebury as a patriotic and a good i* oreign Secretary, and he could only hope he would bring to bear on the destinies of this great i* oreign Secretary, and I10 could only hope he would bring to bear on the destinies of this great country the same power and the same clear sightedness that he had brought to bear on foreign politics. If he did tho grand old name of England would not go down, but if he allowed the cares of office to wear him down, and his back was not strong enough to withstand the various sections of which his party consisted, then he thought it was a bad day for England. He was sorry to see that Lord Rosebery had not begun very well. In read- ing a short time ago a speech of his on Home Rule he was led to believe that Lord Rosebery was not in favour of the disunion of the empire, but on reading his speech a few days ago to his own followers he found that he distinctly stated ho was as keen as anybody else over the Home Rule Bill. He was quite certain none of them would support him on the question (applause.) However much they might differ on the question of Disestablishment or on the question afFectim/ the land he was quite sure the people in Welshpool would stick up for the Empire of Great Britain (applause.) Throughout Lord Rosebery's career he had always advocated the supremacy of England ou the sea, and might the advocacy long rema n. His ideas had been that the army and navy should remain intact, but how would he arrange, matters with his chief licutennant, SirW. Harcourt, who had been for 20 years the leader of the Liberal Ministry. Lord Rosebery had served under Sir Wm. Harcourt, who had gone through the trials and troubles of Parliamentary life So how would Sir Wm. Harcourt like to be over- ridden by a young man like Lord Rosebery. Sir William Harcourt was a man who had the money bags and he hated to part with them, and any extra expenditure on the navy went to his heart like a dagger. Mr. Wynn then dealt in an able manner with the action of the House of Lords in regard to some of the Bills brought in by the present Government. He referred particularly to the Employers' Liability Bill and the Parish Councils Bill, which latter he said was called by Mr. A. C. Humphreys-Owen the cottagers' charter of freedom" (laughter.) Freedom he said was a grand thing, but they did not like to have to pay too dear a price for it freedom thrust down their throats was not always pleasant, and lie thought that when they found out what the Parish Couucil really meant they would bo inclined to say Save us from our friends (applause.) Mr Wynn proceeding touched upon old age pensions, which he strongly advocated and said he hoped they would back up the desire that their navy should be kept up to its full strength, so that they should never bow their heads to any foreign nation, be it French, Russian, or any other. and that they should be in a position to fight their battles as they had always been before (applause). He asked them to do their best when they went home to try to persuade their friends and their neighbours that the true liberty of the British subject was maintained by Con- servative principles. Helping others by helping themselves" was a good definition of modern Conservatism, and he thought if they would do that they would be able to give Mr. Humphreys-Owen a good account of themselves in Welshpool (applause). He appealed to them not on behalf of himself personally but on behalf of those principles of which he was the embodiment (applause). If they would keep to the Conserva- tive party they would go right. They had in the past maintained the Union, and they would in the future, he hoped, maintain the Empire, and when the time came he hoped they would hand down to their" children its fine a heritage ag they, received from their forefathers (applause). Mr. V. HUSSEY WALSH, who was cheered on ris- ing, said his object in coming there that evening to address the electors of that ancient county was to bear to them a message from his fellow-loyal- ists of Ireland—(hear, hear)—asking them to remember that that was a most crucial and impor- tant moment for them in Ireland, and was also to the electors of Montgomeryshire who were asked to chose between the Union and the disruption of the United Kingdom—whether Ireland was to be prosperous or miserable in the future (applause). He had not come there as a representative of any creed whatsoever, but to tell them that in the South amongst his co-religionists—the loyal Catho- lics of Ireland—there were thousands and hundreds of thousands of men as deeply interested in the Union of the United Kingdom as there were amongst the Protestants and Orangemen of the North (applause). The loyal Catholics relied^and depended upon the people of this country. I hey were thoroughly confident that whatsoever might gh I be the course of future legislation in the Imperial Parliament that the representatives of the working men of England and Wales, that the working men themselves, would neither tolerate Protestant in- justice to Catholic nor Catholic injustice to Pro- testant (applause). They had full confidence in the fair-mindedness and the sense of justice of the people of this country, and were thoroughly con- vinced that they had only to appeal to the hearts and minds of the British people to obtain thorough justice on all hands, and on all questions (applause). It might seem strange that the Irish question was still before them. He should like them to remember that only seven years ago, whatsoever might be the differences between the Conservatives and Radicals, both parties were thoroughly united in the necessity of maintaining tho supremacy of one Parliament for the three kingdoms (applause). It "(" 1-. "1 1(.. --ear 1_.R:; 1:h.,l rK- :'r!'t- -1. took place, and that was why he now appealed with confidence to the well-known Toryism of NVelsbpool. If they were county voters he asked them to give their vote for his friend Mr. Wynn —(applause)—and if they were voters in the boroughs and had no votes in the county then tie besought them to remember the great issues that depended on their