Pioneer

The "Times" & the Triple Alliance. By MARK STARR. 0 SEE PAGE 4

Open Questions to Mr. Frank Hodges. Sir,—A local evening newspaper, dated Au- gust 2, 1916, contained a most remarkable arti- cle written by you, and dealing with what was at the time a warmly discussed question, viz., that of the suspension of the August holidays. Some of the expressions used there appear so ex- traordinary to the non-oollegiate miner that pertain questions involuntarily arise in his mind In the attempt to reconcile them with your Past attitude, and with that view of society to Which, in plebeian company, you used to profess adherence. Although, after re-reading the final Paragraphs of your article it is with some trepidation that I do so. I venture to append a few of the questions which to me appear as the most insistent. Your apparent view, that the mere member of the Federation is but a OOg in the machine of which the leader holds the lever, I do not yet accept. Your. articles are regularly published on Fri- day evenings. The one in question came forth 1 OR a Thursday. As a member of the E.G., you Were aware early on the Wednesday that a spe- cial conference was to be called. Was that article hurried to the press in order that it might be issued in time to influence the Mandates of those lodges and districts of which You are not the" Huthorised leader" ? If so, Where does your authorised leadership end and your "personal and anarchic" action begin? B You favoured the suspension of the holidays. Before concluding that you should do so. had You considered every other available means of ^Ustaining or increasing the output of coal? you, for example, kept in mind what should be to you an economic truism that production even to-day is for profit? And that. for this reason, the collieries are not worked at any- thing like their highest possible point of effi- ciency? Shall I give you specific cases, capable ,of infinite multiplication, where the output is materially affected for that purpose? You state that "without exception" (!) the Workmen in your district "voted unanimously w in favour of giving up their August holi- days" that lid not know that the own- ers were going to give a reward (!) to those ho worked a fill week" and that had they vnown ".they would probably have said, 'T@ — with your or "would have lnIore probably have agreed to devote it to some war charity." Axe the conditions of employment, of payment tin- your district that tile Workers there can afford, as yon imply, to be So superciliously independent as to refuse (the conditions being, in any case, complied with) a sum of money that would exchange for eight quartern loaves of bread? If so. what would be the extent of their disdain if offered the high- er and Trades Union rate of time and a quarter Ortiii-ic, and a. half? Inquiring as to why the attitude of your oyn Mell was not characteristic of other districts, You supply the answer in terms which, if indulg- ed in by a William Le Queux or an Alex M. "hompson. would cause but faint surprise. Ye Sods and little fishes! I read this: "A lodge Meeting in ordinary industrial affairs is a fair replica of the mass of the men. But in this war things have ahanged. Lodge meetings nlo more represent the attitude of the mass of the men to the war (I note in these three words a trick of logic, on the mastership of which art You are, or were, wont to plume yourself. The lodges have not yet been called upon to discuss their attitude to the war) than it represents their views on astronomy." Do you remember your own attitude in the War month of July, 1915. when no policy but that of the strike would suit your taste? Did lodge meetings at that time more fairly repre- sent the views of the men? Remembering the existence, both then and now, of the war, do you not think that, through causes best ar- rived at by yourself, the change is not to be found in things, but in your own mental outlook ttpon them ? Worthy son of Caliban! you proceed: "In many lodges there may be a small coterie of men who hold strong anti-war views. These men use every available opportunity of etnabarrassing those who are engaged in the prosecution of the war—without, of course, compromising themselves. Behind the shelter of a powerful Trade Union they work on un- interruptedly." Whan first-rate journalese the Express people considered that bit! Quite in the style of the 1915 would-be-strike-breakeirs What a lead it gave for a, heading! "Misleading Vote." "Leader alleges a plot." Ex- treme. gravity we resolved to lose no time in-placing it before our readers." When identical statements were being made of the active Trades Unionists in 1915. did not You rail against them? Whence the change? In the minds of these few hundreds ? Or, again, Is it in your mind? Do you not feel as a man Would who has stabbed his best friend in the ,ck ? Do not you believe that we are jealous *f our Trades Union rights and privileges ? Will you believe me when I say that on the Friday. ^ith your effusion warm in their brains. mass were held on pitheads in the Rhondda which resolutions in favour of