South Wales Daily News

THE BANQUET. In the evening a banquet took place at the Royal Hotol, when Mr Williams placed an excellent repast on the tables, to which about 160 sat down. Mr T. P. O'Connor presided, aud Dr Mullin occupied the vice-chair. Amongst those supporting the chairman and vice-chairman were —Mr Joseph Biggar, M.P., Mr P. J. Fo]ey M.P., Mr Nolan, M.P., Mr Daniel Cnlly, M.p<t Mr J. Brady (general secretary of the league), Alderma-n Carey (Cardiff), Councillor Vaughan, Mr David Duncan, jnn., Mr F. Sonley Johnstone, Mr E. Grogan, Mr T. J. Callaghan, Dr Quirk, Mr p. J. King (league organizer), Mr Dowhug (organizer, London), Mr O. Kearnan (organizer, Lancashire), MrT. H. Flynn (organizer, Wales), Mr T. Collins (Cardiff), Mr Roche (Belgian Vice-Consnl, Swan- sea), A HANDSOME GIFT FBOJL AMERICA. Upon the conclusion of the repast, The CHAIRMAN, whose rising was the signal for lond cheering, road the following telegram which he said hafl come from the Rev. Dr. Charles O'Reilly, of Detroit, the treasurer of the Irish National League in America:—- To Joseph Gillis Biggar, M.P., Cardiff, Wales, Eng. land. Your friends in America are of one mind, that coercion must be fought in last ditch. J place to your creuit to-day £2.000. IRELAND A NATION. MMtNOB BY HR T. P. O'CONNOR, M.F. The CHAIRMAN, rising, said he would propose the first, toast alwaya offered at the Irish gathering, aad that was Ireland a nation." There was .111 pecnliar-significance in their presenting such a toast at that season, for they weie on the threshold of-Irish nationhood. Every day that passed ..brought them nearer to that great sacred goal,<but they knew when Ireland became a nation she would not be acquiring anything like a new character. She would be only getting back her stolen goods. They knew that Ireland was a nation for centuries—that the parliamentary body which would be the outward symbol of that nation existed for centuries, and had only been dead 87 years. Therefore, in proposing the toast of "Ire- land a Nation," he proposed no revolutionary innovation, but he proposed a truly con- servative restitution of an ancient institution. Now, Ireland had all, or nearly all, the marks and tokens that entitled a country to nationhood—her geographical position, social characteristics, a great history, a noble and prolonged struggle, and a great and common aim. In speaking of the question of nationality, he had felt himself par- ticularly relieved by the fact that he was speaking in a Welsh town. (Applause.) They bad met that night among a people who had preserved, and always be believed intended to preserve, dis- tinct traits of their nationality. (Applause.) In some respects, indeed, and particularly in the preservation ot their language, the Welsh people had been more conservative of the distinction of nationality than even the Irish people .themselves. (Applause.) The Irish, as all the world knew, bad received extraordinary assistance from the Welsh people in their struggle. The cause of progress and reform—whatever it might be—had always found its stauuehest sup- porters and most numerous advocates amongst the Welsh people. He attributed it in some degree to this—that whila the Irish and the Welsh were separated by seas, they were proud of being children of the same great Celtic mother. (Applause.) But there was another reason, he thought, which underlaid the extraordinary sup- port Ireland had received from Wales—Wales, in many respects, presented a favourable contrast to the history of Ireland. The Celtic people of ■ Wales bad known, like the Celtic people of Ireland, Wottfcit was to have alien iaws of the soil, what it was to have an alien church, and what it was to have au alien language sometimes torced upon the people, and especially in the tribnnals of the law. And it was a remarkable fact that all the great reforms and demands put forward by the people of Wales were opposed practically by tha same style and species of argu- ment—if argument it could be called—as was addressed in opposition to the demands of Ire- land. The great leader of the Liberal party— (applause)—to whom Wales owed so much, and who owed so much to Wales, took one of those great steps in advance which had characterised his great career, and told the people of Wales that on one great question his sympathies were with them—and the sympathies of the Irish were with them too—and that was on the question of dis- establishment of the Church. (Applause.) Here again a common experience enabled the Irish people to sympathise with the demands of the Welsh people. (Applause.) In Ireland they had bad an Established Church, and no doubt she was not the church of the majority of the people; whilst ou the other hand they had a church opposed by the State, a church the ministers of which wero persecuted, whose doc- trines were denouuesd aud proscribed. And so it was in Wales, where the great spiritual strength of the country was not in the Establishment, with all its patronage and subsidising by the State, but in it humble conventicles, which laid their roots in the spiritual faith aud hearts of the people. Well, they were asking in the toast "Ireland a Nation," nothing but a restitution of their rights and in the toast Ireland a Nation they included all Ireland. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) No- body supposed, no practical politician supposed, that any portion of Ireland could be cut off from the rest of Ireland aud he said this, —that though they might have much to bear in the present from some of their fellow-countrymen in the heart of Ireland—though some had acted in a way they must strongly reprobate—the day that saw an emancipation of Ireland would see also a great act of oblivion over all great difficulties. (Applause.) There were some people who, being fools themselves, looked through rather coloured glasses upon the intentions of other people, and some of those had laid down the extraordinary doctrine that the people of other parts of Ireland than Ulster would like to punish Ulster for its commercial prosperity, and to lay restrictions upon the iu- dustry of that portion of the country. Why, the first thing the Irish had to do-wheu. they had the control of their own affairs—was not to embarrass and impede, but to facilitate and ad- vance by every means in their power the industrial and commercial enterprise of the country, so that they might raise the vast masses of the Irish people from the state of poverty and despair in which they at present laid and he was perfectly sure that when the days of self-government for Ireland came. those of their fellow-countrymen now separated from them would—in less than a decade of years from now—bless Heaven that their prayers of to-day were unanswered, and would themselves enjoy-wore iully perhaps than any other part of Ireland—the prosperity which would come from the self-governmeut of the country. Ireland was notv in the throes of national birth. That great process could not be accomplished without travail and pain. The troubles of Ireland were deep and grave, and excited sorrow and indignation amongst all men of just intelligence and understanding. It was the last miserable struggle of despair. The people of Ireland were meeting the attacks upon them in the true spirit. There was not one of them who did not feel proud of the manliuess with which coercion was fought in Ireland not one of them who did not sympathise with those poor people fighting for their homes and children. In the record and annals of the future their names would be enrolled among those glorious martyrs of a holy cause, through whose blood and sufferings the struggle had been con- tinued, and victory would be gained. The present difficulties were but clouds which obscured the sun for a brief space. They would pass away before, perhaps, some of them expected and then the toast he was now pro- posing would have a great and sacred and im- perishable meaning, for Ireland self-governed would be really a nation to endure for ever. (Load and prolonged cheers.) SPEECH BY MR NOLAN, M.P. Mr JOSEPH NOLAN, M.P., who was called upon to respond te the toast, alluded to the support given by Wales to Home Rule in Ireland, and added that one of the reasons for it was probably this—liberty, as students of ancient and modern history knew, always loved a lofty home. Not only in Greece, in the Tyrol, in the mountains of Switzerland, but in Scotland and in Wales, liberty found a home when oppression stalked with iron heel over the fair and fertile plains of the land. He took it that if the Welsh people were with them—as they evidently were—in heart and soul in this struggle, it was not merely on accouut of kindred or sympathy with their sufferings, but because the Welsh inherited the traditional love of liberty of justice and of truth which the forefathers of the Irish were animated by when they took refuge in the naked Welsh mountains. (Applause.) It was no new thing for Irishmen to drink the toast, Ireland a Nation;" the pleasing feature in connection i with that gathering was that Irishmen were joined by 'Welshmen, Englishmen, and Scotch- men in drinking the toast. (Applause.) The great masses of the people of the country were free from the idle fear that the establishment of an independent nationality for Ireland would militate against the might of the. British Empire. That was not the place for arguing the question, but he thought, it would be idle to suppose that even it the Irish people obtained the right to manage their own, affairs, they would be able—even if they tried— to upset the mighty British Empire. But Irish- men did not intend to interfere with the British Empire, although it was true that they did aim at establishing an empire of their own—an empire whose progress would not be marked by the march of armies spreading death and desolation in their path—or a navy sweeping commerce from the 'seas. The empire which Irishmen sought to establish, and which they had a right in seeking to establish, would be an empire of another kind—an empire of the mind, au empire of the intellect, an empire of peace. They excluded, and he thought rightly, references to religion iu gatherings of that kind, but he thought he might bo excused for saying that the great mass of the Irish people belonged to that faith which looked to the levelling of mountains and the bridging over of rivers and seas, and the making of men of all nations one happy and united empire. (Applause.) MR PARNELL AND THE IRISH PARTY. SPEECH BY MR O'CONNOR, M.P. The CHAIRMAN next proposed Mr Parneil and the Irish Party." He expressed regret at the absence of their leader—(applause)—particularly as it was due to a strain upon bis health. He paid a most eulogistic tribute to the worth of Mr Parnell, aDd went on to say that the Home Rule cause was largely bound UP T^th his life. At the samo time, ho proceeded, the Irish cause did not depend upon any man, be- cause it was imperishable, and would survive a defeat even of the present Irish party. He coupled with the toast the name of Mr Biggar, of whom he spoke in the highest terms. SPEECH BY MR BIGGAR, M.P. Mr BIGGAR, M.P.. rose to respond to the toast on behalf of his friend Mr Parnell and the other members of the Irish parlia- mentary party, and was received with loud cheers. He said that he tendered them his very warmest thanks for the warmth and geniality ot their reception on that occasion, and for the. hearty manner in which tbey had received the toast. (Hear.) His friend Mr Parnell had most certainly not attained his dignified position as leader of the Irish people by means of self-seeking. He (Mr Biggar) remembered very well the occa- sion when he was elected to the post of loader of the party, a position for which Mr Justin McCarthy had always been selected by many, but finally, by the honest, universal, and unbiassed opinion of hiscolleaguos Mr Parnell was called upon to be their chief. That opinion was not based upon personal prejudices in favour of Mr Parnell, but upon long experience of hia parliamentary con- duct and groat fitness for such an onerous office. fHear.) Mr Parnell during his parliamentary career had worked harder than any other member of the party had done. His whole soul had been given up to the cause of the Irish people anti the taslc ho was engaged upon. (Cheers.) He made this object his pursuit in every direction. He went to America with Mr Dillon during the time of the land agitation to collect money for the suffering Irish people at home, who were heavily oppressed by the threatened famine in 1879. He journeyed through all parts of the United States tor the purpose of raising a fund for their relief, this in itself a large.task to under- take, but it only formed a portion of his labours. Ho sat up night after night during many a long session impressing upon a then adverse House of Commons the necessity for some particular reform, and finally succeeded in getting for his Irish fellow-countrymen the redress of some grievance. But his efforts were spread over the whole demo- cracy, for he obtained the abolition of flogging in the army. (Hear.) Had it not been for their great leader the British soldier would probably still have been suffering from that brutal mode of punish- ment. (Cheers.) He could give another illustra- tion of the personal labour and sacrifice Mr Paraell underwent in that early time of his parliamentary life. One night when they bad both been 111 the House of Commons until nearly 3 o clock—(laughter)—they left Westminster, but Mr Parneil went to lie down in the waiting room of the Great Northern Railway Station in order to catch the first train from Glasgow, where be addressed a large audience the same evening. (Cheers.) This was only one instance of the many which might be quoted to show Mr Parnell's indomitable spirit of perseverance where his resolve was able to conquer excessive physical fatigue. (Cheers.) One of Mr Parnell's peculiarities was that he had the knack of getting work done for him by his lieutenants, and he always said the right thing in the right place. These qualities were of immense advantage to him in his position as leader of a parliamentary party. He now held exceptionally high rank as a tactician and leader, and for sound, judicious, and timely action he was, perhaps, without a superior in the House of Commons. Without the assistance and unflagging spirit of Mr Parnell, he (Mr Biggar) would have been of little use, for he could never fight alojie. If he had someone to act as bottle- holder he might make seme show of resistance, but it unaided. he was powerless. (Laughter and, cheers.) His desires aud sympathies had for many years been in favour of the nationality of his country, but at the same time he had espoused the cause of the democracy all the world over. (Cheers.) Something like fifty years ago, when his father aud himself used to discuss the tranchisc question together, be used to always advocate universal suffrage, whilst his father, who was a Whig,talked of propsrtyrepresentation. (Laughter.) So they could see his own ideas had been tolerably well advanced even at a very early age. (Hear.) Mr O'Connor had referred to the other members of tho Irish parliamentary party, and he (Mr Biggar) could say that, taking them collectively, they were equal to anyone in the House of Commons. He questioned, leaving out Mr Glad- stone, whether the House of Commons could produce speakers to compete with Mr O'Connor or Mr Sexton, or whether there were many men who could rival the two Healys and Mr Chance. Dillon and William O'Brien—(loud cheers)—were unequalled as political agitators, but their work lay rather outside the House of Commons. It was sometimes said that the earnest and determined men in their partylwere hireling politicians, with a purely mercenary end in view. Well, he knew a great deal of the Irish members of Parliament and their private relations of life, and he really believed that there was not a single member of the Irish party who did not suffer financially, and in some cases very largely, by their connection with Irish politics. (Hear.) No more false, un- fair, or unreasonable charge had ever been brought against a body of gentlemen than this. Instead of gaining, they were financially heavy sufferers. {Cheers.) Mr P. J. FOLKY, M.P., also responded to the toast, saying that as a young member he aid so with great diffidence in the presence of the father of the party. (Cheers.) Still, although young, he could look bask to the time when the Irish members fought a hard and bitter fight uuder a former leader, and he [could remember how that leader was not disposed to look with favour on the more progressive action which animated the younger and moreactivo section, with