Six Hour Day S.0RD LEVERHULME AND LEISURE FOR I WORKING-CLASS. The six-hour working-day was advocated by Lord Leverhulme in a speech at CIardiff on Saturday. Dealing with modern production, he laid overhead charges-, including renewals, do- preciation, and wear and tear if machinery, and maintenance charges showed little variation whether a factory was working eight or six hours a day. If, however, they worked two shifts of six hours each, the overhead charges were not. materially increased, except that their depreciation allowances might be a little heavier, but they would obtain double the out- put. The men would receive tho same amount ior working six hours as thoy did for working eight, and the only difference would be that the employers were taking it out of the machines instead d. out. of the human beings. Recent Government experience had proved that an in- -mxv.sed ntunb(,,r of hours, as compared with the -output per week when the people were working an unreasonable number of hours, and on the basis he had calculated the workmen (Wild ro- •oeive even more wages to enable them to pur- ehase the good s which they themselves pro- duced. We were not sufficiently well educated, and he did not see how, under our present sys- tem, we were going to improve, unless more leisure time were given for reading and study. That would only oomo by training, but there was no reason why the children of the work- people should not become as well educated as ihe children of the employer, (Applause.)
Labour and The Bench MERTHYR TRADES COUNCIL TAKES UP QUESTION OF NEW J.P.'s. RESOLUTION DEMANDING GOVERNMENT RESIGNATION. Before the opening of business at the Merthyr Trades and Labour Council on Thursday night Mr. Harry Adams called attention to the list of names which we were enabled to publish as the probable new J.P.'s for the Borough. These names Mr. Adams was sure did not meet with the approval of the Trades Council, and he sug- gested that a letter of protest should be sent to the Lord Chancellor calling attention to the fact that there was not a Labour representative amongst the names suggested. It was true that this was largely an honorary position, but that was no reason why Labour men had been overlooked. Ultimately it was decided to enquire from Mr. Enoch Morrell, a member of the Advisory Com- mittee, into the list, and in the event of its being found to be as stated 4teps to be taken to Approach the Lord Chancellor in connection with the matter. A delegate asked whether there were no more members of the Jones' family who could be recommended for selection. A letter was received from the Merthyr branch of the National Council for Combatting Venereal Disease asking the Council to appoint one representative to sit on tho administrative body of the Branch. It was, however, felt that one representative was too small for a body re- presenting something like 16,000 workers; and it was decided to write to the body asking for greter representation.. Until that is secured DO names at all are to be submitted. "THE INDIAN PASSPORTS. The following resolution was unanimously en- dorsed: "That this meeting of the Merthyr Trades Council and Labour Party protests against the action of H.M. Government in "withdrawing the passports granted to Mr. To- lak and other Indian Nationalists desiring to visit Great Britain for the purpose of informing public opinion on the question of Home Rule for India; and calls upon the Government to withdraw ite objection at once, and grant the necessary permission that. will allow the depu- tation to travel. CONSCRIBING IRELAND-A BALLOT. I Another resolution that found universal fa- vour was this sent out by the Bradford Trades Council: "That this meeting of the Merthyr Tydfil Trades Council and Labour Party oon- eiders the Government's proposal to force con- scription upon the Irish people the greatest crime that has been committed since the Ger- mans invaded Belgium. Further, we call upon Mr. Lloyd George and the Government to re- sign forthwith and sforonglv urge the formation -of a government in accordance with the prin- ciples and objects of the Labour Party." Mr. John Williams in proposing the adoption of this resolution expressed the opinion tha.t it would be a lasting disgrace if the occasion was allowed to pass without a.ny protest I)oin,, made in this connection. We all felt that it was be- yond reason to force conscription upon people who had held themselves aloof-as a nation- from this war from the very commencement in August, 1914. He had felt that it wafc the bounden duty of each one of us here to fight 'O&nscription, but somehow we had allowed our- selves to get into the hands of unscrupulous people, and we found ourselves to-day not only military conscript* but, almost all of us, in- dustrial conscripts as well, and he felt that it vas full time that we put, a sprag ir. the wheel. This protest ought to be passed and sent to the proper quarters. Mr. Bert Brobyn, seconding, said that if we v were fighting for small nationalities, then the first thing was to grant the right of pelf- deftermina-tion to the Irish people. (Hear, hear.) 'FIGHT EVERY WARD. I On the motion of CounfA-lar Dai Parry It w?s I decided that the party should ii?bt every .7.1 in the Borough a-t the next Municipal elections. I A SAD TASK. I The Chairman (Mr. Hugh Williams. Treharris) mie,atioxied that he had just learned of the death ÍJt hospital of Bombardier Brinley Devanald, the onty eon of our Comrade John Devanald, of Merthyr Vale. He felt that the blow would some as an extremely heavy one to Mr. Devan- -aid and his family,. to whom he was sure the whole Council extemled their sincere sympathy -and condolences. A motion of condolence was moved, seconded and passed, all standing. MARX AND MAY-DAY. I There were several important details in con- nection with May-Day dealft with, and Mr. Mardy Jones, who was present to address the Council on the new Franchise Bill and its effects on Laoour, in opening his address reminded the •Council that this May would see the centenary of the Birth of Karl Marx, the great apostle of Democracy and founder of Scientific Socialism, and he hoped that in the May-Day International resolutions passed in Merthyr would be included sa reference to Marx's great, work.