a two-days' holiday were carried by proportionally stronger Majorities than had previously voted for one day? What, then, is the value of your "small coterie" argument? But granting for the moment your statement, where can there 11. found a "smaller coterie" than one? And did not one man stump the Garw District pre- vious to the conference? Have you not fallen Vito that rut over which the sticky-back type f. leader held a monopoly and in which the reigning dogma is that of the infallbilitv of a our leader. Mr Hodges, the number of oases of logical Slovenliness you have managed to crowd into this short half-column fairly qualifies it for a place in a text-book on logic as an example of how not to do it. To follow them to the end Would, I feel sure, be too great a strain on youir patience, not to mention mine. There are so many, many other features in your meteoric ( £ Professional- j ournalist professional-Trades-Un- Lt career to which a class-conscious Iu- dustrial Unionist cannot but take the strongest possible exception that to skip a handful of the most obnoxious expressions you sold on this occasion to the Express proprietors is re- latively but a small matter. Robert Burns expressed a desire that we could see ourselves as others see us." If you ag- ree that I have been of some slight assistance towards supplying you with such a giftie," I shall be pleased on some future occasion to again function as your supplementary optic.- Believe me to be, Yoitrs till now PLEBEIAN. I

I The Impending Miners' Battle. I Again there is a battle raging between the South Wales Miners' Leaders and the South Wales Ooalowners regarding the general wage rate for the three months commencing Sep- tember 1. The miners' leaders have made an application for an increase in the wage rate of 12.] per cent, whilst on the other hand the coal- owners have asked for a reduction of 15 per cent. They say they a-r-o entitled to this reduc- tion on an equivalent which they have arrived at, .and which they are submitting to the Inde- pendent Chairman, asking him to accept it as the future equivalent, to the average nett sell- ing price. At the Joint Audit the miners' lea- ders tell us that the price of large coal has risen by 1/11; whilst. slmaU coal has risen to the extent of 2/1, one-fifth of which must be add- ed to the increase in large, coal to find the average selling price. Therefore the increase is 1/11 plus one-fifth of 2/1, which equals 1/11 plus 5d. equals 2/4 increased selling price per ton. According to Mr James Wins tone we are entitled to ask for 5.83 per cent on every 1/- increase in the selling price; so at present we are entitled to ask for 5.83 x 21 equals 13.57 per cent. In asking for 12f per cent, and being 2 I)ei, cent, and being entitled to 13J per cent, we are again asking for 10 per cent less than that to which we are en- titled. Let us go back and find out how much we are giving the ooalowners for their pat- riotism, and, as a result" the patriotism of the miners' leaders. As there is no equivalent fixed we will have to go ibaek to the point where percentages commence to rise, namely, 7/10 per ton on selling price. We are entitled to ask for 5.83 per cent on every shilling increase in the selling price of coal above 7/10 per ton. The present selling price being 25/8. per tOll; therefore 25/8 less 7/10 equals 17/10i is the amount on which we receive percentages. At the rate of 5.83 per 1/- we are, entitled to 5.83 x 17-I which is equivalent to 103.2 per cent. On the 1915 standard, i.e., 50 per cent on the old agreement, and 33per cent on the new agreement has to be added to make the new standard. Therefore 333 1 has to be deducted from 103.2 per cent, which gives us 103.2 per cent less 331 equals 69 13-15ths-let us say 70 per cent. Thus on the new standard we are entitled, to 70 per cent, whilst our present rate is 40 5-6tlis; and if we are awarded the present 12t per cent applied for, we will be receiving 40 5-6ths plus 12], which equals 53} per cent; we are therefore losing 70 per cent minus 53-J per cent equals 16J per cent. The money value of 16f per cent equals 3/4 on the new standard, whilst on the old standard it would have meant 25 per cent on 5/- on every £ earned. Let us find out what this means to -,a, collier and say, for argument sake, a collier working on the minimum wage rate. The rate per shift being 6/10t plus the current percentages, we will assume that he receives the present appli- cation of 12t per cent, bringing the percentages to 53i\- per cent. Thus— £ s. d. 6 days at 61101 2 per day 2 1 3 53J per cent on the same 1 2 0 Total earnings £ 3 3 3 Again, if he receives the percentages to which we are entitled, namely 70 per cent, the position stands thus:— s. d. 6 days at C) I jo"il I 2 1 3 2 1 3 70 per cent on the, same 1 8 1021 Total earnings R3 10 1J Thus for 6 days' work at the minimum rate and receiving the 121 per (Stent applied for, a collier receives L3 3s. 3d. But if he had the percentage to which we are entitled he would receive £3 10s. H"d. thus he is giving away 6 /10;} per week as a result of the patrietism of