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MR. BOWEN ROWLANDS, Q.C., M.P., AT LLANDYSSUL. Llandyssul is given to entertainments of all sorts, and that of Thursday proved of the most amusing nature, especially to those who, having peeped behind the scenes, knew the actors, and were aware of the difficulty in making up the caste. A POLITICAL JACK. The Chairman, who appeared to experience considerable difficulty in reading his speech, tried unsuccessfully to enliven the proceedings by perpetrating a joke Unfortunately, the leader of the claque was unprepared for such brilliant and unusual jocularity; the jest, therefore, fell flat. If this sort of thing occurs again we trust that arrangements may be made for bursts of laughter," or some other means of recording that the rev. Chairman hap been facetious. Such a flash of wit as the following is too good to be lost:—" Mr Balfour, the great golfer, has struck a blow at Irish peace, &c." Had Mr Phillips been acquainted with the technicalities of the game he might have added that Mr Balfour had run a Hazard to Putt his opponent in a Hole, &c. A good deal might have been made of the point had the rev. gentleman followed it up. But enough was said to show the humorous side of his character, and we sincerely advise him to devote his mind to establish his reputa- tion as a wag rather than venture upon the dangerous path of politics, for when he upholds the Tipperary prosecutions as proof of the failure of the Government policy in Ireland, he does greatly err, facts and figures being dead against him. The plain truth that in 1886 there were recorded in Ireland 1,056 agrarian outrages, and in 1889 only 534 that in 1886 there were 4,901 persons suffering the most abominable persecution in the form of boycot- ting, while in 1889 there were but 152; that pauperism in the same period had decreased by 5,467, while saving bank deposits alone had increased by 11- millions, is sufficient proof that the Government policy in Ireland has not been a failure, and that, to put it mildly, the rev. Chairman had insufficiently studied his subject. A NEW CODE OF MORALS. The Rev. T. James, in his Welsh address, exhibited a lamentably loose view of moral ethics. Mr James upholds the just laws that provide for the punishment of thieves, but is of opinion that it is praiseworthy to break bad laws. Will Mr James inform us where the line is to be drawn 1 Who is to be the Judge between good and bad laws 1 Why should the opinions of the thief, on the subject of laws that affect him, be disregarded, while the ideas of Mr James as regards other laws are to be accepted ? Is each man to form his own code of law and morals—in other words, are we to revert to the condition of savages, or are we yet a civilized nation ? The remarks of Mr James were, of course, directed to the tithe question. Let us put a case before him. Two laymen buy property, which is identical in the eye of the law. The one purchases land upon which the auctioneer declares a tithe rent- charge to be payable under a commutation agreement that the vendor has been a party to the other man buys this rent-charge. The former declines to pay, and when proceeded against resists by force, viz., seizes property that belongs to the other. Where is the difference between this man and the thief who picks my pocket? Nay, the thief perhaps is to be commiserated, he may steal to satisfy necessity; but the other appropriates from mere greed or from a yet baser motive, and is by far the more immoral, because he breaks an agreement that he has knowingly entered into. We are curious to learn how Mr James can argue the soundness and honesty of his views. OUR M.P. ON THE STUMP. Mr Rowlands is an able lawyer, but he damaged his cause at the opening of his speech, and threw a damper over the subse- quent proceedings by reminding his audience that it was his first appearance in the town since the great fight of 1886. Llandyssul flatters itself that it took a prominent part in that fight; believes that the majority of nine, by which it was won, was contained in their ballot box; and has been discussing in many a cottage parliament the question whether a a more grateful representative might not be found without travelling quite as far as Hampstead. Perhaps this may account for the chill appearance of the room when Mr Rowlands rose to speak. One side was almost devoted to school boys, who acted as chorus or claque, obedient to the motion of their fugleman. The remainder of the audience (which at no time exceeded 130) was composed of a mixed crowd, in which the Conservative element was conspicuous, if it did not actually preponderate. Was this the cause of the ill- at-ease expression on the faces of those that graced the platform, and of the extreme moderation of at any rate the English speeches 1 THE ADDRESS. Mr Rowlands' address was a most happy example of his well-known forensic powers. He had absolutely no case to argue. The only texts upon which he was able to dilate were the reforms carried out by the present Government, notably the Local Government Act. Having no case of his own to go on, lawyer-like he endeavoured to shake the testi- mony in favour of his opponents. The Tories had fettered the Act by the institution of Aldermen. Of course, this means that the institution of Aldermen destroyed the repre- sentative character of the Councils. We are as ready to condemn the Aldermanic element as Mr Rowlands is, but how was it made use of by the Councils In too many instances in direct violation of the principle of popular representation, by appointing as Aldermen those who had been rejected as Councillors by the popular vote I Mr Rowlands tries to claim some credit for the passing of the Local Government Act as the result of long agita- tion on the part of the Liberals 1" When ? mi • « — ine question ot Local Government is not new. It has been before the country for the last 54 years. During this time the Liberals held office 35 years, and except for the administra- tion of Sir R. Peel, 1841-45, were almost con- tinuously