The Representation of the] j People Act. WHAT THE NEW FRANCHISE ACCOM- PLISHES AND ITS LIKELY EFFECTS. THE POSITION OF WOMAN AND HER POTENTIALITIES. CLEAR EXPOSITION BY MR. T. I. MARDY JONES. The circulation of the buff papers calling for particulars from which the first Register under the Representation of the People Act will be compiled has awakened a keen interest in the minds of the workers as to the meaning, scope and probable effects of the new franchise. Un- fortunately, the jargon of the Act itself, and of IltD concomitant Order in Council is too parlia- mentary to make lucid or attractive reading, and a real need existed for an easy exposition of the Act understandable by any man who cared to listen with care, or read quietly. This we have had in the Merthyr Trades Council in the form of an address from Mr. T. 1. Mardy Jones, the well-known political organiser and registra- tion agent of the S.W.M.F., and, in reporting in full the address that he gave in connection with the Act last Thursday, we feel that we shall be doing a service not only to the cause of Labour, but also to each individual man and woman who reads what follows. Briefly put, the Representation of the People Act, 1917, was going to give the vote to about ten million men and six million women, said Mr. Jones. Of the male voters about nine and a-half millions will be men who get the vote for the first time in the history of our country be- cause they are men, regardless of ownership of property or anything else. (Hear, hear.) Of the women voters five millions or so will be mar- ried women and about one million will be un- married women—spinsters and widows. TWO MAIN FRANCHISES. I There are two main franchises under the Act -—there is the main franchise with regard to voters for Parliament, for both men and women, and," also, the great franchise for Local Govern- ment Board elections. There are three main franchises for Parliament for both men and women. The main qualification will be residence second, place of business; and, third, university qualification. The maximum number of votes any man or woman can have under the Act will be three—one for place of residence, one for place of business, and one for an university member if he, or she, has a degree for the uni- versity. But while a man or woman may in that way have a, maximum of three votes, two will be the maximum number he, or she, may use legally, and in no case will it be legal for a man or woman to use more than one vote in one constituency. This is a great improvement on the old qualification, under which we had plural voting rampant. Dealing with the points in the Parliamentary franchise seratim Mr. Jones said that every man will now get a vote at 21-within the six months' residence qualification; and, in addi- tion, to the age limit of 21, those men who were on war service of any sort will got the vote at 19 years of age, and on a month's residence qualification. Then the second vote, which will be small in number, will be the occupation vote of business premises. A man will get this at 21 VearS 'of age and on a Mix months' period of oc- cupation if he pays a rent of tlO or more for business premises; and, third, if he has an uni- versity degree taken at a constituent college of an university he will have a vote at the age of 21, and a woman at the age of 30 if she has such a degree. The three constituent colleges of Wales returns jointly a member to represent the Welsh universities, and every man at the ago of 21, or woman at the age of 30, who has passed through any of these colleges and has taken a degree will have the power to vote for his return. THE GREAT DISTINCTION. I The great distinction between men and women in the Bill is that a man gets the vote at 21, while a woman does not get it until she has attained the age of 30, and she does not get it then for residence, as every man does. She only gets it for occupation, and five out of six of the women voters will get it because they are in occupation with, their husbands. A mar- ried women gets it if she is married to a man who is entitled to a vote. If a woman of 30 or more is married to a man who is not entitled to a vote she will not get the vote either. The unmarried women of over 30 will got the vote in their own right if they occupy premises, for instance, say a place of business, for which they pay a rent of JE5. THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT VOTE. With