The North Wales Express

CORN. LIVEItrOOL, TUESDAY.—With a good attendance of buyers at our market this morning, a fair extent of business was transacted in both red and white weats at an improvement of fully Id per cental since Friday last, and floating cargoes were more inquired for at extreme rates. Flour met a.better coiibumpdve and pncco were ,Liie turn dearer. Good sound Indian Corn was scarce and firmly held for an advance of 6d to 9d per quarter old 27s 9d to 28s and new 27s per 4801bs. Barley dull and unchanged in value. Beans very slow sale at the quotations. Peas steady at -36s 6d per quarter for Canadian. Oats and oatmeal were both quiet at late currencies. BIRMINGHAM, THURSDAY.—English wheat held for higher prices, but the sales effected were not above the full price of this day's week. The better qualities of American were held for 6d per quarter advance on the week. Secondary at former prices, but there was very little doing in either.

BUTTER. CORK, WEDNESDAY.—Ordinary: Firsts, 144s; seconds, 109s thirds, 89s; fourths, 81s fifths, i6s; sixths, 32s. Mild cured: Superfine, —s firsts, 144s; seconds, 115s; thirds, 97s. Number of firkins in market, 860.

DEAD MEAT. LONDON, MONDAY.—Good supplies on offer, and trade moderately active at about previous rates; Beef, 3s Od to 4s 6d; mutton, 3s 8d to 5s 4d. veal, 5s 4d to 5s 9d; large pork, 3s 4dto 4s Od; small ditto, 4s 4d to 5s Od per stone.

COAL. LONDON, FRIDAY.—Business has been brisk, with a ready sale at an advance of Is. per ton. Hastings Hartley, 15s. 9d.; Wallsend: Hartle- pool. 17s. 9d.; South Hetton, 17s. Gel.; Tunstall, 15s. 9d. Hartlepool, 16s. 6d. South Hartlepool, 17s 6d.; Thomley, 17s. 9d Ships at irarket, 13 sold, all; contracts, gas, &c., 19—61; unsold, 4; at sea, 15.

WOOL. LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY.—The demand still runs on Peru in small lots at about late rates. This week there have also been sold a few bales of River Plate and Egyptian, but on the whole our market continues without any animation whatsoever.- The current quotations are East Indian, white, 5d to 13td; yellow, 4td to llfd; gray, &c., to lOd 4 LT :r washed Peruvian, 10d to 15-J-d; washed River Plate, 10jd to 13 jd unwashed River Plate, 6d to IOd; washed Morocco, 8d to 10]d; unwashed 4 Morocco, 5d to 7d; Egyptian white, 8d to 14|d Oporto fleece, 12^d to 13d mohair, 2s lOd to 2 2s lid alpaca, Is 6d to Is 9d.

PRODUCE. LONDON, THURSDAY.—Sugar The market was Tery quiet, without alteration in values. Coffee dull and neglected. Rice firm, but inactive. Cot- ton market remains dull. Jute quiet, and unal- tered. Tallow, new, 38s 6d to 39s Od, per cwt on the spot. Oils: Rape 42s, linseed 27s Od per cwt.

POTATOES. LONDON, WEDNESDAY.-—Victorias, lis to 12s per 126s lbs; ditto, per 90 lbs., 7s 5d to 7s 6d Skerry blues, 7s Od 7s Id Scotch downs, 5s 4d.

