Welsh Newspapers

Search 15 million Welsh newspaper articles

Hide Articles List

10 articles on this Page

CORRESPONDENCE. ---

News
Cite
Share

CORRESPONDENCE. THE EISTEDDFOD AND THE ENGLISH PRESS. To the Editor of the Wrexham Advertiser. Sir,-We cannot deny but that there existed at one time much bitter feelin,r between the Saxon and the Oymro. This feelin"- arose at first from that national rivalry peculiar to all nations living in such close proximity as the Welsh and English do, and was much strengthened by border warfare and all its attendant cruelties, but attain. ed its climax by those strifes which ended in making the Cymro the vassal of the Saxon. Then was commenced apolicy characterised by arrogance tyranny, and the most oppressive cruelty on the one hand, and which engendered on the other the deepest animosity, hatred, and stubborn- ness. But with the accession of the Tudor Henry VII. to the English throne, a wiser policy was adopted. Welsh- men were made subject to the same laws as Englishmen. Under this new regimen the Welshman became notably loyal, peaceful and industrious. And we (Welshmen of the present day) had been led to suppose that those ill- feelings had entirely died out, and that they were things of the past and only peculiar to those ages of barbarous cruelty and ignorance, and rejoiced in the existence, as -we supposed, of a better feeling-a. feeling of close brotherhood and of rivjilry in peaceful pursuits, in loyalty, progress, and religious development. But during the last few weeks we, to our great surprise and dismay, have discovered that we have been labouring under a great mistake. Judging from the tone in which the Eng- lish press comments upon the recent Eisteddfod and Welsh matter in general, the old feeling of Saxon arro- gcnce and hatred of the Welshman still exisits having lost nothing of its ancient rancourousness by modern civilization. The London press seems to have outbid itself in the bitterness of its tone and the scurrility of its ex- pressions, when speaking of the poor Cymro. We could have supposed that the writer had breakfasted upon pepper, dined upon mustard, and took tea of wormwood, and supped upon horseradish and under the inspiration of these pungent ingredients had presented the world with their opinions of Wales and Welshmen in general, and of the Eisteddfod in particular. According to these oiacles (?) of civilization and exponents (?) of progress the Welsh are but a nation of blackgn uards-of ignor- ant and foolish boasters. And what is most surprising of all is, that this ill-will and consequent ill-feeling of the London press has found an opportnnity to display itself in the grossest vituperation of our most cherished insti- tution—an institution having for its sole aim the en- couragement of literature, the enlightenment, the social, moral, and religious amelioration of the people. We are accused of priding ourselves upon our language. Is this & sin ? If so, it is a sin participated in by every nation that has a language of its own. In this then we are not more guilty than others. We admit that the English are an exception for the very good reason that they have not a language of their own to pride themselves upon that which they boast of being not their own. The epithet" uncouth gibberish" and jargon," applied by these oracles to the Welsh, being really true only of their own. We are held up to ridicule for our boastings of our literature. Does this look well. coming as it does from a people who are proverbial for their boastful language and arrogant bearing. Does not this appear like jealousy, lest the Welshmen should seek to occupy grounds hither- to monopolized by them. Our cherished and time-honoured institution the Eis- teddfod is made the subject of the lowest and most meaningless tirades. Is this, I ask, worthy of that press that prides itself upon its liberality, and professes to be the PaVadium of liberty and literature. What the British Association is to England the Eisteddfod to is Wales. Yet, what would be supposed of the French press did it write of that noble institution, and its work in the same s train that the English press indulges in, when writing of the Eisteddfod, especially did it display the same glar- ing ignorance of English matters. We can well remem- ber, not twelve months have elapsed since a number of Frenchmen after visiting the great Exhibition of 1862 re- turned home, and communicated some of their experience of England and the English, in a series of articles in their own language, not very complimentary to John Bull's dignity. John Bull at this got exceedingly indig- nant, blustered terribly, and expressed his great surprise that men so ignorant of his language and his habit should presume to write in such a strain about him. Yet, in 1863 this same dignified personage committed the very came kind of offence against Wales. Well, we must ex- cuse him, for he is not always and in everything the best type of good breeding, and is often more concerned about his own dignity than about the feelings of others. Yours, THERAPON. HOUSE DRAINAJE. I TO tne aaitor of the Wrexham Advertiser. I Sir,—I know not whether you are interested in the ways and doings of our Local Government Board (and staff), beyond that of the mechanical duty of reporting there elaborate orations. But as I understand you have -a seat at their conclave, I thought you might