regard to the Local Government vote, a man will get the vote at the age of 21, but not on the basis of residence as in the case of the vote for Parliament. He would only get it for ocoupatlOnal "rea,<;¡QIls. A man will get the vote for local government purposes if he occu- pies land or premises, and the bulk will get it as occupiers of hpuses and tenants. Then there wiTl oe Service Votes," for men such as care- takers and oth ers, who are compelled in the nature of their work to live on the promises of their employers. They, in the future, will be treated as tenants and will be on the same basis as householders generally, a thing not known in the pagt. (Hear, hear.) There will also be, for local government purposes, a "Lodger Franchiso," although it has been alto- gether ruled out in the Parliamentary Vote. Under the new law a man must not only occupy rooms—as in the past—but they must be un- furnished rooms at a rental of not less than a.s. 10d. per week (EIO per year). If the occm- pior provides the furniture then the lodger will not have the vote. Fewer men will qualify for local government votes under the new Bill than under the old conditions of the Lodger Fran- chise. AN ANOMALY. An anomaly of the Act is that although a woman mav not have a Parliamentary vote until she is 30, for local government purposes she can have a vote at 21. The" Lodger Vote qualification applies for women as for men, ex- cept that the rental of unfurnished rooms is re- duced in their case to a minimum of ?o. I VOTING BY PROXY. These are the main franchises and qualifica- tions for the vote for Parliamentary and Local Government bodies under the new Act. There were several wetleome qualifications in addition. There is to be, for instance, an "Absent Voters List" and the Proxy Voters' List." The Ab- sent Voters List means there will be during the war and for some time after it numbers of men and women who are away from their usual oc- cupations and homes employed on war service; and if they are employed on war service of any I kind under government control they will be en- titled to have their names printed in a separate list—their names appearing in the proper list— and if an election t:tkes place during their ab- sence it will be the duty of the Returning Offi- cer to send a ballot paper to the absent voter, wherever he or she might be, and that paper is to come back before the counting takes place. Eight days are allowed to elapse for this. If, in the opinion of the Returning Officer, the voter is stationed at a distance too far away to be covered in eight days return; then that man, or woman, is entitled to appoint a proxy voter—someone to vote for them if an election takes place during their absence. The persons qualified to act as proxy voter are: wife (or husband), parents, sister, brother, or a Parliamentary voter in the constituency—pro- viding the proxy voter is of full age. These provisions had been agreed to largely because of the war, but they would be of benefit gen- erally because seafaring people have not in the ?lp,,Ist had an opportunity of voting. When we remembered that in the Mercantile Marine there is never more than 10 per cent. ashore at one time. then we could see that it was not possible under the old arrangement for them to have a vote. But under the new arrangements they will be able to vote either directly in per- son, or by proxy. A DISTINCT GAIN. Then in future we are to have all General Elections on one and the same day. In the past they had run over three weeks and a month, and the other parties, through t-heir control of the Capitalist Press and plural voting, have been able to manipulate things so that we have lost seats by small majorities owing to these things. The new principle is a distinct gain to Labour. THE MERTHYR FIGURES. Now, proceeded Mr. Jones, I want to come to the Merthyr Division. The estimate I make— which is, of course, quite provisional—as to the effect of the franchise in the Merthyr Division k that one out of every three of the whole of the population will be a voter, and that one in three of the voters will be a woman. The popu- lation of the Merthyr Division (and the popu- lation basis is taken for July, 1914) is 83,946, so that on my estimate you are going to have 27,982 voters, of whom 18,655 will be men and 9327 will be women. That is the minimum, I am positive of that; but there may be more, it may run up to 20,000 male voters and 10,000 female. You