DISTRICT MARKETS. BANGOR, FRIDAY. Prices Wheat, 46s Od to 48s Od per quarter barley, 32s Od to 37s Od oats, 24s Od to 27s; oat- meal, 34s Od to 36s Od per 240 lb. Potatoes, 3s 6d to 4s 0 per cwt. Fresh butter, 16d to 18d per lb. Beef, 9d to lid per lb mutton, 10d to lid; veal, 7dto 8d; bacon, 7d to 9d; best home-cured hams, lid to 12d. CARNARVON, SATURDAY. The following is a list of to-day's prices Beef, 7d to IOd per lb mutton, 9d to lid veal, 8d to lOd; pork, 7d to 9d; bacon, 7d to 9d. Cheese, 7d to 9d per lb. Fresh butter, 22d to 24d per lb pot ditto, 15d. Fowls (dead), 2s 6d to 3s Oil each ditto alive, 14d to 15d; ducks, 3s 6d to 4s geese, 5s 6d to 7s. Eggs, 14 to 16 for Is. Pota- toes, 7s to 7s6dpercwt. Wheat, 45sto 47s0dperqr; barley, 33s to 38s Od; oats, 24s Od to 27s oatmeal, 35s Od to 38s Od per 240 lbs. CONWAY, SATURDAY. Wheat, 15s Od to 16s Od per hobbet; barlcy, lis Od to 14s 6d per hobbet; oats, 9s 6d to lis Od per hobbet; beans, 13s Od to 14s Od per hobbet; oatmeal, 34s Od to 37s Od per 240 lbs. DENBIGH, WEDNESDAY. The quotations at to-day's market were as fol- lows:-Wheat, 16s Od to 16s 6d per hobbet; bar- ley, ils Od to 14s Od; oats, 7s Od to 8s Od. Fresh buttei, 18d to 21d per lb ditto pot, 17d to 18d. LLANERCHYMEDD, WEDNESDAY. Wheat, 00s Od to 00s 0 per quarter; barley, 29s to 32s Od oats, 20s Od to 21s Od oatmeal, 33s Od to 34s 6d per 240 lbs. Potatoes, 6s Od to 63 Gd per cwt. Fresh butter, 24d to 25d per lb; pot ditto, Os Od to Os Od. Beef, 8d to 10d per Ib; mutton, 10d to 12d; veal, OdtoOd; home-cured hams, 8d to lOd per lb. OSWESTRY, WEDNESDAY. The following were the quotations: Wheat, 7s 4d to 7s 9d per bushel; barley (malting), 6s Od to 6s 9d; oats, 3s 6d to 4s 6d; butter, 14d to 16d per lb; eggs, 14 to Hi for a shilling fowls, 4s Od to 5s Od per couple; ducks, 6s Od to 7s Od per couple geese, Os Od to Os Od each turkeys, 10s Od to 00s Od each potatoes, 12 lbs to 13 lbs for a shilling. PWLLHELI. W EPINEKDAY. The following were the quotations :-Barley, 20s per 220 lbs oats, 28s per 315 Ibs; oatmeal, 33s per 240 lbs; Indian corn, 17s per 240 lbs. Fresh butter, Is lid per lb; pot ditto, Is 4d to Is 5d per lb. Beef, 9d to Is 2d per lb mutton, lid to is 2d per lb veal, 8dto lid per lb; ducks, 2s each fowls, Is 9d each; eggs, 6s Od per 120 potatoes, 16s per hobbet. RHYL, THURSDAY. Very few farmers attended the market to-day. All sorts of supplies sold slowly. Wheat, 15s 6d to 16s; barley, 10s to 13s beans, 13s 6c to 14s; eats, 8s to lis. WREXHAM, THURSDAY. The prices at this market were as follows:- White wheat, 7s 6d to 7s 9d per measure red do, 7s 6d to 7s 9d per bushel of 75 lbs. Potatoes, 5s 6d to 6B Od per 90 lbs. Fresh butter, 16d to 17d per lb. Beef, 9d to lOd per lb; mutton, 9d to lid; veal, 7d to 8d. Fowls, 4s 6d to 5s 6d per couple.

