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....--.. ICOBDEN AND TRADES…

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COBDEN AND TRADES UNIONISM. Fiscal Address at Landore. Commercial Motives and the Corn Law.1 f:lIr. F. B. Last on Dumping*. At the Landore Constitutional dub on hPridav evening, Councillor Dd. Davies ad- dressed a large gathering of working men on the subject of the fiscal policy. Mr. F. B. Last (manager of Messrs. Baldwins, Ltd., Steel Works, Landore), presided, and Mr. R.. E. Jones supported. The Chairman emphasised that the fiscal question was not a political one. It was, however, a matter which concerned working .men very much, and very seriously, and they would find, before they were very much oMer, that they would have plenty of time on their hands to consider the subject, a.nd, Slaving done so, at would be for them to say whether in the end they were going to play their part well or not. Irade in the Landore ■district was very bad, and he was extremely sorry to gay that at the Landore Works a lot of men would be given notice on Satur- day morning, and that that notice would probably have to be extended the following week. He was sorry for it, especially at this time of the year, but before many years were over a great number of the working men of the district would find themselves out ■<j[ work for a time. They would have to consider what their position was going to be in the future—whether they were going to insist upon the continuance of what was called Free Trade, or whether they were •going to demand Fair Trade. (Hear, hear.) lt was for the working men to say, for they -would be the sufferers if the present policy remained, and tihey would be the voters. Tie himself was there, not as a manager of "works, but as one who believed that the pro posals before the country were the right ones for the working men to adopt. They knew at this present moment that there was ftus dumping of foreign steel, which they them- selves ought to make, and tibat meant that 10r every ton of tin bars placed down into the Landore, or any other of the local works, practically £2 was lost to the wages of work- ing men generally. To steel workers, col- liers, qtiarrymen, railwaymen, etc., it meant a loss en wages of £2 for every ton of foreign bars that was dumped down into this district. JDid they, as working men, not think that a serious matter, especially when it was re- membered that all the rates and taxes were paid on this side and not a penny came from abroad? That had got to be stopped. if they, as working men, thought otlherwdse, and believed that (he present system was going on for ever, they were living in a fool's paradise He was speaking in all earnest- nef!6, and unless the present fiscal policy pt the country be changed, half of the word- ing men would be starving. The present .condition of things could not go on it was an utter impossibility. It was one of the most serious matters the workers had hal to consider, and he trusted they would study botth sides of the question, do what they thought best, and take the consequences. (Applause.) Mr. David Davies prefaced his lecture by also urging that the fiscal guesfaion was es- sentially a business, and not a party ques- tion, and tin this connection he refuted the popular belief that Free Trade had always been the policy of the Liberals, wihile Protec- tion had always been allied to Conservatism. Up to 1792, this country exported more corn than it bought, and consequently the old Tories, wflio owned the land, were in favour of Free Trade, so that thev might sell the products of the land as advantageously as pos- sible on the Continent. The Protectionist party then was the old Whig party, which, for a long period, was identified with indus- tries. The fiscal question, however, was really above party, and apart from party. Whichever way the problem was decided, the consequences would visit every Ihome in the country, and he therefore appealed for a serious and dispassionate" consideration of the subject, and not permit prejudices to affect their judgments in a matter of such vital importance to all). (Hear, hear.) Disabus- ing the minds of his hearers concernjjg one notion prominently put forward by Free Traders,that the destitution of the country in th0 forties was directly attributed to the corn laws, and another that the people who brought about tlhe change an our fiscal potncy and introduced Free Trade were influenced chiefly by vbe desire to end the period o detitution and human suffering, Mr. -Davies targed that during the years between lo00-4. the condition of th3 people, not only of Eng- land, but of the Continent, was one of great suffering, owing to the terrible sacrifices ne- cessitated by the wars of Napoleon. In this country a great national debt had been in- curred, taxes were high, and the result was that the conditions, industrially, were not what thev might have been. The corn laws had nothing to do with it. but whatever effect the fiscal policy had upon the country we -faould never again as a peopte-isoltated bodies might do so—return agaan to the can- ditcons that existed m those far off days, because since that time the general standard of comfort had been rising all over the world. (Hear hear ) An entirely different motave than the lessening of tlhe suffering and desti- tution that existed actuated, however, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and the other gentle- men vdentified with the Anti-Corn Law League It was a perfectly sample one, and from their standpoint economically sound All they wanted was to cheapen the cost of production. That was clear from Cobden's speeches and letters and his anm was to -Sfcrow open our ports to the corn oi the world, and so bring the price of corn on the Continent to the same pomt as it reached in this country. There was a perfectly simple world, and so bring the price of corn on the Continent to the same pomt as it reached in this country. There was a perfectly simple reason why tpat should be the aim. 1 hey were capitalists who held that the btaw should interfere as little as possible with the undustries—that employers and employed should be able to make their own bargains without interference. And it was because of that belief that Cobden had such a great distrust of Trades Unions. He had a perfect- hatred of Trades Unionism, because, to Mm, labour was merely one of the elements which went to make up the cost of production. Anvthing that interfered with cheapness he regarded as mischievous, and an the same wav anything that made labour more expen- sive he denounced. It was for that reas In that he once said that he would prefer to live under the tyranny of the Bey of Al- giers—whom, he regarded as the very em- < bodiment of tyranny-than to belong to a Trades Union. Trades Unions, by seeding ••to better the conditions of the workers, was calculated to interfere with cheapness of pro- duction. That the aim in throwing our ports open was not to cheapen food in this country as to make food on the Continent as expen- ds ve as in England was stated by Joseplh Hume with perfect frankness, who said that food in this country cost 30 per cent. more than on the Continent, and of the ports were thrown open the result would be that