Mr Parnell and Mr Biggar at its head. They met and advised their leader to take certain steps, and he promised to do so, but he forgot his promise and tried to crush them out. These days were happily long since gone by. They were now united under a progressive and sagacious leader, they had talented and clever men in their rank?, and they were rapidly approaching the realization of their desires when these men would sit in an Irish Parliament. (Loud applause.) M11 GLADSTONE AND THE LIBERAL PARTY. MrT. P. O'CONNOR, M.P., next gave the toast of Mr Gladstone aud the Liberal Party," which was received with great cheering. He said that he would first address a few words to them as to the second part of the toast, and speak of the Liberal party as a body. (Hear, hear.) Ha had watched its attitude very closely siuce Home Rule had first been adopted oil its platform, and they had all recently seen by the masruificent demonstration at Nottingham how united and determined Liberals were on this point—(cheers)—and he had found that the Liberal party were just as firmly convinced of and just as inextricably bound to Ireland's rights as were the Irish Nationalists themselves. (Cheers). Nothing had pleased him more than to see the enormous progress of opinion and conviction on this matter. If to-morrow they could conceive of Mr GJad- stone proposing au unsatisfactory and unsuitable settlement of the Irish question—an impossible thing in itself-he believed it would receive the same emphatic repudiation from the rank a»<L. file of the Liberal party as it would from the Jrish Nationalists. (Laud cheers.) For the Lioeral party had grasped the heart and core of the Irish question, and saw that the only possibility of giving happiness and peace to an united empire was by granting to Ireland self-government by her own people. (Cheers.) Outside this great central principle there was plenty of room for a variety of treatment to be adopted, and the Irish party did not wish to embarrass the course or tie the hands of Mr Gladstone. (Hear.) With regard to Mr Gladstone himself, it would be a bad day for Eugland when he passed away. Tho political life of the country would suffer a great and irretrievable loss. He had gained nothing in mental or moral stature by his political position, for he bad given to politics far more than politics ever gave to him. (Loud cheers.) He dignified and ennobled and purified the public life of the country. Had be chosen any other career besides the political one, he would have been an equally distinguished man. From his scholarly erudition be brought to politics all the refinement of a cul- tured mind. As one who frequently had the opportunity of listening to him, he (Mr O'Connor) must say that it was always a real pleasure to hear Mr Glad- stone speak, because of the eloquence, the scholastic flavour, the splendid refinement of his political addresses. (Cheers.) Of course Mr Gladstone had some enemies—who had not ? And he even had some rivals. (Laughter.) Well, when he saw some of these men placing them- selves side by side with Mr Gladstone, he was reminded of an artistic simile. When an artist wanted to bring home to the mind the great magnificence and splendour of any object in his picture, he always located near it some- thing infinitely petty and mean. If he desired to impress the mind with the height and magnitude of the Pyramids he put some small human figure in the foreground. So in the same way they were only convinced of the great eminence of Mr Gladstone when he was contrasted with some petty fellow like Joseph Chamberlain. (Loud cheers.) Mr Gladstone had been asked to give bis plan for settling Home Rule. He had been asked to explain himself, he bad been begged to do so, and he had been menaced to do so. But was it possible for Mr Gladstone to propose a settlement of Homo Rule which would have the effect of reconciling bis enemies either to him or to each other? (Cheers.) The most extraordinary thing about those extraordinary individuals who, according to their own account bad all the intelli- gence of England, Scotland, Wales, and the North of Ireland concentrated in themselves, was that the moment one of them pro- posed a plan for the settlement of the Irish question, the next day another had counter-plan ready. If they would only go into a room with their separate plans, and the smaller the room was the better for the purposes of lively discussion, and if the Home Rulers could only lock the door and remain outside, he had little doubt that the remains of them and their schemes would fill as little space as the famous Kilkenny cats. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr Gladstone waa 1 asked what he was going to do witb the Irish members, and Mr Chamberlain said that lie would not submit to any plan tbat did not retain the Irish members in the Imperial Parliament. As he had observed with some of those present who had attended the convention that day, the Irish member must be a most peculiar individual, too ansreiic for earth and too diabolical for purgatory. (Laughter.) He was at the same time such a desperado, and renegade, and scouudrel that he could not possibly be entrusted with the task of governing Ireland in a native Parliament, but be was so sagacious and prudent tbat the welfare of the empire impera- tively demanded his presence in the Imperial Parliament. (Laughter.) Furthermore, the Irish member was said to be such a stupid creature that if he were allowed to govern his own country be would make a muddle of the whole thing, and yet he was such a statesmanlike individual that if the Im- perial Parliament were deprived of his presence it would immediately fall to pieces. (Laughter.) Suppose Mr Gladstone were to say that he would make: a plan that would retain all the Irish members in the Imperial Parliament, what a. howl there would be from Mr Goschen, and what a shout from Mr Jesse Collings. (Laughter and cheers, and a voice: "HowabontChamberlain?") Well, it might be pnt this way. From Mr Cham- berlain and Mr Jesse Collings they would have the famous English tune of bubble and squeak. (Laughter.) Three-fourths of the Unionist party declared that the one reason they could be reconciled to Home Rule was that they would get rid of those Irish ruffians out of the House of Commons. When, therefore, they were reconciled to each other they might come to Mr Gladstone and ask him for his pIau, but not before. (Cheers.) Home Rule owed much to Mr Glad- stone, and Mr Gladstone owed much to Home Rule, for it had made him a young maa again. (Cheers.) When he walked up the floor of tho House of Commons, especially to protest against; Closure Smith-(laughter)-he seemed to be years younger than he had been a few years ago. At Nottingham he was never in better voice, never more master of his boundless re- sources. On one occasion when he (the speaker) had commented on this fact, Mr Heroert Glad. stone—(cheers)—remarked, His heart is in the wprk." (Cheers.) That was the reason why he was fighting so nobly throughout the whole country on behalf of the Home Rule cau'!e. (Load chafers.) It would be a poor day for England when he passed away. Just fancy his place filled by Chamberlain—(hisses)—on the one side and Randolph Churchill — (laughter)— on the other. Or imagine the Marquis of Hartington—(A Voice Pooh")—that dnU and obstinate aristoorat, the most exaggerated man of his time, who was never right, and who, instead of beine; a hl).bor111eader bad evor been a dra upon the chariot-wheel. Fancy the Marquis of Hartington in the place of Mr Gladstone. (Groans.) They should fervently pray that the day might be far distant when England would be deprived of the glory and the splendour of Mr Gladstone's intellect. (Loud cheers.) Whether or not that time be far off, one thing was certain —his word and example would never die. (Loud cheers.) They would passon from age-to age, from generation to generation, from century to century, and long after all of those present wera turned to dust his influence would live in England and Wales,.5and Ireland and Scotland, and all over the world, and men would be stirred to noble and patriotic action by the memory of his life aud deeds. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) SPEECH BY MR F. SONLEF JOHNSTONE. The CHAIRMAN associated with the toast the name of Mr F. Sonley Johnstone, of the South Wales Daily News, one who was well known to them as an able writer and sound thinker, and on that gentleman rising to reply be was very cordially received. Mr SONLEY JOHNSTONE said that neither he nor any other man cculd adequately respond for Mr Gladstone. (Cheers.) They all knew that Mr Gladstone had cot always been in favour of Home Rule, the only method whereby Ireland could be given its due. (Hear.) But they also knew that Mr Gladstone was a man capable of growth, one who had advanced and was still advancing. (Cheers.) What his enemies called inconsistency was in him simply tha growth of a great mind that never stood still, Mr Gladstone could not be stagnant: he was impelled to go on. Even when he gave Home Rule to Ireland, if he were spared he would not consider his work as finished. He would be prepared to go on, aud on, and on, until he ca.me to that time wheu no man could work. (Cheers.) As for the Liberal party, it was sometimes said that there was a split in their ranks, and that there were two Liberal parties. He (the speaker) had heard of the second, the Unionist, party with his oars, but he had never seen it with his eyes. (Laughter and cheers.) They bad throughout the country a number of men who called themselves Unionists, but there were never any meetings to be seen of Liberal Unionists. The Liberal Unionists seemed to be something less than all atom, for they had no separate existence. (Laughter aud cheers.) Those who bad paid any attention to the science of chemistry knew what was meaut by an element. He did not think the Liberal Unionists could even be called an element. They were nowhere unless they had the Tories beside them. (Loud cheers.) If m Cardiff any hall or room were-filled with a meeting of Unionists they I might rely upon it that at least 99 out of every 100 were Conservatives. (Hear.) He was very I glad that several remarks had been made about the staunch suppott that bad been given to the Irish cause by the people of Wales. (Applause.) Though he himself was a Scotchman, he thought he was entitled to say something on behalf of Wales after having passed 20 years in tho principality. He had known the Welsh people for a long time, and given some thought to their wants, and he believed that, notwithstanding all that had been said about the warmth of their sympathy for Ireland, they had not yst got full credit fcr it. (Hear.) Because the Welsh people had for generations been, like the Irish, crying out for their rights, and they bad been oppressed and downtrodden. Yot, notwithstanding the in. justice and wrongs from which they were suffering, they were still quite prepared to wait a little longer until Ireland had had justice first done to her. (Loud applause.) Ireland was naturally proud of the Welsh people, and in the fact that Wales was ready to sacrifice even her own rights that Ireland should be served was a sufficient cause. (Cheers.) Once the Liberal party had taken up the cause of Rule they certainly would not drop it until it was brought to a satisfactory conclusion. It had ever been the fortune of Liberalism to be right in tho end, and, under the leadership of Mr Gladstone, the party was destined to advance steadily to victory. (Cheers.) He firmly believed that were the history of Ireland as well known in England some years ago as it now was, Ireland would have had Home Rule long ago. His own sympathies with Ireland had been evoked when he was very young and visited the country For many years he had endeavoured to give Ireland what little help he could in achieving her material progress, (Cheers.) He hoped they would shortly find, not Wales alone, not Scotland alone, but tne whole of the kingdom, imited to bring about that happy time when Ireland should know peace and prosperity, aud for ever enjoy them. (Loud cheers.) THE BRITISH DEMOCRACY. Mr CRILLY, M.P., proposed the toast of "Tba British Democracy." He said he rase with the greater pleasure to perform his task after bearing the generous and open-minded remarks of Mr Johnstone. (Hear.) It was not always the caso that an Irish national gatheringJsuchSas that could publicly propose the health of the British ,demo- cracy. Their people in the old days were not wont to look upon the English race as friends, and it was rather in the darkness of the night tbey met to speak of the British democracy as foemen and enemies. But all that, owing to the generous nature of Mr Gladstone—owing above all to the manliness and warmth and fellow-feeling that were in the hearts of the British public, had vanished, and they were now able to rise on English, and Scotch, and Welsh soil as Irish J'tionaiists, and without one single word of re- L.^aiination to propose the health of the English democracy. (Loud cheers.) That it had not always been so was shown by the voice of Irish literature, both in prose and verse. The Irish national feeling went with the sons of Ireland all over the wide world, and if the mig-ht and strength and glory of British arms might be encountered in all parts of the habitable globe, there, face to face on the same soil with the representatives of English power a.ud determination, were found the representatives of the undying hopes of the Irish people. (Cheers.) But the battle had now been fought and won, and the great British democracy was on the side of freedom and justice for Ireland. (Cheers.) They were not now afraid of a general election, and he believed that when the millions had the opportunity of expressing their views by means of the ballot-box, they would unanimously support Mr Gladstone and the other eminent leaders who had espoused the cause of Home Rule. (Cheers.) Mr DAVID DUNCAN, junior, whose name was associated with the toast, was loudly cheered on rising to respond. He said that every nation bad its peculiarity, and it was nearly useless to say that the peculiarity of Irishmen was their eloquence. (Cheers.) He thanked them most heartily on behalf of the Brit sh democracy for the manner in which they had received thit toast. (Hear.) He did not thiuk they could have selected a spot in Great Britain more con- genial to their object of obtaining Home Rule than Wales, and especially South Wales. (Cheers.) The people were .more largely affiliated with Ireland than with England, and there were many reasons which made them peculiarly sympathetic to the Irish race. In Cardiff the question of Home Rule was I thoroughly understood at the present moment, and this was all it required—(cheers)—and it was not surprising that it was so well understood when its inhabitants had the privilege of listening to such speeches as they had heard that night. (Cheers.) Without further detaining them, he again thanked them most cordially for their kindly sentiments to the British democracy. (Applause.) Mr SMITH, of Longbridge, also replied. Tbs Rev. ALUN ROBERTS, wh0¡e name was also associated with the toaet, said a frequent topic for the Tories was to talk in a disparaging way of the interference of ministers of tha gospel in political affairs, but he would tell them straight that if a coercion act were passed for r Wales such as that passed for Ireland, he would turn his pulpit into a political platform. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) He defied any coercion act, devised even by the gory imagination of the present Government, to touch the Congregational minister in his pulpit. (Great enthusiasm.) The Irish people were receiving the united support of the Welsh nation, and when the time came they should not forget the fact, bat repay it. (Loud cheers.) After some other toasts, Alderman CAREY said: that in a meeting of Cardiff Irishmen the services of men who had worked hard for the cause should be remembered. He proposed The health of Dr Mullin and Mr Callaghan." Dr MULLIN having replied, Mr CALLAGHAN also responded. He asked Alderman Carey what position be intended to take up in the municipal contest next Tuesday. (Hear.) Did he mean to stand by the Liberal party or not? (Cheers.) He (Mr Callaghan) con- sidered it to be the duty of every Irishman during the present municipal election to support the Liberal candidates. (Applause.) It was unneces- sary to urge the Irishmen of Cardiff not to forget the services rendered to them by Sir Edward Reed, nor how much they were indebted to him. (Cheers.) The remainder of the evening was spent in a convivial manner.