will see at a glanco what a tre- mendous change this is going to make in the personnel of the electorate. In the paoSt there were men only voting for Parliament, in the futuro a third of the voters will be women, And whatever the women do they cannot mud- dle as much as we have done in the immediate past. They will be able to start by avoiding many of the mistakes we have made, because they have been lookers on so long. I WOMAN'S PLACE IN LABOUR. The point is that here in Merthyr, and every- where else in the country, we have to get home into our minds, this important change in the personnel of the electorate. It is no use saying Yes, we will help the women," Sooner or later the women have to come into all our move- ments—other than the purely industrial ones of the mines—in direct proportion to their polling strength. It is no good giving to the Women a seat or two on Committees and governing bodies; the rule must be that of proportion to voting strength. (Hear, hear.) A special at- temjpt must be made to bring them inside the Labour Movements. In the mining centres the women, for the most part, live their lives at home. They have not, as in the factory centres of the North and the large industrial centres, their own trade-union organisations, and, con- sequently, there is a great deal to be dono to rouse them to a recognition of their responsi- bilities as citizens, and it rests with us as trades- unionists to do all we can to further that. We have to devise ways and means of organising the women of our own class into Labour groups in every town and village of the constituency. This women's political union should follow the lines of a trade union branch; and each unit should become affiliated to the Labour Party and Trades Council and be treated there on the same basis as is the trades union branch. In that way we were going to get a great deal of work out of the women. There is no doubt that the one thing that makes for success in an elec- tion is canvassing—and not the enthusiasm of public meetings as we have learned from bitter past experience-—canvassing, however distaste- ful is the great factor making for success, and this is the kind of work I believe women can take up, and many will take up, willingly and ungrudgingly. Unless we do this work of or- ganising we shall find that the other parties organise the women for their own purposes. It is for us to make sure that the women are or- ganised in our favour. Already an attempt is apparently being made—with some Government support—to form a Women's Party with Mrs. Pankhurst at its head. That party will fail because it is founded on a fallacy, for it seeks to found a political party on the sex basis. What is going to happen is that the average woman will vote as the average man in the same home and the same class. In overy constituency in the country four out of every five of the voters will be working men and women. The Capi- talist interest will only command one vote in five directly; and allowing that one man or woman in overy five rats on the working- class, if we cAn organise three out of every five then we will win every time." There were many questions for Mr. Jones) each of which he successfully handled, and at the close it was understood that the task of organising the women into Labour groups will be proceeded with as soon as the May-Day De- monstration is cleared ou.t of tho way.
= = ='' = = = = = = = = = N F. W. Pethick Lawrence I TO FIGHT HASTINGS IN LABOUR INTERESTS. We are pleased to learn from the secretary of the Hastings Labour Party and Trades Council that Mr. F. W. Pethick Lawrence, whose work for Democracy has been so fully appreciated during the past three years, is likely to be nomi- nated as the Labour Party candidate for the Hastings Division at the next Parliamentary election. Mr. Pethick Lawrence appeared be- fore a thoroughly representative meeting at Hastings on Tuesday last, and expounded his views and opinions on politics. The close of an interesting and instructive address was followed by some pertinent questions, all of which were' fearlessly and honestly dealt with by Mr. Pethick Lawrence, and at the close the follow- ing resolution was unanimously endorsed by all present. "That this meeting having heard the views expressed by Mr. Pethick Lawrence on the political and economic situation is unanimously in favour of his adoption as prospective Labour candidate for the Borough of Hastings."