the miners' leaders. The ooalowners have fixed an equivalent upon which (so they say) we are only entitled to 25 5-6ths per cent on our wages with the present increase in selling price. Let us eitffeavour to find out what this equivalent actually means. The selling price of coal is 25 /8] and 25 5-6ths divided by 5.83 gives the amount to be deducted from 25/ 8t. The remainder will be the equivalent to the new standard of 1915. So 25 5-6ths divided by 5.83 equals 4/5, deducted from 25/81 2 equals 21 31, Therefore their eq- uivalent to the new 1915 standard is 21 3* and what the miners' leaders say is the equivalent (or what ought to be the equivalent) is 14/ The difference between 21/3} and 14/- being 7 /3J—this being the gratuity given for increased cost of production (as the coal owners argue). Let us hope that the miners' leaders will put as much fight into this application as they put into the last, and the victory will be ours. As a, final word, do not accept a compromise. —Yours, etc., T. S. PHELPS. I Lower Duffryn Colliery, Mountain Ash.

Sad Death of Merthyr Contractor. Richard Vicary (63), a haulage contractor to the Merthyr Corporation, was standing on a wagon-load of hay in a field at Merthyr. The horse gave a step forward to pluck a mouth- ful of hay from a heap, and the unfortunate man was jerked to the ground. His spine was fractured, and he died next day. Acciden- tal death was the verdict at the inquset oii Mon-dav. 1

The Future of India. ("India, A Nation. "—Mrs. Annie Besant, "The People's Books," 6d.). To the mass of the British Democracy In- dia is little more than a name, with a vague indeterminate history or religion, quarrelling States, general insecurity—curiously accompan- ied by enormous wealth-until the East India Company and Olive introduced British rule, en- lightened her darkness with Western civilisa- tion, imposed peace and security upon her curiously .accompanied with widespread poverty, recurring famines, and no possible margin for increased taxation. She enjoys the best Civil Service in the world," and this claims to have won Indian love .and loyalty; yet the country can only be held down bv a mass of coercive legislation, by forbidding the possession of arms and volunteering except to Christians, by slecurities imposed on the Press, house-searches by the police, the right to forbid public meet- ings, imprison without trial, to demand secu- rities for good behaviour from men of position, high character, and blameless life-save for aspirations to self-government and freedom of speech, creditable outside India." Many readers will, in the light of recent happenings in England, read this quotation which forms the opening passage in Mrs. Bes- ant's valuable little b,ook--ai-id ponder! Milny will ask, as I ask myself, what is the meaning of all -this? If the prosecution of the war is suf- ficient justification for such things in England in these days, what justification is offered for their taking place in India? As Mrs. Besant says: This strange juxtapo- sition of good government and widespread dis- content deserves examination." And with that end in view it is well worth our while to read and study this new manifesto from India, as Mr Ramsay Macdonald eallg. it. In a brief historical introduction weaire told of India's greatness in bygone ages; of her common literature of sacred books, of ancient histories, of epic poems, of dramas, familiar to all the people, welding them into one whole." India is one in spirit and religious outlook on life. Babylon; Nineveh; Egypt; Persia; Pa- lestine Rome-—all have passed away: India lives India history is a continuum." And while it is admitted that India had builded up wealth, prosperity and culture for 5,000 years under no foreign aegis, does it not seem the very height of conceit to say that she is not fit for self-government to-day? And what have the 157 years of British rule. of which the first 50 years were spent in plundering, to which only ceased constant wars and annexations in 1856"—what have they produced? For answer, we have only to turn to Page 35 of this book and glance at the sum- mary given there of the economic grievances, each question being rather fully treated in suc- ceeding pages. We find: (1) The great drain on India of money raised as revenue from "her people, and sent out of the country, to maintain the Indian Office, to pay pensions to English oiffcials, to pay interest on English capital expended on railways. This drain reduces India to perpetual poverty, re- curring famines, and the huge indebtedness of her agricultural popula+i^ (2) The crushing and inelastic taxation on the cultivators of the soil, the direct cause of fam- ine. and of the indebtedness just mentioned. (3) The great cost of British Government, with its highly-paid British officials., its conti- nual employment of European experts at high salaries, the multiplication of high offices, etc. (4) The unfair treatment of indigenous indus- tries. as the cotton, in which a countervailing tax is placed on cloth produced in Indian cot- ton mills, to balance the customs duty levied