THIS EVENING'S MEETING. TEXT OF THE RESOLUTIONS. The following is the text of the resolutions to be "proposed at the great meeting this evening at the Park-hall, Cardiff :— That this meeting of the Liberals and the Nationalists of Cardiff expresses its full concurrence with the policy of Mr (>!adstone in Ireland, and demands an Irish legislature with a responsible Irish executive alike in the interest of the peace and prosperity of Ireland and of the s',renth, honour, and unity of the empire. That t his meeting sends to Mr Gladstone the expres- sion of its profound gratitude for the inflexible courage, resolution, and energy with which he has fought the cause of Ireland. and wishes him many years of life aad further service to his country, and to the cause of justice, liberty, and morality in all parts of the world. That we strongly condemn the policy of the Govern- ment in Ireland that the Coercion Act was passed in violation of the solemn pledges against coercion of nearly overy Tory and Liberal trni nist candidate at the last election, and under thp false pretence that it was intended as a weapon against crime that in- stead oi crime and criminals being assailed under this act, it is employed for the imprisonment of political opponents, and for the suppression of public meetings, of; free speech, of free writing, of peaceful com- bination, and of all the ether rights and liberties which belong to the citizens of a bination, and of all the ether rights and liberties which belong to the citizens of a free country. and that we denounce the brutality ot the polite in breaKing up peaceful assemblies, and the indictment of Mr Blunt and others before a packed tribunal of paid dependents and tools of Dublin Castle. That Irish people owe a special debt of gratitude to the pobple of Wales for the splendid and all but unanimous support which they have given to the Irish canse. That lash nationality sympathises strongly with the demands of the Welsh people for reforms upon which they are practically amted, and tiusts that the early settlemwt of tho Irih question will bring to early realization the disestablishment of the Church of the minority in Wales, the reform of the land system, the extinction of the exclusive tenure of magistracies and other places of influence by the people of one creed, and all the other reforms upon which the Welsh people have set their heart. That we thank Sir Edward Reed and the other j liberal members from Wales for the consistent and abla manner in which they have fought in the House, of Commons against the extinction, bv a. brutal Coercion Act, of the liberties of Ireland. That we call on the Irish electors of Cardiff, in accordance with the resolu* tion adopted by a convention representative of two millions of Irishmen in Great Britain,to support at the municipal election on Tuesday the candidates who support the policy of Mr Gladstone.