enlighten a few of us outsiders upon a point or two. From what I I can understand by the papers Messrs Gilbert and Sharp, the contractors for the sewerage, are the only persons authorized (privileged ?) by the board to lay in the con- iiections for the house drainage. Can you or any of your readers say who is to be answerable for the accuracy of this most important work ? I conceive this will not come within the province of the engineers clerk of works, and I am informed that our borough surveyor declines to in- terfere in these matters. The connections with the sewer that I have already noticed have been executed in the most clumsy and unworkmanlike manner possible- and in direct opposition to the rule laid down by the engineer (Mr Rawlinson), who, in some of his earlier writings on this subject, says-" House drainage should have a regular descent into the sewer, and should by no means enter it at right angles, but should have a gradu- ated curve towards the outfall." The junctions in the aides of the sewer to receive the tributary drains are formed at an oblique angle towards the outfall of the 'I sewers, and not at right angles with it, so that if the house drains are not carried in a curved direction to- wards the junction, it may result in a stoppage and cause the total destruction of the work. It should be a portion of the duty of the borough surveyor to prepare plans and sections of every private drain from inlet to outlet with the caliber of every pipe marked thereon, as a record and reference for the use of the Local Board, and to superin- tend the execution of the work free of expense, and if any charge be made, it should be nominal, and might go to the borough fund. By such a plan or record, and a strict attention to the house connection of the drainage with the sewers during their formation, the public will be relieved from much ex- rense and annoyance hereafter. I trust some one more influential than the writer may interest themselves in this important matter without delay. Yours, &c. Hope-street, 12fi Oct., 1863. A BURGESS. THE BARRICADES. To the Editor of the Wrexham Advertiser. Sir,—Could you or any of your numerous readers or correspondents say when it is probable our sewerage works will be completed ? Not that I complain of the con- tractors, who have been both vigilant and obliging (so far as in their power lay), yet I should say, others beside myself are quite tired of storming the barricades for so long. I hope we shall not have to pass through the same ordeal when the water pipes are laid. I should have thought the same trench would have answered the same purpose, and to prevent a frequent repetition of this mess, could not that enlightened Corporation, the Directors of the Gas Company" have availed themselves of this opportu- nity, and have laid the large mains so long talked about —this is merely a suggestion. If you think it worthy of a place in your valuable paper please insert it, other- wise transfer it to the Tothcr.T am, sir, &c., THE IDLE MAN ABOUT TOWN. Regent-street, Oct. 13. RUINOUS AND DANGEROUS BUILDINGS. To the Editor of the Wrexham Advertiser, Sir,—I believe it is generally allowed that Prevention is better than cure." Such being the case, would it not -be well, Mr Editor, if our Borough Surveyor were periodi- cally to give a little attention to the mode adopted in the erection of houses in Bury(s)town, alias: Fairfield, also on the land in the immediate vicinity, he would not, in my humble opinion, be charged with exceeding his duty, and might prevent a. calamity which must inevitably happen if the present Jerry" mode of buildiug be persisted in. These structures (the whole of them) are a disgrace to the building profession and the town generally, and most certainly ere their completion, come within the category of ruinous and dangerous buildings. The writer has seen a whole row of magnificent Italian palaces, construct- ■ed after the economic (?) style fall in ruins like a pack of cards. Not long ago such a catastrophe happened at Liverpool, attended with considerable loss of life. The Terdict of the coroner's jury, after long deliberation in this instance, was accidental death," and they (the jnry) much regretted that the Town Surveyor was not vested with sufifcient powers to inspect buildings in progress. I am afraul our Borough Surveyor is placed in a similar predicament, or I am sure he would not allow the erection of the huts in question. It is (juite correct that the plans and specifications of these structures have received the sanction and the great seal of "the Board," but for all that, what is to prevent the builder from entirely altermg the constructive and sanitary arrangements of the interior—the surveyor hav- ing no authority to interfere. Sooner the better some member of the Board, zealcus for the improvement of the town, should notice the matter, and either allow the Sur- veyor sufficient discretionary powers without appealing to the Council, or at once abolish the farce of depositing plans at the office of the Board, and so save the huiIùin I public much trouble and annoyance.—I tni, sir, &c., Chester-street, Oct. 12, 1863. T. SQUARE. THE AMERICAN WAR. To the Editor of the Wrexham Advertiser. Sir,—Allow me to notice the remarks in the letter from c, Observer" on the American War, which appeared in your last week's imnres.