I LLOYDS BANK I WW LIMITED. HEAD OFFICE: 71, LOMBARD STREET, E.C. 3. SAVINGS BANK DEPARTMENT. The services of this Bank, with nearly 900 Offices in England and Wales, are at the disposal of the frablic for the deposit of savings, however small. Interest is allowed, and withdrawals not exceeding £5 in amount can be made without notice. Full particulars can be obtained on application at any of the Bank's Offices. HIGH STREET, MERTHYR TYDFIL
I jWar Socialism and After I AN EXAMINATION OF THE POSITION AND THE FUTURE. I SHALI- WAR NATIONALISATION GO WHENI PEACE COMES? The war has been at once the defeat and the triumph of Socialism. In so far as the" mind and the internat.ional "machinerv" of the workers were unprepared and unready to resist the declara-tion of hostilities, and are still un- prepared and unready to demand peace, the war records the temporary failure of International Socialism. But to the extent that the oelliger- e11t..3" well a.s the neutral states have been forced to adopt Collectivist principles in the ownership and control of supplier, the war re- cords the tTiumph and vindication of Socialism. When the war broke out," to quote the late Professor Benjamin Kidd, the State in Britain assumed new functions and, in a few days the nations began to have practical experiments in Socialism, the like of which Socialists had not imagined, and the significance of which will probably penetrate deeply into the conscious- ness of Civilisation hereafter." BITTER SWEET. I While we sorrowtuily confess our failure we point with pride to where we have succeeded. There remain for us when the drums have ceased to roll the enormous task and duty of rebuilding and perfecting the International and of re- taining, extending and democratising the en- forced national Socialism of war-time. Whether the workers are watchful or not. our capitalists are thoroughly alive to the dangers and possi- bilities of the situation. Mr. Runciman three years ago deprecated the advocacy of Social- ism at this time and begged the Labour and Radical section of the House of Commons "not to attempt to bring about the millenium in the middle of a great war." Lord Rhondda, the Food Controller, has also told us that II White the war lasts I intend to use Socialism as it has never been used before—if the Cabinet will lot me." The declaration of peace is therefore to mean the declaration of another war on the part of the workers. MR. ASQUITH'S CONTRIBUTION. I I I That the master-class is well aware ot tne precedents created and the examples provided, and. that principles and ideas are to bo demobi- lised along with the men is clearly indicated by the recent statements of Mr. Asquith and two responsible members of the Government, Mr. Asquith in his Derby speech on February 22nd, 1918. said: While I am far from assuming to prejudice such a question, for instance, as to whether it would or would not be desirable to nationalise our railways, I am hound to say, and I think every business man in the country would agree, whether employer or employee, that our experience of the State-Controlled In- dustry has not been encouraging. We arc living at this moment under the denomination of a wholo cohort of Controllers. These tilings may be to some extent necessary in time of war, but to 7tliink that you can carry on your industry and maintain your industrial supremacy in time of peace and with the competitions of the civilised world, under a system of State provi- sion and control is the idlest, emptiest and most futile idea." I DR. ADDISON SPEAKS. I Dr. Addison, Minister of Reconstruction, tpeaking at the annual meeting of the British Engineers' Association on March 14th, 1918, said: "It is the deliberate intention of the Government to minimise the control of indus- try as much and as soon as possible. Control was necessary during the war because for war industries the Government alone knew what was wanted, but for peace industries the trades know what is wanted." I SIR ALBERT STANLEY'S "PIECE." I Sir Albert Stanley, president of -thk, Board of Trade, accepts railways and canals but nothing more. Speaking at the annnal meeting of the Association of Chambers of Agriculture on April rhh, 1918, he said: I do not see how the railways or canals can revert to their pre-war position. Some of the restrictions must con- tinue for a period after the war, otherwise there will be absolute chaos, but most of them must automatically end with the war. The Gcfvernment have no other desire but to re- establish as speedily as possible the same methods of citrrying on business and manufacture as existed before the war." I NO FLINGING ASIDE. I It is to be hoped that all economic Socialists will tight their hardest to retain, extend and improve what has been secured under the stress of war. What is sauce for the. goose of war is sauce for the gander of peace. If the Colleo tivist principle is of value as a refuge in time of war it must be at least of equal value in the normal time of peace. It will be a ?o< m! crime if wo allow our principles to bo Hxploited and prostituted for war purposes and to be flung aside as worthless when peace returns. It will be a thousand pities if we allow a fear of the State" and conflicting views about poli- tical and industrial" forms to divide our forces and delight our enemies. We are fully conscious of the limitations and dangers of mere Collectivism. We dread the coming of a Prussian Servile State. We know that the historic role of the State is