in power until 1874. Why did they not use their opportunities and pass into law the measure upon which (according to Mr Rowlands) their hearts were set? During this period there was no room for agitation the matter was entirely in their own hands to deal with as they pleased. The agitation Mr Rowlands speaks of must have commenced at a later date than 1874, but there is no record of it. On the contrary, in 1878 and in 1879 the Conservative Government introduced "Bills dealing with the subject. The Liberal Party came into power in 1880 pledged to take Local Government in hand. Mr Gladstone, on 26th Nov., 1879, said, "This is one of the greatest subjects that awaits the consideration of a future Parliament." Mr Gladstone had command of an overwhelming majority for five years after that date, but the great subject" had to wait" until the Conserva- tives took up the broken thread of legislation in 1888. In 1882 Local Government was certainly mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, and in the two following years the Liberals made use of Local Government as a shelter behind which to crouch when called on by the Tories to relieve the long-suffering rate- payers. If this is the agitation referred to the Liberals are welcomed to all the credit for it. When speaking on the subject of Inter- mediate Education for Wales Mr Rowlands was on firmer ground, inasmuch tkat the Welsh members have always advocated such a measure: and in 1885. 1888 and 1889 find Mr Mundella associated with Bills to that effect, but it is a sorry reflection upon Liberalism that atter so many years of power the passing of this important and popular Act should have been left to Conservatives. The Bill, though, introduced by Liberal members never could have become law, but by the sanction and hearty co-operation of the present Government, a fact to which both Mr Rowlands; and Mr Rathbone bear ample testimony. Mr Rowlands accuses the Govern- ment of being unable to distinguish between real and spurious agitation in Ireland, and Unionists in general of talking "childish nonsense" about the danger of separation. An agitation that palpably exists for and by American dollars, and which is in danger of breaking down the moment the supply is checked, can hardly be called very real. Within the last few days the leaders of, what they are pleased to call, a constitutional agitation have thought fit to break their word of honour, to forfeit their recognizances, to fly from justice, so as to again enrry round the hat amongst the servant girls of New York, whose credulity saves their miserable con- spiracy from collapse. The men who struggled for national liberty in the Nether- lands, Switzerland and Italy, were of a different stamp to the modern Irish Patriot, whose pusillanimity has become a bye word. If we give the nationalist leaders credit for all the virtues that their friends would endow them with, we must believe their public declarations. But since February, 1880, when Mr Parnell declared, None of us will be satisfied until we have destroyed the last link which keeps Ireland bound to England, to the last speech of Mr O'Brien that" The cause that Sarsfield fought for, which the rebels of 1798 fought for, and which the Fenians of 1866 and 1869 fought for, is the battle that we, the Irish members at this moment are fighting," speech after speech has exhibited the cloven hoof-the ultimate hope of separation. Sarsfield and his French allies fought for Roman Catholicism and the separation of Ireland, under the dethroned James II. The rebels of 1798 fought for, separation and an independent republic, being again aided by French invaders. The Fenians in 1866 and 1867 hoped to accom- plish the same result by the help of America. In face of these facts we may safely leave Mr O'Brien to be the judge as to whether the Unionist fear of separation is mere childish nonsense." Mr Rowlands choses a singular false simile when he likens the Irish policy of the Government to the policy that lost us America. The Conservative policy aims at the maintenance of a legislative and financial • union with Ireland. The policy that lost us America was taxation without legislative representation, and might with greater truth be compared with the policy laid down by Mr Gladstone in his famous Home Rule scheme, viz., that Irish members should cease to sit in the English Parliament while fiscal unity was, to be maintained, viz., taxes fixed by England. The remainder of Mr Rowlandal address showed the true and better side of his nature, and betrayed the very thin crust of Liberalism that encases him the social reforms that he alluded to are hardly controversial subjects, the tendency of wealth to accumulate, poverty, labour, and over population with all its evils, are problems that occupy every thinking mind. They are difficult of solution. But Con- servatives have done something to mitigate the evil by providing better houses for the poor, while the acts for the benefit of miners, factory hands and labourers have sought to confer yet more material advantages. Can the party to which Mr Rowlands owns allegiance show as good a record? The Liberal maxim of Government by the people" usually ends where it began, in words. THE CHAIRMAN AGAIN MAKES FUN. As the proceedings commenced with a joke it was right that they should close with another humorous act by the chairman. This gentleman rose and in impressive tones demanded was there anyone from Brynteify present 1" would anyone take a letter ?" This time the painful jest was appreciated, and an audible titter ran round the room. Alas not only was the worthy doctor absent, bu t we missed many a familiar face whose owner has done good service to the Radical cause. Oh fickle Cardies So ended the first appear- ance of Mr Rowlands at Llandyssul it may— but we must not prophesy.

T.T.AWWlNTfV

CARMARTHEN.

ST. CLEARS.

LLANDYSSUL.

■ I OUR SECOND EDITION.I

THE CAMBRIAN ARC BIOLOGICAL…

[No title]

REVIEW OF THE BRITISH CORN…

MARKETS.

LAMPETER.

-----------HUNTING APPOINTMENTS.

Family Notices

TRIAL BY JURY.