on imported goods, and the excise levied on In- dian salt to counterbalance the customs duty on foreign salt. (5) The comparative neglect of works useful to India, such as irrigation education and sani- tation. Apart from economic grievances, we find that British Rule has destroyed India's Village and Council Government, and after 80 years of its education, is educating only 2.6 per cent of its population. In addition, of course, there is coercive legislation of all sorts, such as a Press Act, "which virtually places the Indian Press at the, mercy of the Executive; enables the latter to check criticism; to demand. ruinious security which can be for- feited at Win; to con&cate the presses, and thus to destroy any journal to which it ob- thu,, to destroy any journal towhich it o l ).. The remaining cnapters in this valuable worK are on Religion and Nationality" Educa- tion (a most illuminating one); "The N a- tional Movement and Self-Government." The book is also valuable for its Foreword," written by a distinguished Fellow of the Univ- ersity of "Madras (Mr C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar, barrister-at-law), and many in this country will share his. hope that the British Democrat will be led to bestow adequate attention on In- dian problems, to redress inequalities to restore Indian self-respect, and to consent to India taking her proper place in the Federation of the Empire." The test of an Imperial Democracy will lie in our treatment of India. Efforts will un- doubtedly be made) to keen India as a Depen- dency, a, preserve for those Englishmen who constitute, or hope to constitute, the Indian Civil Service. It behevesall Democrats there- fore, who wish the British Empire to be pow- erful in the service of humanity, and not arrogant in pride of possession, to watch Indian affairs closely, for without, India as an equal co-partner, the Federation of the Empire can- not be. The book is interesting .also as the result of a close study at first hand bv Mrs Besant of Indian conditions. As she says in her prefat- ory note: ".For nearly two and twentv years I haYe lived among as a foreigner, but as one of themselves." In that close inti- macy she has had an unique opportunity of seeing things as our Indian fellow-subjects see th j and as a consequence she is able to write on Indian affairs with more authority than most Europeans can be said to do. Light Cometh from the Bast," and it may be that India will contribute more of political sanity and acumen to the growth of the Empire than our states- men are at present prepared to admit. But for that to be possible, India must be a free Nation and not a Dependency. England and India hand in hand. Yes! that is our hope, for the world's sake. But that it may be so, Justice must replace inequality; for India can never be at rest until she is free." The arguments usually employed against the granting of self-government to India centre up- on the allegation that India is not an united na- tion and never will be one; and that if our present system of rule were withdrawn, the country would break up into conflicting states. Both those who use this argument and these who are dismayed by it should read the His- torical Introduction to this work and the chap- ter on the "National Movement." The form- eir is a convincing demonstration that the diff- erences that we make so much of are superfi- cial only the unity of national life is fundamen- tal. There are undoubtedly periods of weakness and division in her story, but what nation is without these? And the chapter on The Na- tional Movement is a fascinating account of the reaching out towards a political self-con- sciousness on the part of India. All unessen- tial differences are being merged into the de- termination on the part of Indians that their country shall participate as a Free Nation in the reconstruction of the Empire after the war. Towards this end self-government is the next step; that is the only adequate and just solution of Indian problems. Let the workers in the Labour Movement in this country voice that demand until India's just aspirations are fulfilled, and they will go down in history as the Pionaers, not only of a humane and equ- itable order of existence in this country, but also of a world-wide Empire whose very life- breath is Freedom and Unity. It may yet be that some grea.t Personality will come from out the East to poelaim Peace to a world ravaged by war. Always has the "Wisdom of the East" come to the helping of the world; but supposing that wisdom came clothed in Indian garb, should we be able to put aside colour prejudice and re- spond to a Message of Brotherhood falling from Indian lips ? Give Indians the rights and duties of citizenship in a Free Empire and the nearer will be brought" The Brotherhood of Man. the Federation of the World." Note-It is not without interest to note that a Home Rule for India League has very recently been formed in this country, with Mr John Scurr, of the Herald," as A ""i Q+.nm t, Rpf"rp.t.arv. D J. WILLIAMS, I Gwyn Gl-Te' I). r)..T. WILIIAKS I 011: H1"f'c: [¡¡.Ú.i. lYL,.