NATIONAL UNION OF ELE- MENTARY TEACHERS. CONFERENCFTT CARDIFF. On Saturday last the 15th annual meeting in connection with the National Union of Elemen- tary Teachers was held in the Higher Grade Board School, Cardiff. Tho following officers were appointed :—Vice-president, Mr James Waugh, M.A., Higher Grade Board School, Cardiff; treasurer, Mr Joseph Thomas, National Schools, Neath Abbey j secretary, Mr E iward Coles, Dafen School, Llanelly. PRESIDENT'S ADDRlLSS-FRKE EDUCATION. The general meeting in the afternoon was attended by a large number of teachers from various parts of the district. The president (Mr Joseph Davies, of Graig Board Schools, Ponty- pridd), delivered an address on the subject of "Free or Gratuitous Education." After express- ing his appreciation of the compliment paid him by bis election as president of the union, be proceeded to ask if it was not a mistake to suppose that schools could be absolutely free. It was calculated tbat three-fourths or four-fifths of the expenditure connected with education was drawn from a source other than the fees. It bad been computed that taking the average for the I whole country, the education of each individual child meant an expenditure of one shilling per week. Of this the parent contributed 2d or 3d on an average, and other sources supplied the re- maining 9d or 10J. It ought to be fully recognised by the many as well as by the few that no extra grants or contributions could be made either fram imperial or local sources of educational purposes, except by the exaction of increased rates, taxes, or duties, to the production of which all classes of society must directiy or indirectly contribute. The unsatisfactory state of attendance was recognised by the advocates of free education as evidencing the necessity for free admission to schools. If fees were abolished in board schools, of necessity they would have to be dropped in voluntary schools as well. There were in this country sixteen millions of people who lived in parishes with elective school boards, while there were about ten millions populating districts where no school boards existed, aud where consequeutly there was uo rate made for educational purposes. If it were recognised and arranged that the State should bear the extra cost of elementary education, then the sixteen millions in school board districts would have to bear the burden of maintaining their own schools by rates, and also would have to con- tribute largely to imperial taxation to perpetuate the exclusion from rates in those parishes where no school boards existed. Again, to give free educating in board schools, and to continue the payment in voluntary schools, would create an injustice to the ten million persons who lived in districts where no school boards existed, whereas if this plan were adopted in districts within the jurisdiction of school boards, i.e., if the board schools were thrown open free, the voluntary schools must pursue the same tactics or become emptied sooner or later. In the face cf the latter contingency the board schools would be overcrowded, and new arrangements would have to be made. By the voluntary principle there was aggregated a sum of fuily two millions in support of elementary volun- tary schools, and a further sum ot between five and six hundred thousand pounds was obtained by means of fees in board schools, and this sum would increase naturally with improved at- tendance under the present system, so that in lieu of the fees and contributions now provided a sum closely approaching three millions would have to be provided from imperial or local sources according to the present necessities. Without doubt the most powereul antagonism to the establishment ot a free system of education arose from the extreme and absolute importance which Denominationalists, as managers and 8upporters of voluntary schools, attached to systematic and distinctive religious teachiug. The whole ma- chinery of the voluntary system was set in motion by this gaidiug principle. ADDRESS BY MR GIRLING. Mr GIRLING next delivered an address, in the course of which he claimed for the K.U.E.T. that it was worthy of the support of the general public as well as the teachers. It was a body working on behalf of the cause of education generally, and, so soon as the public understood that, they would cease to look upon the utter- ances of teachers as those of a self-seeking set of parsons. The great object of the union was to improve the general education of the country, and the question which the teachers, as a. body of practical men and women, had to ask themselves was, how can this best be done 1 They bad for many years contended that the present system was by no moans tho best that could be devised to meet the wants of the nation, and it was an extraordinary thin? that the present system had survived solongasithad. If the teachers had been listened to years one by, that system would have been changed. The teachers of Scot- land were having imposed upon them a ccde similar to the one under which English and Welsh teachers worked. They saw at once its blots and were already crying out against them. In many respects the schools on the Continent were superior to those in this country, but he did not find that the teachers were in any way superior either in intelligence, iu love of their work, or in educa- tional attainments. Tho fault, then, could not rest with the teachers, but with the system under which they worked, and it was against that system they were combining. The system bore a very misleading name. It was spoken of as payment by results." If re- sults could be accurately gauged, then there was no possible objection to being paid by those re- suits, but thoughtful men and women would know that educational results could never be measured on the day of examination. It was in this connection that the superiority of continental systems came in. The teachers had undoubtedly made great strides in spite of a bad system. He hoped that changes would soou be effected, and he was convinced that if the Government would introduce a good educational scheme, the teachers of England and Wales would most loyally co-operate in carrying it out. Referring to the manner in which the authorities acted in the matter of regular attend- ance, he remarked that in Germany attend- ance at school was a reality; the parents were thoroughly in sympathy with the system, and they co operated with the authorities. He asked them to contrast that state of affairs with that which prevailed in this country. The union to which they belonged had recently been making inquiries, and nearly a hundred associations had reported that they could not get the children to school because the very persons entrusted with the duty of securing attendance were breaking tho law themselves, and employing the children, and yet they did not find that the teachers were excluded from the responsibility of passing those children who were not at school. In ■-onclusion he wanted to waru the teachers that when they got the scheme that bad bsen drawn up by the executive council of the National Union, they were not to suppose it was a perfect scheme or an attempt at perfection. It would be sent ont as a basis for discussion, and the executive solicited help in the construction of a good scheme. Tbo principle underlying it was that there should be no payment for an individual pass in any school in the country; that an elastic code should be made, and one that could be easily adopted. The idea was that there should be large educational areas, and a council representing voluntary, board, and other classes of schools—a council for a large area, an area say containing 50,000 persons, and that, without the voluntary schools losing their own autonomy, there should be a central body that would help the work and control and find funds for the whole of the schools in the district. Discussion being invited, the Rev. C. J. THOMPSON (vicar of S. John's, Cardiff), said he should be glad to learn what they could substitute for the system of payment by results. Ho very much doubted whether many of the teachers of the past would have been got to do their duty but for that system. He thought, however, that with their accumulated experience they might now be able to hit upon some better system. Principal JONES remarked that with the spirit of Mr Girling's address he entirely agreed. He also endorsed that portion of the scheme referred to which said that no payment should be made upon an individual pass, and he was Surprised and sorry to see 'that in the Intermediate Education Bill introduced last session one of the chief features in the distribution of money was payment of the individual schoolmaster on an individual pass. He thought it would be horrible if, instead of abolishiug payment by results, they saw it introduced into their intermediate system of schools. Away with it altogether. Mr Lewis Williams and others having made a few remarks, the conference adjourned to tea and social meeting.