work between that day and the day of tho poll, and to remember that they must be true to the principles of the Conservative party, and leave no stone unturned to secure a good, effective and victorious majority (applause). If there were any Liberals in that room if since the last general election there were many Liberals left in Welsh- pool, he should like to ask them to remember the history of the Liberal party. Who were the great men whose names figurtd amongst the Liberals in the past ? What were the principles of John Bright,William Forster, FaNvee tt Ilill and Macaulay. His answer was devotion tn ttJr> TTmon of the United Kingdom, devotion to the supremacy oi the United Parliament (applause). And yet it was from those very men that the modern Gladstonian was proud to trace his degenerate pedigiee. The Gladstonians had nothing but their pedigree to talk about—(laughter)—they J^'lio had sold the traditions of the Liberal party for a mess of Irish pottage (applause). He asked them to consider why they, in Ireland protested against such a wild policy as Home Rule. Ireland was a poor country. She had resources but those resources required developing and in order to do that they must have English and foreign capital. English and foreign .capital required confidence which could not possibly exist under the leaders of the Imperial Party (applause). He strongly agreed that confidence could not exist in men who had made themselves responsible for the infamous principles of bov- cotting and for the abominable doctrines of the plan of campaign. They were even asked by Gladstonian speakers to believe that Ireland poor country and that her poverty was duo to the union of the United Kingdom. He would like to ask those who advanced such a proposition to consider the history of the City of Belfast. At the com- mencement of this century it was a small fishing village whilst at the present moment it had sixty thousand houses and a population of two hundred and seventy live thousand. Its inhabited houses were increasing at the rate of two thousand a year and its population at a rate of twenty-five thousand per annum. He proceeded to allude to the enor- mous increase in the number of ships that now entered the harbour as compared with the begin- ning of the present century, adding that Messrs. Harland and Wolff, the shipbuilders of Belfast, turned out more ships now than any other firm in the United kingdom (applause). After all they must remember that the General Election was fought ",nd won upon one phase of the Irish ques- tion. If they went through the speeches delivered on GladstoniaD platforms at the last election what did they And ? That from one end of the country to the other they rang changes n>>nn the ooercion 0* Mr. Balfour's Irish administration. Whilst In office Mr. Balfour was charged with jury packing, Mr. John Morley, when at Glasgow, three anda half years ago, denounced that statesman or ordering forty-two Irish Catholics to stand whilst ho (Mr. Morley) in 1894, and as ^hie^ Secretary for Ireland, ordered no less than Catholics to stand aside in the county of Cork. :Mr. Balfour was denounced for suppressing pnblio j meetings and only recently the Government had suppressed meetings, and yet the suppression oi freedom of discussion was one of the indictments against the late Government (applause). 110 referred to the charges brought against the UnionIst party for allowing evictions to go on in Ireland, and maintained that when the late Government was in office it did only what they themselveS would have done, viz., insisted on the Queen's laWS being carried out from one end of Ireland to tho other (applause). Ho ventured to ask where were now Mr. Stanslield, Mr. Shaw Lefevre, pro. Stewart, Sir T. Fry and Mr. H. Wilson, who went over to Ireland with photographic cameras for the purpose of photographing Balfour's brutality • I p (applause). In his opinion they were either in the South of France or else staying at home now tha; Mr. Morley was responsible for ti.-o govtvumoiii' 0 Ireland. If they were anxious to bring home to the English people, the absurdity of the speeches of Home Rule members delivered on English plat* forms it was only necessary to contrast tb0 administration of Ireland when under Mr. Balfour with that under Mr. Morley (applause). Most of the#1 knew that at tho present moment the Irish question was being shoved into tho back ground and tl18 Gladstonians were attempting to rouse tho people of this country against the House of Lords. did they attack the House of Lords for having stood between the people of England and Wale and tho disruption of the United Kingdom- Because the House of Lords was the sole bulwar II I,v,ts of the Constitution, and because it was through that assembly that they were still the United Kingdom (applause). He had no doubt that thef0 were many working men in that room who ra^S have been taught to regret by their politic9 leaders their objection to the Employers' Liability I Bill. He should like to ask those men to consid0^ to whom did they owe the sacrifice of that measu1"6' Did they owe it to the House of Lords or to tl1 sulking disposition of the Liberal Administration • They were absolutely agreeu with the Liberal pafl They were absolutely agreeu with the Liberal pafl of the ncessity of passing that measure. Tb0i wished to see the working men of England Wales placed in a stronger position than they b* occupied in the past. It was a fact that workj0^ men could obtain, through their insurance societies, compensation for injuries received without iitig", tion, whilst under the present Bill they would be deprived of that compensation. Most of the v?