-ion. "Observer" is, I should think, a "Sontherner"asto his sympathies, although it is not very easy to gather any thing from his evasion other than the fact that lie is not much accustomed to letter-writing or composition of any Bort. For instance, your correspondent asks-" Why is it that able writers and thinkers are daily hounding on this demon war—this fearful carnage of human blood-thia sacrifice of men, &c. and a lot more raving nonsense of a like stamp. Can Observer" name one newspaper which thus "h' ds thO d "Th 4 hounds on this demon war. The most pro-Northern paper I am acquainted with, is the Morning Star," and I am sure it has never been guilty of such a course of writing, on the contrary, it deplores and deprecates the war as much as lorn Observer" does or can. Neither am I acquainted with any men who advocate this war as a holy war." Observer" must have been dreaming, and has awoke to give the public a glimpse into the strange fancies of his sleeping hours. I lperhaps some one may have said it was a holy war, inas- much as it is slavery versus anti-slavery. But here again Observer" makes a statement, which he makes no at- tempt to prove. He says the North is not fighting for freedom. Perhaps not, but that the South is fighting solely and wholly for no other cause, and with no other aim under heaven than Slavery, its extension, and per- petuation," I affirm, and if Observer will please to read the following he will find some facts not very easy to gainsay-Slavery, in the early part of this century, was freely spoken against as a greaj evil, even m the slave states, and by slaveowners themselves, and the question of emancipation was discussed m three or four of the slaveholding states. But these things are very much changed now. Slavery is not now admitted to be an evil, but is a divinely appointed institution of Providence, till we find Jefferson Davis the highsoul'd patriot and cham- 6 I have no coincidence of pion of freedom (?)" saying—" I have no coincidence of opinion with those who prate of the inhumanity and sin- fulness of the slave trade." The slave trade had never reached such gigantic proportions as it had the year be- fore secession, when 15,000 slaves were imported into the Southern States. Let us look at what preceded the secession of the I Southern States. On the 16th May, 1860 a convention of the Republican party assembled at Chigago, at which Mr Lincoln was nominated for the presidency. A platform of principles was laid down at the Convention, especially bearing upon slavery, and the slave trade, and leading men spoke of the Presidential Election turning upon the question of slavery. The spirit of the Southern press was represented by the Charleston Mercury," in an article which appeared Oct. 11th, 1860, in which the writer said-" We propose to show what will probably be the consequences of a submis- sion of the Southern States to the rule of abolitionism at Washington, in the persons of Messrs Lincoln and 1 Ian- lin, should they be elected to the presidency and the vice- p-esidency of the United States—immediate danger will be brought to slavery in all the frontier states." Here we see Lincoln's election to the office of President looked upon as a special danger to the institution of slavery. Mr Lincoln was elected president on the first Tuesday of November. 1860, but did not come into office till the 4th of March, 1861. But as soon as the news of his elec- tion reached Charleston (South Carolina) they pulled down the Federal flag, and hoisted that of the State in its place, specie payments were suspended, payments of debts due to the North forbidden, 10,000 volunteers en- rolled, and 100,000 dollars voted for arms. On the 29th December, 1860, South Carolina resolved to secede. Se- veral other states followed its example. On the 4th Feb- ruary, 1861—still a month before Mr Lincoln came into office-delegates from South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Alabama met, and on the 8th organised the Government of the Confederate States of America, adopted a constitution, and made Jefferson Davis president. Nor can Observer" tell me why the election of Abraham Lincoln for the presidency of the United States was in the eyes of the South fraught with so much evil? He says slavery has nothing to do with it. What had then ? What was the objec- tion to Lincoln and Hamlin but that they were abolition- ists ? Remember the states all seceded, and authorised, Jefferson Davis to raise an army of one hundred thousand men, before Abraham Lincoln had done one official act. Why was this ? The seceding states have very plainly told us why. His well known hostility to slavery was the reason they were dissatisfied with him as a president. Every secession ordinance passed by each seccling state, embody this idea—"Abraham Lincoln, president, good bye to Slavery." Mr Stephens, the vice-president of the Con- federate States, says in a speech he delivered July 11th, 1861—" The new constitution (of the Southern States) has put at rest for ever all the agitating questions relat- ing to their peculiar institution-Afrian slavery as it exists amongst us-the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture." John Stuart Mills writes in Fraser's Magazine thus- The world knows what the question between the North and the South has been for many years and still is. Slavery alone was thought of, alone talked of. Slavery was battled for, and against, on the floor of Congress, and