NEATH M U NIC I PAL ELECTIONS, On Friday evening a largely attended meeting of ratepayers was held at the Bible Christian Schoolroom, Melincrythau, in support of the can- didature of the four Liberal candidates, Mr Silvanus Phillips was voted to the chair. The first candidate to address the meeting was Mr William Cribb, who referred to his long and prac- tical experience in connection with drainage and other matters. Mr David Davies (the only retir- ing candidate who seeks re-election) spoke at length upon the water, gas, drainage, and other important questions, and also gave a resume of the present financial position of the borough.— Mr J esse Rimble referred to the necessity of returning men to the council who would watch over the interests of the burgesses fearlessly and over the interests of the burgesses fearlessly and independently.—The next speaker was Mr Joseph Markham, who alluded at some length to the desirability of compelling the Neath Water Com- pany to provide an adequate and pure supply of water. He criticised the action taken by the corporation in the past, with reference to this matter, aud said that, had it not been for tho) policy pursued by them, consumers would now be obtaining an excellent supply of water upon very low terms.—Several questions having been pnt to the candidates, and answered, the Rev Mr Evans (Siloh) delivered a powerful and spirited address.—Mr Trick, who spoke from the body of the room, said that, not being one of tho associa- tion tCIWdidates, he was unabje to address the meeting, but he would lay his vioflrs before the electors on Monday ening.-A hearty vote of thanks was accorded to the chairman for presiding, and to the trustees for the use of the schoolroom. A vote of confidence in the four candidates was carried with acclamation. (

I MORE THAN EVER Hudson's Dry Soap is "used more than ever," Try a packet. 1053 i