Abertillery Note.s Mon. Appeal Tribunal. I On August Monday the County Tribunal met at Blackwood—Sir Mather Jackson presiding. There were a large number of cases dealt ltith, among which were three of Conscientious Objection from Abertillery. In one case medical evidence was put in. and the Military Repre- sentative (Captain Williams) not pressing for the applicant, exemption was given without any further details being considered. Another appeal was that of Tom Powell, col- liery stoker, and Chairman of the local N.O.F. Branch. The-result was that the decision of the local Tribunal was Varied to the extent that non-combatant service was given. The third case ivas that of E. H. Wilson, I.L.P. Secretary, avho has gone through some rather unique experiences before the Tribunals. As a result of previous hearings temporary ex- emption had been obtained up to the present on business grounds, but no recognition as a Conscientious Object<)r. After rather a lengthy hearing, and some comment on the course of the case by the Military Representative, even- tually non-comba-tant service was again given. Bank Holiday. -1 At Abertillery on August Monday in spite of the decision to work the collieries, only a small percentage of the workmen could have been working. Great crowds of people were holiday making, and the station presented an animated appearance all the morning, every train leaving being packed with passengers. The beautiful weather was too tempting, and most people could not resist the desire to take advantage of it by having one day free at least. All the shops wer'e closed, and Abertillery on the Monday presented very much the usual Bank Holiday, appearance. Of course the holiday was only a short one. Supporting an 11 Impracticable Ideal." r Abertillery Education Uommitte met on Thursday evening, Mr J. T. Boots presiding. Included in the business conducted was the consideration of several resolutions. One of them was of much interest, 'oeing from the National Association of Head Teachers expressing an op- inion in favour of extending the school age until 17. The committee decided to support the resolution as an ideal, although not thinking it practicable. A deputation of local headmasters attended in connection with their request for an increase of salary. For various reasons it was decided to postpone the question until September. It will be remembered that this matter, as pointed out at the Trades Council, is a big question in its issues, and the time extension will allow it to be brought before the represen- tative organisations of the district. I A Start Made. A temporary committee under the Naval and Military Pensions Act has been appointed by the Abertillery District Council to carry on the work pending the final settlement of the claim of the area to autonomous control. The first meeting was held on Friday. Mr John Phillips was elected president; Councillor J. T. Boots vice-president; and the Council Clerk (Mr W. Gait (secretary and treasurer). The district was divided into wards, each with a secretary—Mr T. H. Mytton for the North Ward; Mr S. Elliott for the Central Ward; County Councillor C. W. Yertdall for Six Bells and the Rev. Sulkn for Llanhilletk.