the price of corn would readh the same level, and in that way we should be placed on equal terms with any people who might want to manufacture on the Continent. And there was this striking fact that the masses in this country, at that time, stood away from the proposal. Cobden himself com- plained that he could not induce the artisans to take an intelligent part in the doings of the Anti-Corn Law League, and said a fund of £400,000 was got from the manufacturers, but he could get no support at all from the workmen of that period. And it was because Cobden and his party relied upon capitalists and manufacturers for support that the Chartists, who were at that neriod the most influential body of organised labour. would neither take part nor lot in the Anti- Corn Law agitaition. In fact. Thos. Cooper, one of the leaders, said the Chartists would have nothing to do with tlhe agitation, be- cause Cobden and his friends wanted to reo peal the law, not for the benefit of the work- ing men, but their own. In those days it was an established economic principle, as urged by Bicardo, that wages were deter- mined by the cost of food, and that the lower went the price of food the lower went the wages. To show that tlhose early Free Tra- ders were not seeking to elevate the masses, but simply to cheapen the cost of producing their own goods, Mr. Davies went on to speak of the strenuous opposition offered by the manufacturers to the beneficent legisla- tion begun immediately after the repeal of the Corn Laws by Lord Ashley, afterwards better known as Lord Shaftesbury, for the proper regulation of the factories that at that time employed children as young as six years of age and women who worked under insuf- ferable conditions. 'Mr. Bright, who held strong views on national economy bamseif, predicted that the effect of the factory 'ejr- islatieu would be to bring disaster to British industry, and he and Cobden were such ar- dent believers in the non-interference of State with labour, and its relations, that he sisted everyone of the factory laws. Why to-day we would regard labour worked under unendurable conditions were it not for the factory regulations. (Applaure.) Mr. Davies desired to emphasise the point of the Cob- denites view of Trades Unionism, because to- day they had the remarkable spectacle of a large proportion of the Trades Unionists of the country associating themselves with the Cohden Club-an institution that- had been raised to the glorification of the man who nated every form of Trades Unionism. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden's prediction that, assum- ing England would adopt Free Trade, there would not be a tariff in Europe that would not be dropped in less than five years to follow our example, was so far from being fulfilled that England to-day was practically tlhe only first class country in the world that stiM adopted what was called Free Trade, but was really free imports. Bismarck saw that Free Trade was "bleeding Germany to death," and Protection was adopted; with the result that the advance of Germany from that day had been one of the most phe- nomenal, industrially, that thev knew of. (Ap- plause.) Cobden's other prediction that he had never been one. who believed that the re- peal of the Corn Laws would throw a single acre of land out of cultivation was equa'ly unjustified by the results, for while in 1851 the workers on the soil numbered 1,676,900, in 1901 that number had gone down to 981,623; tho amount of land under cultiva. tion for wheat in 1866 was 3.350,000 acres, while in 1902 it was only 1,726,000 acres, the amount of pasture land, which was the least profitable, having increased in the same period from 11.148,000 acres to 16,806,000 acres. The importance of that was that the agricultural labourer had been driven off the soil into the towns, which not only had the effect of greater competition among the w ur- kers. but also lowering the standard of the physical manhood of the nation. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Chamberlain had not been alone in the belief that the commercial condition of this country was in a very grave condition, for Lord Rosebery, in 1888. thought an in- quiry might well be instituted into the causes of the decline of British trade, while Mr. D. F. Thomas, M.P., who was recently on Mr. CampbeU-Ban Herman's platform, wrote a paper to the Royal Statistical Society point- nng out that the small increase of exports since 1871 was entirely due to the export of coal, which meant that capital which could never be replaced was going out of the coun- try for the benefit of the foreign manufac- turer. Statistics were quoted showing a great falling in the- exports to protected coun- tries of British articles of manufacture dur- ing the past quarter of a century while at the same time the Coltonial trade with tlhe Mother Country had increased enormously, and this justified the nation securing the commercial sympathy of the Colonies by means of preferential tariffs. Regarding dumping, Mr. Davies quoted Colonel Wright's remark- able figures showing the great loss of home employment by the importation of 200.000 tons of steel bars. and pointed to the curious spectacle of Trades Union leaders advocat- ing Free Trade notwithstanding that the conditions of tlhe German workmen were such that if a German works were established in this country under the same conditions of employment an immense outcry in favour cf Trades Unionism would result. McKinle? s policy of national economy to conserve i.i1! home industries for the building up and de- velopment of their own States was touched upon, and Mr. Davies showed how j America could afford to send their surplus 1 stocks to this country by the adoption of this policy. The ultimate effect, however, of the dumping would be that British works would be closed and then up would go the prices of the raw material in this country. The Socialistic remedies—taxation of royal- ties, and the nationalisation of land and railways—were denounced, as in regard to the first named of no material advantage compared wnth foreign countries, and in re- gard to the other two as stealing unless the nation was prepared to pay for the land and railways. And, in conclusion, Mr. Balfour's retaliation proposal was advocated in order that we might have a weapon with which to make commercial bargains with other coun- tries, while Mr. Chamberlain's preferential tariffs would enable the bond of union be- tween the Mother Country and the Colonies to be considerably strengthened. The Em- pire he wanted to continue to grow strongly so that the beneficent influence of the Brutish race might be for the good of humanity generally. (Loud applause.) On the motion of the Chairman, seconded by Mr. J. Leek. a hearty vote of thanks was accorded Councillor Dd. Davies. and in seconding a similar compliment to the chair- man, proposed by the lecturer. Mr. Alfred Thomas (mill foreman at the Morfa Works) drew picture of old men at the Landore Tin Works—men who from their boyhood had been reared in the trade—having to spend tfceir savings and seek unskilled labouring work as a result of this foreign competition. The motion was carried with acclamation. »

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