FEDERATION MEETING AT CARNARVON. SPEECHES BY SIR GEORGE TREVELYAN. DISESTABLISHMENT& WELSH NATIONALITY. On Saturday the annual meeting of the North Wales Liberal Federation was held at Carnarvon, uuder the presidency of Mr Stuart Rendel, M.P. There was a great attendance of delegates at the conference, it having been announced that Sir Goorge Trevelyan would speak. The PRESIDENT,in his opening address,remarked that Welsh Liberalism had consolidated itself, had determined its policy, and had had that policy accepted by the Liberal party. They seen the rise of the sentiment of nationality, tho defec- tion of the Whigs, and the consequent purifica- tion of the Liberal party—(loud applause)—and they had also elicited from their opponents what they considered to be the strength of their case. He trusted that ere long Wales would be com- pletely delivered from subserviency to Toryism. The executive committee presented a record of energetic work, The treasurer's statement shewed a deficiency of LSI. INTERMEDIATE EDUCATION. The Rev. GRIFFITH ELLIS, M.A., Liverpool, moved, and Mr J. HERBERT ROBERTS seconded, That this conference expresses its opinion that the passing of an Intermediate Education Act for Wales and Monmouthshire is imperative for the welfare of the country. It gratefully acknowledges Mr Mundella's labours on behalf of Welsh education during last as well as previous sessions, ami strongly urges that our parliamentary representatives and all Liberals interested in education will give Mr Mundella every assistance in passing such a measure as is suitable to the needs "ana conditions of the principality. The resolution was unanimously carried. DISESTABLISHMENT. Mr A. C. HUMPHREYS OWKN moved :— ThMt this conference, profoundly convinced that the social and religious life of Wiles crrievously suffers from the continuance of religious inequality, av:d that a just and peaceful settlement of the tithe question can only be secured by that nationalisation upon equitable terms of the tithe-rent charge and other public property now employed ior denominational pur- poses, expresses its cordial sail sf action and gratitude at the declaration by the Liberal party in the Council of the National Liberal Federation, in their meeting at Nottingham, that the disestablishment of the linglish Church in Wales should have an immediate place among the active objects of the Liberal party. It congratulates the Welsh National Council ou the success of their deputation at the Nottingham meeting, and urges that no efforts shall be spared to secure that the disestablishment and disendowment of the Church in W Ies he. next to the settlement of the Irish ques- tion. the first object of the Liberal party. The resolution as drafted included Monmonth- sbire, but the word was advisedly omitted by the mover. Mr JOHN PARRY Llanarmon, the leader of the anti-tithe movement seconded the resolution in a Welsh speech, which was much applauded. Mr C. R. JONES, in supporting the motion, remarked that even the Times newspaper—(much I)ootiug)- evinced a conviction that the cause of the establishment must be given up. Sir GEORGE TREVELYAN, who was received with loud applause, the whole audience standing and waving their hats and handkerchiefs, said Mr Rendel and Gentlemen,"—The essential condition of all good work is that each man should under- stand what his part in the work is, and should not aspire beyond it, aud if it is the rule elsewhere, it must be observed in this great undertaking on which we are all engag-ed in common, which is .in the setting of Wales free from the ecclesiastical grievances uuder which she has long been suffer- ine, but under which we are determined, as far as cur efforts can remove it, she shall suffer no longer. (Cheers.) On this great national question, familiar to you all by long and bitter experience from your youth up, I am not going to appear before your representative delegates in the character of an instructor. I have come to this conference to learn and to hear, to fill in with your special knowledge the outlines of those prin- ciples of relicious freedom and personal and class equality which, in common with every Liberal who is worthy the name, I hold to and have always held. I bave had the great good fortune to have had it as my function and calling, and to have had leisure throughout my life to give my whole energy for years together to the redress of wrongs and the promotion of reforms. (Cheers.) In that character, in anticipation of a few remarks which I otherwise might have made to- night, I feel justified in saying a word or two on the connection of the question of the Welsh Church with the very remarkable aspect of present politics, and those words I propose to direct to some recent observations of Lord Har- tiugton. (Hooting.) Lord Hartington, in his speech at Nottingham, appears to regard with something like positive disapprobation the promi- nence which many earnest Liberals are giving to the question of the Welsh Church. He saya that there is very little value in putting forward proposals of reform which relate to the far and doubtful future, and uofc to the immediate and certain present. Now, I cannot but recollect that that was what he said in old days about the proposal to extend household franchise to the counties, and household franchise is now the law of the land. (Loud cheers.) That is exactly what was said in debate, when I was a young man, by the Secretary of State for War about the abolition of purchase in the army, yet within forty months after that speech there was not a rag or vestige of purchase remaining. (Cheers.) I think that Lord Hartington really underrates the importance of keeping high, lofty, and noble objects before the attention of the great masses of the people. He seems to have a great objection to what are called political programmes. Now, a true political programme is, in politics, what a confession of faith is in religion. We keep public questions before the minds of men in order that ths great multitude of men may have some- thing better and higher to think and to work for than the bread which they earn and the daily pleasures which they enjoy, and a higher and nobler object than the establishment of religious equality and a religious jastica in Wales—one against which less cannot be said (for nothing can be said against it), and which will in the long run be pro- ductive of greater peace and true prosperity to the country—I defy Lord Hartington or any other statesman to name. (Cheers.) I sincerely regret to see that Lord Hartington has spoken disparag- ingly of what be calls Mr Gladstone's change of mind on this question. (Cries of shame.") And this question has since been enforced by Mr Chamberlain. (Great hooting.) Now if Mr Chamberlain and Lord Hartington (renewed hooting) are in earnest about Welsh disestablishment, just as Mr Cobden was in earnest about free trade, just as another states- man—who, whatever he thinks now, I shall mention in this assembly with respect—just as Mr Bright—(hisses and cries of No ")-wa.:s in earnest about church rates in England and Wales, and on the question of the reduction of the borough frnachise-if, I say, Lord Hartington and Mr Chamberlain bad been in earnest about that Welsh Church question, then they would have welcomed Mr Gladstone's support with the greatest gratitude. (Loud cheers.) Mr Gladstone has been in public life for fifty-five years, and if be were to consider himself bound by a sense of duty and bonour-afs I conce-ve by a false duty, and false honour—never to advance with the times, never to propose any- thing or agree to anything which be did not agree to ten, twenty, fifty, or fifty-five years ago, the national loss to this country would be absolutely incalculable. You, as Welsh Liberals, have the greatest reason to be thankful that Mr Gladstone is on your side, because the good cause which has Mr Gladstone on its side has never failed to suc- caed-Ioud cheers)—and never will. (Renewed cheers.) Lord Hartingtcu further tells you that declarations of a future policy in regard to the Welsh Church, or about any other matter, should not avail, because nothing could be carried out until the Irish question is settled, I don't agree with him, for I believe that we shall not have to wait until the Irish question is settled, but only until the Irish question is on the way to settlement. (Cheers.) Every official step which has been taken plunges us farther and farther from the firm ground of public contentment and public acquiescence which is the only true ground of settlement. No settle- ment can come from treating a nation as the Government is treating Ireland. I venture to say there are signs that the sympathy and the earnest desire to be fair and just on the part of so many on this side of the channel are doing more to conciliate the Irish nation to confidence than the action and language of the Government is doing to alienate it. The settlement of Ireland and the settlement of Wales will come—and come only-by the brave and steady efforts of bard-tigbtiog and forward- fighting Liberals. (Cheers.) Lord Selborne tolIF4 us that the attack on the Church in Wales is only a preliminary to the attack on the Church in England. Now in the eyes of a just man that consideration has nothing to do with the right and the wrong of this matter as it concerns Wales. (Cheers.) But it is all the more reason that in planning the nature of the undertaking, regards should be had to the probability that the defects and the merits of the echeme may some day be copied on a larger scale, and what we resolve to do should be done on sound principles and with a single view to the general advantage. The aspect of this question which rejoices every true man throughout the kingdom, is that Wales has declared that she will not rest until privilege and monopoly—hateful everywhere, particularly hateful in the sphere of religion-are entirely banished from where tbey have the least right to dwell; and that the Liboral party will have nothing to do with men or with ministries which will not with heart and hand assist heartily, honestly, and sincerely to satisfy the claims and aspirations of Wales. (Loud cheers.) Sir George then left the room amid lotid cheer- ing, explaining that in view of the captions criticism to which public utterances were nowa- days subjected, it behoved him to prepare carefully his evening speech. SOCIAL REFORMS. The Rev. T. J. WHELDON, B.A., moved, Mr J. E. BARLOW, J.P., Stockport, seconded, and it was re,clve(i j bat this meeting being assured that the happiness and self-respect of a nation are largely increased when the great body of its citizens own their homes, ap- proves of leasehold enfranchisement. the cheapening and simplifying of the transfer of land, the abolition of primogeniture, the limitation of the power ot setting land on uuboru persons, and the readjustment of local taxation, and urtres that these objects should be pressed on the attention of Parliament. LAND LAW REFORM. The Rev ELLIS EDWARDS, M, A., Bala, moved, Mr SAKUEL ROBERTS seconded, and it was re- saved:- That this conference regards the enactment of the measure for Wales and Monmouthshire ensuring to Welsh farmers reasonable security of tenure, a fair rent, and compensation for improvements as a matter of pressing necessity, and thanks Mr Bryu Roberts and his colleagues in Parliament for the efforts made by them in the introduction of their bill to Parliament. Mr J. BRrN ROBERTS, M.B., responded in a speech which was well received. LOCAL OPTION. Mr THOMAS LEWIS, M.P., moved, and Mr A. H. D. ACLAND, M.P., seconded, and it was re- solved, after a rider had been adopted in favour I of controlling the liquor traffic by direct popular veto:— That this meeting gratefully accepts the principle laid down by Mr Gladstone that questions specially affecting WaJes ought to be determined in deference I to the inhabitants of the country, and declares its belief that Wales is ripe for the application of the principle of local government, including Llie regulation of the liquor traffic. COERCION. Mr SAMUEL SMITH, M.P., moved, and Mr JOHN ROBERTS, M.P., seconded, aud it was JOHN ROBERTS, M.P., secouded, aud it was resolved That this meeting emphatically condemns, as a direct incitement to crime and outrage, the attempts of the Government to suppress pubic meetings, to fetter the liberty of the press, and to hinder 1 gitimate combinations in Ireland, and declare., itAI belief that only by the establishment iu Iieland of a legislature dealing with affairs exclusively Irish can order and prosperity be restorod to that natiou. Mr Rendel, M.P., having been re-elected presi- dent, the conference rose.