in the plains of Kansas. On slavery Fremont was re- jected, on slavery Lincoln was elected; the South sepa- rated on slavery, and proclaimed slavery as the one cause of separation." The Times" writes on the 7th January, 1861-" The North is for freedom, the South is for slavery; the North is for freedom of discussion, the South represses freedom of discussion, with the tar brush, and the pine faggot." In the face of such testimony as this, for Observer," or any one else to say that the North are not fighting for freedom, is simply ridiculous. They are fighting for the reconstruction of the Union in its entirety, just as we fought for the subjection of India when they rebelled, and just as we should, were Ireland to assert her independency and wish to secede from her allegiance to our Govern- ment. It is, I think, a good sign when we find so large a por- tion of the English press writing in favour of the North and acknowledging the justice and right of the president doing everything in his power for the preservation of the Union. Rather let us welcome such men as Channing and Beecher to our shores than as Observer" does, rhapso- dically apostrophise them, and tell them to return home. Let "Observer" read Mr Beecher's speech he made the other day in the Free Trade Hall. Manchester, and it will do him good.—I am, sir, ANTX-HTJMBUQ. "OBSERVER" AND THE AMERICAN WAR. I To the Editor of the Wrexham Advertiser. I Sir,—There is a class of individuals in our country constantly dilating upon the horrors of the war in Amer- ica, as though carnage, bloodshed, and death, were not characteristic of all wars and who make a point of charg- ing the Federal power with the entire responsibility of the contest. One of this class who really professes to be an Observer," discourses in your last week's issue with German flute ferocity, and water-gruel indignation, for two-thirds of a column upon these two themes- and with your permission, sir, I will destroy the web of sophistry which covers his position, and present it to your readers the veriest thing of shreds and patches that ever attempted to cover or conceal an illogical conclusion. The first part of Mr Observer's" letter (if it be not Mrs Observer") is a fearful tirade upon the hcrrors of the American war—abounding in such dreadful words as—carnage, human blood, sacrifice of men, horrible confusion, mangled and torn, the dead and dying, imprecations, dread dark future, extermination, hecatombs of untimely death! and all to regain posses- sion of a strip of land. Zounds,' quoth the Jew, 'what dreadful horrid work, And all because I eat a little bit of pork! Now I would remind Mr Observer" that all these horrors which he charges upon the American war and which seriously affect my diaphragm while I read, are not peculiar to the American war, but are characteristics of all wars, and if he is arguing the question from the peace society point of view, I would advise him to lose no time in donning the immaculate drab paying a visit to Richmond, and impressing his fiiend, Jefferson Davis, with the enormity of bis conduct, and recommend him to surrender ere he has wasted the energies and blighted the prospects of the Southern States, and I should have no more to say to him. But if he argues the question as an Englishman—one who considers that there are objects of sufficient importance.to nations, to justify them in resort- ing to war-then I join issue with him at once, and throw down the gauntlet by declaring i. that the Federal Go- vernment is justified in making use of every means within its power in maintaining its territory and empire intact, and that in doing so, it is doing nothing more than any other civilized nation in the world would do under like circumstances. II. That the horrors which Observer" denounces are the characteristics of all wars and insepa- rable from war, and that parallel cases can be found in every war from the fratricidal act of Cain, to the destruc. tion of Sebastapol. I believe that with rational people nothing more iwould be necessary than to lay down these two propositons as axioms, but with inaividuals of the class of Observer," whose slavery proclivities and anti-republican notions have blinded their eyes, so that they can see no good thing come out of the Federal states, it will be necessary to ad.lucs a few facts proving the truth of the positions taken. With regard to the first proposition I would say, that no greater disgrace can accrue to a governor of a country, than that he should suffer a portion of the territory over which he reigns to be snatched from his grasp, and to be lost to the country hitherto dominant therein; and history furnishes abundant instances in every quarter of the globe, where nations have strivento maintain there empire over what has hitherto been included within the boundaries of their rule. And in no case in the history of the nations of Earope at present existing, has territory been abandoned without the utmost energies of those nations being put forth to prevent such loss. Will Observer" expect to see special instances alluded to ? If so, let him notice the territory in Italy and Germany the last few years, and the wars and rumours of wars consequent thereon. Let him observe" the tenacious hold with which Russia. Austria, and Prussia have held Poland, and in the case of Russia—will hold against the public opinion of England and France—with