that of The executive committee of the Capitalist class," as Marx and Engels warned us long ago and as men like Newbold, Paul and Ablett din in our ears to-day. But we are not yet convinced that the workers have tried to use the State in their own interests. Neither have we any guarantee that the workers would make a more intelligent use of a Congress of Soviets than they have made of Parliament. THE FAULT INSIDE. Some of us have one eye on Industrial Union- ism and a sneaking regard for the propo-sals of the Guild Socialist, but at the back of our minds and at the bottom of our lipart6 we be- lieve and feel that if all the workers were intel- ligent and keen and truly educated, if they knew exactly what they want, they could work wonders towards their own emancipation even with the "effete institution" of Parliament. Let us have no delusions. He is a poor work- man who blames his tools. Let us not blame the machine when the fault lies with the mind," and let us not pander to the careless and apathetic worker by telling him that the fault lies with everything out himself. Let us use all available weapons. GUILDISM. Even if we must differ and divide on the question of control we can surely unite in our advocacy of ownership." G. H. D. Cole now believes that Socialisation will be reached through and after Nationalisation. In his Self-Government in Iudustryhe states: To me it seems that the whole problem of na- tionalisation has radically altered as a result of the war. Some Guildsmen have always been opposed to nationalisation! I have never taken that view and perhaps I can best define my past attitude as one of half benevolent neutral- ity. To-day, my position is different. We are faced with the immediate al ternatives in indus- try—the continuance of private ownership backed by State protection under the guise of control or nationalisation. Of the two I vastly prefer nationalisation. Under either system, the power of the State is arrayed on the side of the wage system; but the chance of developing the Guild idea and the Guild demand among the workers seems to me very much gTeater un- der national ownership than under State Capi- talism. By it we at least secure that great step toward our ideal-unified management; and, if we do not abolish profiteering, we do at least crystalise it into the form of a. fixed rate. of in- terest. As some stage, we agree, the State must assume ownership of industrial capitalism and it appears to me far better that it, should assume ownership now than that it should stand openly as the protector and assurer of private Capital- ism. In connection with all proposals for na- tionalisation, the Guild demand for joint con- trol with the State must be pressed and pressed hard; even without that, Collectivism is to be preferred to State Capitalism." With Lenin we ag-rco that" Socialism will not be brought to us on a platter," but with Lenin we are not agreed that the emancipation of the workers and the complete transformation of society from Capitalism to Social Democracy cannot be brought about without the use of force and the shedding of blood. Bits GRIFFITHS, (Welsh Organiser, National Union of Clerks).
Theatre Royal I find that the visit of Bairnsfather's little romance of Old Bill The Better XMe," that is billed for the Royal for next week is adtrattiaam a good deal of attention, and I am glad of this, for from one shorter sketch based oh the cele- brated Fragments 'that I have seen I anti- cipate something unusual in the way of ready humour. Bairnsfafcher is unquestionably the only humorist the war has given us; and there is a naturalness about his work that will make him famous after war has ceased to bo. Irs The Better 'Ole,' in the production of which Bairns- father has had the assistance of Ca-ptain Eliot is according to reliable reports the quintessence of Bairnsfathcr wit and humour, and at all event, everyone who follows up tho music hall chat of our papers knows that it ha.s been stamped with the ball-mark of popular approval by Oxford audiences, the London houses being crowded every night. By the way, though, The Bette?- 'Ole is not confessedly a musical play, still Darewsky has done some charming number for the play. Personally, I regard next W'OO.M'" programme as the biggest thing of the war up to date; and its only rival that I can see will V the Carl Rosa Opera Company which, I am in- formed, comes along in a ShOl-t tune. This week's little drama "The Pride of th" Regiment," is one of Mrs. Kimb*,rle-.v's fine,t- plays, deeply stamped by those little touches tha". so pleasantly distinguish her work from the aver- age run of melo-drama these days. The company that Frank lis ton has staged in the play is • clever combination in full sympathy with the work they are called upon to handle, and th" whole thing consequently goes with a zest that i< attracting good audiences. PHYGOER.
MULTIPLE SHOP MANAGERS AND MILI- TARY SERVICE. The National Amalgamated Union of Sho-v Assistants, Warehousemen and Clerks is in com- munication with the Ministry of National Ser- vice concerning the position of managers m muitiple s hops. The question has arisen as to whether these managers are to be classed as such or as assistants, owing to the fact that they do not do any buying and that they do assistants' work in serving at the counter. The Union hopes soon to get a definite decision con- cerning this matter which will vitally affect number of the Union members under the new Military Service Act.