THE EVENING MEETING. SIR G. TREVELYAN ON THE IRISH PROBLEM. In the evening a public meetiug, attended by about tive thousand persons, was held in the Pavilion. The chiir was taken by Mr Rathboue, r4tp., and be was supported on the platform by Messrs A. H. D. Acland, T. E. Ellis, G. O. Morgan, Bryn Boberts, Stuart Rendei, J. Roberts, Thomas Lewis (members of Parliament", and also by the principal speaker of the evening, Sir George Trevelyan, A motion declaring hearty welcome to him having been passed with acclamation, on the motion of Mr Stuart llendel, seconded in a Welsh speech by Mr Bryn Roberts. Sir GEORGE TRKTMLYAN, who was introduced as statesman, patriot, and author, and greeted with enthusiastic and prolonged cheering, respon- ded, and said that those services to which reference had been made bad been amply repaid by such a reception from such an assembly of Welsh Liberals-an assembly which had met for doing practical business. It was not too much to say that everyone who took part in a Liberal meeting at this crisis was taking part in a business of immense importance, and at a time of verv great gravity. The Liberal party-the party to which they owed all the good legislation of the past-that party was fighting for its life, and eight or nine months ago it looked as if it would go down in the struggle, but the elections of Spalding, Coventry, Nantwich, and Bridgeton- (loud cheers)—had now effectually turned the tide of battle. A theory was started that Liberals who had voted against the Irish bills of last year were bound thereby to support a Tory Government through thick and thin. This was a theory upon which Liberal Uuionists and Radical Unionists felt bound to ae;, aud a pretty course that theory had led them into. They had been seen voting for the suppression of the National League— ¡ (shame)—they who, when their own Govern- ment was in office, absolutely refused to suppress the National League-they bad been seen voting at the election for candidates who were in favour of religions privilege, who were opposed to the reform of the liquor laws, and who were in favour of the plural vote; they had been seen voting in the House of Commons against revising Irish rent one year because Lord .Salisbury told them it would be unjust to the landlords, and then the next year they had bean seen voting for revising Irish rents because Lord Salisbury told them that it would be ad- vantageous to the Tory party. (Laughter.) But what they had never been seen to do was to vote on the right or wrong, on the justice or injustice of the question before them. Why, Mr T. W. Russel, the most prominent member of the Unionist party, said in the House of Commons that the course which the Government was taking about the suppression of the National League was the most fatal and dangerous course, and yet in the same speech he announced that be should vote in favour of that course because Government wished him. (Oh, and laughter.) There had bsen an attempt made to justify this policy on the one ground that they differed from Mr Gladstone and bis party on the details of the bill of last year. He (Sir George) became tired of the hair-splitting and wnggling that was going on with reference to this question, and determined to bring the I matter to a practical proof, and so he stood for Glasgow, and said that he was in favour of changes in the bill which, if they had been made last year, would have made it acceptable to the whole Liberal party. (Cheers.) The Liberal Unionists opposed his election, and a precious job they made of it. (Laughter.) It was a shame and a scandal for people who were themselves Liberals to join with the Primrose League in crushing out the Liberalism of the rural districts. The Glasgow I electors proved that the assertion that the split in I the Liberal party was kept up on accouut of difference of opinion about the Irish Bill was a sham and a pretext—(hear, hear)—and he was glad to see that the majority of the Liberal Unionist voters already thought that it was a sham and a pretext, and that the rest of them were coming round. This was, indeed, all that he bad to say about this old controversy, either there or anywhere else. He had bad enough of it, and the public had had enough of it. (Hear, bear.) His remarks henceforth would be ou the broad outlines of the great difference between justice and injustice, and between Liberalism and despotism. In this great conflict bard word., must be used and hard things must be thought but for that very reason tbey who were engaged in it should not try to make it worse by gratuitous bitternp.ss. (Hear, bear.) Mr Chamberlain- (hooting)—had attacked him in language to which the only answer was studiously to refuse to imitate bim. (Cheers.) If public men were bound by the nature of their calling to vitu- perate each other, and to say things for the pur- pose of hurting each other's feelings, though their end might not be attained, then their calling was the moat miserable oi all callings. (Hear, bear.) Still be should answer Mr Chamberlain's argu- ments, for in doing so he should state the position of the Liberal party. Mr Chamberlain said that these of the Liberal Unionists who had rejoined the Liberal ranks bad foresworn every- one of their previous declarations. What were their previous declarations-the declarations of everybody with the exception perhaps cf Mr Goschen—(hisses)—the declarations of Lord Hartington and everybody? That Ireland could not go on being treated in the future as it had been in the past, that the era of coerciou was over and the era of conciliation begun, that the aspirations of Ireland for a measure of self- government must be satisfied. Instead of fulfill- ing these declarations, the Unionist party had urged the Tory Government into the path of coercion, and coercion of a sort much more severe than any they had had before. It was said that the Crimes Act created no new crime, but there was never a more unfounded statement. The act created the new crime of belonging to the National League—(hear, bea.r)-whicn. whatever else was said about it, was the Irish political organisa- tion, formed to carry out certain constitutional changes, which were just as allowable as those of tho Liberation Society or the United Kingdom Alliance. But the National League, it was said, dabbled in and sympat hised with crime. That was said when Lord Spencer and himself were in Ireland—(bear, bear)-but they acted on the principle that it was the business of the ruler to check crime and not indirectly to punish the criminal himself, and not by thrusting political opponents into prison on the cowardly and miser- able ground that they belonged to au association which the Lord-Lieutenant for the time being might thiuk was an unlawful aesociation. The result of this course, approved by Lord Spencer and himself, was that crime was dimihisbed so much that their successors, Lord Carnarvou and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, said they could govern Ireland without any special penal legisla- tion. In the refusal to interfere penally in the National League, Lord Spencer and himself wera supported by Lord Hartington, and Mr Chamber- lain, and Sir Henry James, and he should like to know what bad happened to make those gentle- men alter their opinions. (Hear, bear.) He could say much more on Ireland, but he did not choose to play into the band of the Tory party by keeping silent upon English, Scotch, and Welsh questions. (Hear.) Tory newspapers said that there was ifow no real difference between reasonable Tories and reasonable Liberals. A Liberal was one who, when an abuse waa in- defensible and oppressive, wished to get rid of it thoroughly and at once, and when an election came would vote for the man who would assist him in that object. (Hear, hear.) But now public men came forward and declared that they were perfectly sincere in wishing to abolish religious privilege and reform the liquor traffic, and yet wrote letters advising electors to vote for Tory candidates. (Laughter,) These men were called statesmen by the Times, but they bad vet the alphabet of statesmanship to learn. The people had truer instincts, and knew very well that if they wanted to get rid of faggot votes, if they wanted to reform the House of I.orde--(cheers)-if they wanted to place the control of the liquor traffic in the hands of tho people—(cheers)—if they wanted to disestablish the Welsh Church-(loud and pro- longed cheers)—the very worst thing- they could do was to vote for a Tory candidate whose power depended upon four great pillars—the liquor interest, the plural vote, the House of Lords, and the Established Church. (Applause.) There never was a time when, in the great battle between Liberals and Constitutionalism, it was more true that" he who is not with us is against us." (Cheers.) He ventured to say there was no Liberal constituency which would not cill to very strict acconnt those Liberal members who, in the course of the last long and worse than barren session, supported the Tory Government in deny- ing Mr Dillwyu—(cheers)—that hero of a hundred battles of freedom, the one poor opportunity he had for pleading the cause of his countrymen, (Loud cheers.) Lord Salisbury had adopted towards Wales the method that he bad adopted towards Ireland. The cause of almost all tho -10 towards Wales the method that he had adopted towards Ireland. The cause of almost all tho misery and tumnlt m>w going on in Ireland was that Lord Salisbury refused to do in time in 1886 what he did in 1887, when it was too late, namely, tl» revising of rents. On that account Irish farmers were now being turned out of their faims by the hundred, whole regiments of police and soldiers were being marched about, members of Parliament were tbrnst iinto prison like pickpockets, and blood was flow- ing in rivalets, and if this went on for four or five months, it would fl»w in torrents. This was all due to the fact that Lord Salisbury persistenly refused to do last year what b" since did, and in that refusal be was supported by the Liberal Unionists. This was the statesmanship which writers in the London press called upon them to admire as the quintessence of political wisdom. (Laughter.) This Tory system of governing Ireland was precisely the systeni upon which they were governing Wales. (.Loud cheers.) Personally be had no scruple against paying tithes, but as a Churchman who bore bis share in supportieg his own Church, he would have very great scruple indeed in extracting tithe from Welsh farmers and in opposing .upon them what was called the National Church, but which in reality was no more national ,than the Episcopal Church in Scotland was a national Church in the days of Charles II. Lord Ivelborne said that they must not look to the opinion of the Welsh members to find out what Wales thought. To whom ought they, then, tu look? The public were told that they must not forget indealing with Ireland that there was an Ulster in it- Where, he should like to know, was the Ulster of Walas (Loud laughter and applause.) Let the net be thrown into any part of the Welsh sea, and they would draw up a number pledged to disestablishment and disendowment, and who sincerely balieved that disestablishment and dis- endowment would be the carrying out of a high and righteous principle. The Welsh members had been elected in spite of the great social pressure, in the teeth of all that was powerful and official, and in spite of a system of favouritism which ex- cluded from the magisterial bench in Wales men who 6elonzed to the people, who blwke tha langnage of the people, who held the credit of the people and the politics of the people. In one county in Wales out ot 15C justices there were only two who were Nonconformists, and yet in that ouunty one member pledged to disestablishment was returned with a majority of more than two to one. and another without opposition. The voice of Wales, through the only channel which constitu- tional statesmen could recognise, was given in favour of religious equality. (Loud cheers.) The argument adduced by Lord Selborne that tha Church in NVaies and the Church in England were inseparable, and that it was sacrilege to touch one without the other, was a fallacious one. This argu- ment of the unity of the two churches broke down in Scotland two hundred years ago, it broke down in Ireland twenty years ago,and it would break down in Wales as soon as they got a parliament contan. ing a Liberal majority in tho House of Commons. The Liberal party was now Liberal from top to bottom, and was a party which did not intend to go into office until it could go iu to carry Liberal measures. Mr Chamberlain the other day said the present was the first democratic Parliament that ever sat. A pretty democratic Parliament this, in which the rich man might have ten or twenty votes and the poor man only one-(bea.r, hear)—in which there were four English University members who reprosenied nothing except the privi- ledges ot Establishment—(cheers)—and tba Irish University members, who represented nothing except the monopolies of the Irish bar. A pretty democratic Parliament this, in which one of the two co-equal Houses did not even pretend to represent anything at all, but was a mere stronghold of the Tories, doiuv exactly what Lord Salisbury told them, as if they were so many T. W. Russells-an assembly into which Liberal measures went only for the purpose of being murdered or mangled. (Loud cheers.) The hon. baronet concluded by urging Welshmen to vindicate their rights, and resumed his seat amid loud and prolonged applause. MR OSBORNE MORGAN, M.P., followed, and at the conclusion of the meetintr Sir George was escorted to the hotel bv a torcblilrbt procession.