even greater atrocity than have dis- tinguished the American war. And shall I remind him of the rebellion in India, and surely our subjects there had as great a right to rebel as the inhabitants of the South States. It was the land of their birth, and their ancostry had possessed it centuries before it was trodden by the toot of any Englishman. It was rendered sacred to them by religious associations, and by every tie which f can bum men to their native laud. More—there was a cherished superstition that their power and dominions would be recovered at that time, and when that mutiny broke out was there any man who owes fealty to the Bri- tish crown, any man who call himself an Englishman, who deliberated with flesh and blood as to the course to be taken ? Was not the necessity of making every sacrifice for the recovery of that kingdom universally admitted by parties of every political hue, aye, even members of the Peace Society. And will Observer" tell me that we were not justified in the course we took aa a nation in that instance ? If he does, I say he is no Englishman, and the man who blames President Lincoln for bringing into action every power and energy, which a great nation has placed at his disposal, has never felt the patriotic sensa- tion which is the conservative element in nations, and which cement them into one homogenous power. Presi- dent Lincoln was bound by his oath to the constitution to maintain the union, he was bound by every considera- tion that can influence the citizen, the patriot, the go- vernor, or even the king; and in the course he has taken he is acting on the same principle as the English or any other government would act if placed in a similar predica- ment. I have heard it said that the fact of its being a confe- deration of States alter its position, and that it is not jus- tified in taking the same measures for the suppression of rebellion as a monarchical state. Why so ? Are not the bonds of nationality equally strong under a Republic as under a Limited Monarchy or a despotism ? Is not trea- son in the one case equally culpable as in the other? Vox populi, vox dei, is a maxim which we, as a nation, ac- cept in our politics, and the voice of the people is as po- tently expressed and as majestically personified, in the simplicity of a republic as in the gorgeous robes of a king. War was levied by the rebels of the South against the United States, the constitution declares it to be treason and the President as the embodiment of the power of the nation is bound to maintain the constitution, he there- fore acts in accordance with the principles which influ- enca every civilised government in subduing the rebellion —and is justified by the usages of nations in levying war for its subjugation. With regard to my second proposition that the horrors which Observer" denounces are the characteristic of all wars, &c., I think Observer" cannot need proof. Jf he reads his bible, if he reads the history of England, of Europe, of our contests and conquests in India, proofs of my proposition will rise thick as leaves in Vallam brosa." But to go no further back than the Crimean war, has Observer" not read of nearly 100,000 of the flower of British chivalry, to use his own words sacrificed, piled up in horrible confusion oh numerous battlefields, mang- led and torn-the dead with the dying in the strife of battle, passing away with imprecations on their lips to meet the dread dark future ?" And does not Observer" recollect that for the recovery of India—that for that strip of land, there was extermination," aye hecatombs of untimely death." Every impartial observer will ad- mit that the horrors are not the accidents of war but the regular consequents of it. and that the horrors of the present struggle are not greater than in other wars- only as the area and number involved in the struggle are greater, and when men like Observer" stand apon a pedestal of innocence, peace, and religion, and hurl there blasts against the United States Government as though no such things as killed, wounded, and missing," were known in connection with any former war, they are guilty of acting a mean ungenerous part, which it is to be hoped will never be retaliated upon ourselves as a na- tion. Why, sir, when the present war commenced, the very men who now declaim upon the horrors-laughed at the bloodless battles and pooh-poohed at the marchings and retreatings. We may be involved in war, the political horizon dis- plays many causes for anxiety on the part of those who guide the State, and if we should be involved in war will it be a bloodless one ? What mean the iron-clad warriors which lately drew thousands to Liverpool to view them ? What means the Armstrong guns, Whitworth rifles ? Yea, what means our noble army of Volunteers? If war- will it he bloodless with every improvement which science, skill, and training can bring to bear upon it ? No! Every improvement, every drill renders it more dreadful, and what ever horrors are seen at present in America may be seen in our own territories and among our own popula- tion. The views which Observer" utters on slavery, prove that he is not an observer of its bearing upon the the war. There is no doubt that a public opinion was growing in favour of abolition, and this very growth carried Lincoln into the presidential chair. This significent fat terrified the slave states to such a degree that they