°r ing men at the largest firms coulcl obtain benefits, under private arrangements, and j electors would "be asked to protest against Government that proposed to rob them of tb0% benefits solely for the purpose of raising capjt against the House of Lords (cheers). He of- tended that the advantages under that Bill to tllt working men, were absolutely unsurpassed L | any scheme Parliament could devise, and theref°^_ I it was to the interest of the working men of I land and Wales that there should be a House d Lords standing between them and robbery, l the rights they acquired, and under which tbe| I benefitted (applause). But the Government b9^ I not done with the House of Lords. Some #J since a Bill was introduced to establish musØ beds on the coast of Scotland, to improve t I Scotch Fishery Board, and develop tho resourc 1 of that body. The House of Lords was prepar^ to pass that measure, but only objected to 0 detail. They (the Liberals) said let this meas^ pass." It was either for the good of the whol0.^ the people of Scotland, or for the seaboard count1 alone. The House of Lords said that under circumstances the whole of tho peoplo must; taxed, or the seaboard counties alone. t Government proposed to tax some of the and not interfere with others. They would ? Dumbarton but not Glasgow, and for ^■ ti Because Sir George Trevelyan sat for the Bridgt0 division of Glasgow • and other places in a f manner. Again, he pointed out, the House Lords stood between the people of Scotland all the perpetration of a political job, and tho ment was now trying to arouse the feeling Scotch people against the House of Lords. If went into London they would find the same pr f ciple at work. During this session the House Lords would have an important duty cast At last'Gallant Little Wales was to be consider^ It__wsia trtip that in fhe Onp»n'« JS^oI Gallant Little Wah-s, with its w Gladstonian members, came fourth, but should like them to remember that one 0 measures of the coming Session was to be the 11 iJ1. I -establishmont and Disendowment of the Churc not Wales. As he told them at tho outset he waS there as representative of any creed or sect, °r cli a member of the Church of England or the Cb of Wales. Ho simply ventured to appeal to as one Christian speaking to another,and he fc Were they prepared to be divorced from their inheritance ? Were they prepared to sacrifice union between the Church and State ? Were t& ( prepared to give up that which enabled "I Ilv,e man to hold his head high wherever he -was, say the country to which ho belonged recog»lS 5 religion and the unity of Church and State (lo rj applause.) As he had previously remarked he not speaking to them tho lai guage of any creed, but simply as a Christian to his Christians. He urged them to stand by Church, to stand by the recognition of Ka^0llaJ religion, to stand byr the recognition of Christianity, to stand by the inheritance they received from their forefathers, to stand tr. and loyal to the Church of Y*rales (loud applaaS<L The House of Lords had stood by its duty DiaS, fully in the past and would not shirk its duty n°rSt But there was a great duty cast upon the elect0 Churchmen and Christians of Montgomerysb1 At the present moment there was a gieafc com* and their decision would practically influence Government in the course which it consid01^^ proper to pursue. If they stood by the Churcb Wales, stood by Conservative and Uni°o1^ principles and stood by Mr. 11. W. Wynn—0° 0 applause) they would send a message a encouragement to the Unionist party. They ,au of send a message of encouragement to the House, Lords, and would therefore enable the Unionist V, ..] •< -"j the robbing of churches ana tiie plundering}, classes (applause.) There were many issues were before the people of the United Kingdom; t118 believe him there had rarely been a period In iell history of the country when the issues wh r8 affected them in Wales and they in Ireland we r ter, of so much importance and of so vital a cliaric 0 He ventured to ask them from tliat moment to P forth their utmost energies. They now about fourteen days to consid0^ those issues. They had fourteen days to toil &^ work and labour. He saw before him a stroIlâ powerful representation of the Conservative all.f Unionist party, who could accomplish anything 1 determined to do so. If there were only ten even five Unionists in that room ho would despair of the conflict. When lie saw before bi 500 men such as they were—500 determined to support the Conservative, Constitutional, alj¡ religi^tiQ principles—he -n-na of r."?"* it only they wero detoimiitua l<> •.•■i. j r.nac resU' to victory (applause). It was a soldier's batt'^ and it was for the workingmen of Welshpool a° Montgomeryshire to determine from that day ward to do all that lay in their power to carry th Conservative and Unionist cause to victory, that they might send to the Imperial Parlianien an upholder of the National Church, an upholder of the freedom of contract, an upholder of tho United Kingdom and the House of Lords, in tb0 struggle which was now raging (loud and pr°" longed applause). Sir WATKIN WILLIAMS-WYXX, who was cordialV greeted, said it was with great pleasure that b0 rose"on that,the first occasion he thought,to addreS*> a political meeting in Welshpool. He did not fee that he was a stranger in Welshpool, still hi £ j periodical visits had not been exactly for purposes, although they might have been for NNbat might be termed fighting purposes (laughter an c1 applause). Perhaps thpy wr-iv mo-r, n'^nH-otned to words like Eyes right or left (laughte** and applause). Still he thought he could say with confidence to the men of Montgomeryshire, like a commanding officer, Eyes centre; draw yoUr political swords; up, attack the political stronghold; let's drive the Radical caucus out of Montgomery* shire (loud applause). They w-ere about"to com- mence fighting a battle, and one they intended winning, for the purpose of returning a Conservative member for Montgomeryshire (applause). He had been told that Mr. Humphreys-Owen had stated i» a pathetic way that the champion who had repre- sented the Radical interest for Montgomeryshire for the last fourteen years was longer able to do so. He, as they had been told bad gone to a serener clime, and would 110 longer enter the arena of party politics at election time- He asked could any of them say they were any better off after those fourteen years of representa". tion ? If they could answer in the affirmitave he would sit down and not try to carry on that COD*