SWANSEA. MR DETFETT FRANCIS AND ME L. HOWELL.— Mr Deffett Francis on Sunday obtained a sum- mons against Mr Llewellyn Howell calling: on him to show cause why he (Mr Howell) should not be bound over to keep the peace towards him. It will be remembered that last Wednesday Mr Howell entered Mr Francis's house and broke some articles, and that Mr Francis refused to pro- ceed with the charge then preferred. AT MR CHAPMAN'S STCDIO, the best Photo- graphs arc taken on the most moderate terms. 1032

NEATH. SCHOLASTIC SUCCESS.—Mr John Grey Davies, son of Mr W. Davies, agentf to the Prudential Assurance Company, Neath, has received the gratifying intelligence that he has passed in Class I. in the Government examination for admission into the Baugor Training College. Out of 1.250 successful candidates in England and Wales, Mr Davies holds the proud place, of lOlst, and in the college list he stands 6ih. His success has given very general satisfaction.

PORT TALBOT. SMCGGLING.—On the arrival at this port of the s.s. Werfa from Huelva, the customs otncerl4 made the usual search, and discwered a quantity of tobacco and cigars secreted in the fore peak, for which they could not find the owner. Conse- quontly the snip was seized, and will remaiu so until a deposit of Llo be made for her release. Mr Bydder, priucipal coast officer, is doing bis utmost to find the owner of the goods. DON'T FORGET that Tudor Williams's Patent Balsam of Honev is the finest medicine yet discovered for Asthma. Bronchitis, Weak Lungs, Old Coughs. and Tightness of the Chest. Invaluable for children suffer- ing from Whooping Coughs, Bronchitis, Couchs, Difficulty in Breathing. It relieves them instantly will positively cure 9 cases ont of 10. Sokl byan cho,alt, Try it, and cough no more. Thousands are cured. 6716

MERTHYR. THE FEVZRHOSPITALF,At Saturdays meeting of the board of guardians, held under the presi- dency of Mr W. Jones, Mr D. Davies (Aberdare) stated, in reference to the Brecon-road and Dowlais Hospitals, that many members of tho committee who had been appointed visitors did not attend to their duties. The speaker then proceeded to say that the Brecon-road Hospital was, as a structure, anything but what it ought to be. As t.) the Dowlais Hospital, he complained of the ventilation and drainage arrangements. At both hospitals there were in all 35 beds, and towards the cost of maintenance the guardians paid E222. At Aberdare there were 68 beds, and yet the allowance was not more than JE225. He was astonished that gentlemen who felt such an interest in the poor of the district took so little interest in matters concerning the ratepayers.— Mr R. H. llhys said that if they had any complaints to make the Merthyr Board of Health should be communicated with. He moved, there- fore, that the report of the committee be forwarded to the Merthyr B,rd of Health.-Tbis was agreed to. A SERIOUS CH&RAE, -On Saturday at the police- court—before Mr North, Dr Probert, Mr Thomas Williams, and Mr W. Sinytb-George Jones, Pentrebach, was charged with criminally assault- ing E. Mary Davies. Both parties are very young—the girl only alxiut 15 yeam--and the charge was brought under the Criminal Law Amendment Act. The charge was, howevar. withdrawn by Mr Beddoe, %who appeared for the prosecution, as sufficient evidence was not pro- ducible.

DOWLAIS. FATAL RESULT OF AN ACCIDENT. —A week since a man, named John Davies, 6astailied an injury to one of his feet by being run over .by a passing engine. Lock-jaw supervened, and the unfortu- nate man died on Saturday.

TEMPERANCE MISSION AT SWANSEA. I VISIT OF MR R. T. BOOTH. A Gospel temperance mission was opened if1 Swansea on Sunday at the Albert-hall by Mr R. T< Booth, who, after organising the Gospel Temporc ance League in this country about six years ago,hai returned to review the results and give the move< ment a still further impetus. The chair was occupied by Dr. Rawlings, and the large ball wa, uncomfortably crowded.—The Chairman, having expressed the pleasure which they all felt in seeing Mr Booth back again, said that the good work initiated by him in 1881 bad been more or less successfully prosecuted ever since. After a few more apposite remarks, the chairman introduced Mr R, T. Booth, who delivered a\} eloquent address, which was listened to with marked attention. Since last he appeared on that platform, be said, he had been all round the world. He was glad to say of the Gospel tem- perance cause that there had been no reflux of th< tide. They could not expect to have excitement and enthusiasm always, but their work was 3 work which marched ever onwatd. To-day the public sentiment of Great Britain in favour of temperance principles against the liquor traffic was higher and stronger than it was six years ago. This mission would be the last that he would probably ever conduct in Swansea. He wished tfl, press home to them the necessity of taking hold of the truth. He appealed to them to-day as Christian meu and women, and he prayed that God would give him the words that would arous-f the same hearty enthusiam which marked tha initiation of the mission. The speaker then pro- ceeded at length to i his audienee some tellintf illustrations from incidents in this country and elsewhere of the immense advantage which thouc sands had derived from his temperance mission, During the proceedings selections were rendered by the Blue Ribbon Choir, under the leadership of Mr John Treharne.

CORRESPONDENCE. FOOTBALL.—The match Scotland v. Wales was playel in rhe Cardiff Arms Park oil Saturday, January 9t 1886, and resulted in a win for Scotland by two goals and one try to nil. A CONSTANT READER.—No.. F. E,Six months. v .1, ,¿

INDISPOSITION OF THE MAYOR 01 SWANSEA. We are desired to say that Mr Yeo, M.P., lia4 been ordered by his medical adviser to take a feW weeks' absolute rest, and that he has accordingly just left with his family for Egypt. It is expected that he will be absent for two months at least. This intimation will explain the delay which must necessarily take place in acknowledging any communications which may be addressed to him.

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