Technical Education. I read with interest the report on the above in last week's Pioneer." The subject is now obtaining attention from quarters that were previously indifferent. It is not to be expected that because the nation now finds urgent need of such training that it can break the indiffer- ence to the subject which has for 50 years been fostered. At the present moment much could be done to put e ducation as a whole on a more effective basis. Let us deal first with the ques- tion of the indifference of the student. We have made it. Our system of school leaving age permits a break in tuition. When the boy or girl gets clear of school there is as a general rule a rush to begin work. This work is seldom considered from the point of view of the future of the youth. When about two years pass, then What are we going to make our Tom- my?" crops up. "Yes, let's make him an el- ectrical engineer," etc. It is now discovered that Tommy, in general, has lost all interest in gaining knowledge. He kicks hard against the suggestion of going back to school, and if he is forced, it is as an indifferent pupil. To me this is where our great mistake is made. There, should be no break. Let the school leaving age be what it may, up to that time education should be general after that let it be vocation- al. Since most of our trades cannot be entered until 16 years of age, and the school leaving age is say 14 it means two years of going to seed and corrosion. In this two years we ought to have a tight grip on the youth for his own sake and in the interest of the community. On my motion the Glasgow School Board are a bout to appoint an Organiser of Technical Glasses—- either day or evening. On the leaving date the boys and girls will be interviewed and the whole question of thear future put clearly be- fore them. The preliminary efforts in this di- rection have proved very successful, and the parents are at last being roused to this very special duty of not having a break in the tuition of their children. For these children be- tween 14 and 16 it is not necessary to have special schools built; it is not schools at the moment—it is classes. These classes will then become the feeders for the technical schools. By this time the youth will be more able to decide upon a voaation, and now comes the question of the economic position of the father. This has to be boldly faced. A nation that desires to be great must be just and no nation can be either that denies the chi'd's *'ght by birth to educa- tion because of th « I earnings father. We cannot have efficiency on the pre- sent lines. If we are to have day Continuation glasses compulsory, then we must make finan- cial allowance, and it would be the best spent money. The opposition to this generally comes from those who say "All cannot be managers or bosses." That is obvious. "till those men say that it is not better to have the workman equal in ImowleËl of his profession to the manager? At the present moment we have men of all trades having their work chalked out for them by the foreman, and when finished he waits for more chalking. If we were efficient the workman would take the job from start to finish from his plans. It is easier to manage a, shop of highly skilled workmen than a shop of indifferently skilled workmen. A coal mine would be safer and much more economically worked if all had say a second class certifi- eate. (Let me here say in reply to what may be in your mind that this would increase the already enormous profits of the capitalists, that the works are to be ours, and perhaps sooner than we expect besides, we should not deprive ourselves of knowledge on that ground. We must not refuse to do what we believe to be right because someone else at the moment may profit. As Socialists we must educate, knowing that you cannot have it lop sided. The higher skilled the workman becomes, the higher his all round intelligence Our work is to get all children free access to the best we can give them. Education is the only basis for the spiritual conception of Social- ism. The more highly educated we can be in our profession the greater will be our indepead- # ence and Ifoerty. Captains of industry in the future will be the highest in skill, not a profit organisers. Every effort should be made to prevent any reduction in the period of general education, and to make the supplementary pe- riod more interesting. The activity of the youth can be retained if only we can see from their point of view. We know how necessary it is to have many changes to keep up interest. This is still lacking in our supplementary cur- riculum. We take little or no notice of the "bent" of the youth. This "bent" is the key to the situation—in fact the compass that indicates the path that will The the easiest and at the same time give the best results.

Conscientious Objectors "On Furlough." In connection with the new Government scheme, the Central Tribunal is this week en- gaged in considering the cases of Conscientious Objectors undergoing punishment in Wands- worth Prison. Some men, on the completion of their 28 to 112 days' sentences, are bwng again handed over to the military; while others have been granted indefinite furlough, their forms being marked Conscientious Objector: has permission to wear plain clothes." These men have promised to appear before the Central Tribunal when called upon and if adjudged "unconscintious" to report back to their Hnit.

ICourt- Martialled Three Times. The total number of Conscientious Objecteiv who have been axrested to date is 1,794. Of these, G. Gee, of Lichfield, holds the record of having been court-martialled threo times.

I Has yeur name appeared in our- 10,800 Shil- lings' Fund list PIt not. let it to there next weak. r, 7