determined to rebel, and they perpetrated the first act of rebellion by seizing State property. Now it must be remem- bered that while the supporters of the slavery prin- ciple had a majority in the legislature, while they could carry the presidental election, and form fugitive slave laws, &c., they were willing to uphold the Union; but when a growing minority on the slavery question developed into a majority, they at once skedad- dled without waiting for any legislative action upon the subject. Neither has any legislative action been taken, the question as one of law still remaining where it was at the accession of Lincoln. The act of emancipation which has been effected, as a necessary—and mark bloodless-measure of destroying the rebellion, would not have been enacted had tl ere have been no rebellion, and in all probability emancipation as gradual, as "Observer" appears to wish it, would have taken place legally. The United States Government have never said that it was a law against slavery, but against rebellion. Slavery was the cause of the war, only because the South States found it would be wrested from them by a growing public opinion against it, and they determined that sooner than lose the loved institution-an institution which had hitherto been a blot upon the escutcheon of the whole nation-which had brought upon it the approbrium, even of the very men who now "crack up" the South-an institution characterised by infinitely, greater atrocities than any that have distinguished the war-an institution which, contrary to every principle of law and justice, human or divine, bound four millions of human beings in the most oppressive bondage ever known in this world. Sooner than give up this institution, the South States convulsed the American continent with this great rebel- lion, which has slain its thousands of human beiags, dis- arranged the harmonious action of the commerce of the world, caused thousands of our cotton manufacturing population to be deprived of their support. Shall such rebels as these have the sympathy of freedom-loving, fair- play-acting Englishmen P No, not while I can wield a pen, To influence my countrymen." A. CROWQUILL. THE PUBLIC URINALS. I To the Editor of the Wrexham Advertiser. I Sir,-In your last Local Board meeting, as reported in your paper, I see that your Mayor, Mr Lewis, makes mention of the nume of Col. Biddulph in the debate on this subject, and says that in his opposition to the urinal proposed to be set up in Grosvenor Place, Col. Biddulph took nothing by his motion, for that his ap- plication for an injunction was dismissed. Your mayor is wrong. Col. Biddulph got an interim order for an injunction, and before that expired, the vestry had re- considered their decision and removed the nuisance, so that Col. Biddnlph and his neighbours got substantially all they sought for, and so the matter ended, as I should hope your project will end; by the return of a sense of common decency.—Yours, ELIA. THE DOINGS OF THE WREXHAM CRICKET CLUB. To the Editor of the Wrexham, Advertiser. I hir,-It is well known that there exists a Cricket Club in this town, which has long been supported by the gentlemen of the town and neighbourhood, with the good intention of providing a rational and agreeable amusement, combined with healthy exercise for those young men whose calling and business keeps them closely confined during many hours of the day. For some time this desirable end answered the purpose. The members were numerous, and had a greater incite- ment to attendance at the practice. Matches were ar- ranged to be played by the members of this club with those of the surrounding neighbourhood. Some gen- tlemen, being so interested as not only to attend and play the matches, but even drive the members to the place of meeting in their own carriages, and the Wrex- ham Cricket Club was no mean antagonist, but often took its share of the laurels. This state of things is now quite altered. Though the club pays a professional to instruct the members when a match is to be played, men are picked out to send to meet the adversarv, from anywhere they can be got, and even hired. The Wrexham Cricket Club cannot even provide a few of the required number, perhaps one beside the ifrm, that is all. The funds of the club go to obtain pleasure and honour for men of other clubs, and the money is spent, and the members neglected, and none the better for the services of the paid professional. Surely there is a remedy. 0 for a spirit of opposition. A good rival raise a new club. Let us come ourselves with a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, and try if we cannot, from our own town, furnish men enough to play our matches, whether we are the challenged or the challengers. Surely there are men in Wrexham as good runners, bowlers as strong and atheletic as in other places. True, the club has lost some of its best men. Death and distance thin the ranks of a cricket club, and some stout able members have now but a leg to stand upon. Yet be not faint-hearted, begin again upon better principles and better practices, and our club will stand as it ought to do—a prominent, flourishing one.- I am yours truly, FAIR PLAY. —————————?—————————

[No title]

[No title]

I I QUARTERLY MEETINGS OF…

THE EXTRACTION OF GOLD IN…

TWELVE APOSTLES AMALGAMATED…

REVIEW OF THE CORN TRADE.

LORD GEORGE MANNERS ON STEAM…

MARKETS. -I

[No title]