MR BRl G HT AT MANCHESTER. A great demonstration in favour «f peace was held in the Free Trade Hall on Tuesday evening, there being upwards of 8000 persons present.. The proceedings were presided over by the Right Hon. John Bright, M.P., who, on rising to address the meeting, was cheered with great enthusiasm. He said:—We are met at a time, as most of us I think believe, of great peril and of great anxiety. Our ears are filled with evil rumours, and facte—evor accumulating facts-from day to day point to the near approach of war (hear). Notwithstanding this, we are told, constantly told, by those who are the confidential advisers of the Crown, who are entrusted for the time with the direction of our national affairs, that they are acting strenuously on behalf of peace (laughter). For my part, I have very little sympathy with efforts on behalf of peace which lead naturally to war (loud applause). Four- and-twenty years ago, I remember a case not unlike this. Reading, the other day, in the second volume of the Life of the Prince Consort, I found a statement which is very suitable for us to consider at this moment. At that time Lord Stratford de Redcliffe was the ambassador of England to the Turkish Government at Constantinople. He was strenuous for peace but in a letter written by the late lamented Prince Consort to his confidential friend, Baron Stockmar—(groans and hisses and cries of "Order")—and let me say that I believe no prince ever had a friend more confidential and more faithful and more honourable than was Baron Stockmar, the friend of the Prince and of the Queen—(hear, hear)-but what he says, in one of his letters written on the 27th November, in the year 1853, three or four months before the war began, is this—" Lord Stratford fulfils his instruc- tions to the letter, but he so contrives that we are constantly getting deeper into a war policy" (laughter). Now, it appears to me, that notwith- standing the strenuous exertions of the Govern- ment we are continually brought nearer to the precipice or to the abyss of war (hear, hear). The First Minister himself assured us, I think on the very night of Lord Derby's resignation, that there was nobody in the kingdom more assiduous and ardent on behalf of peace than were the members of her Majesty's Government, but, notwithstand- ing that, every step that is taken indicates a nearer approach to war-(hear, hear)-and, if it be true that a man is held to be responsible for the natural effect of his conduct, then it may be held, and it must. be admitted, that the Government which step by step brings us nearerto war, and by steps which do not exhibit the smallest disposition for peace— (hear, hear)—must be held to be, as I believe, judging from their acts they are, under circum- stances which afford no justification for it-(hear, hear)—in favour of war (applause). If we take the speeches and the acts of the Prime Minister for two years past; if we consider the fact that all the war newspapers particularly point to him as the man in whom they trust-(hear, hear)-that all that portion of the Tory party which we may call the war section of it, look to the Prime Minister as the representative ef their views; and if we look at their colleagues, I suppose those that are left in the Government outside the Prime Minister may be considered rather as dummies in this matter (loud applause). I observe that last night, in a speecn delivered by a member of the Cabinet to a meeting at Bradford—("Oh," and groans)—this extraordinary assertion was made that war party, a war minister was an impassibility in this country ("Oh," and laughter). I might refer to that speech of Mr Hardy's, which, to my mind, was full of boisterous and reckless assertion- (hear, hear)—but had in it from the beginning to the end scarcely a spice of anything like logic (laughter). It was a speech which was, no doubt -at least he thought so-suited to the mental and political capacity of the Conservatives of Bradford (laughter). But it was a speech, in its boisterous recklessness and in its want of logic, which I hope could not, have been delivered with approbation before an assembly of the Liberal party (hear, hear). But what is it that two of Mr Hardy's colleagues have said ? That there is a war minister, and that there is a war party; and because they would no longer serve under the one, or, in respect of this great question, belong to the other, Lord Carnarvon and Lord Derby had left them .(ap- plause). You know Lord Derby in this country. You knew his father before him. You know how much he has been allied with the present Prime Minister for at least five and twenty yea.rs. You know-no, you don't know, but you may imagine to some extent how much it must have cost him to separate himself from an ancient colleague and on this great question from the party with which he has acted ever since he came into public life and yet, so solemn did Lord Derby consider the crisis at which we have arrived, so convinced was he that in alliance with the Prime Minister all his efforts as Secretary for Foreign Affairs would be unable to keep us out of war, that he shook off the very dust from his feet against him (applause). He went out from aruongst them, declaring by that act that he would be in no degree a participator in the great crime they meditated against the true interests of his country (applause). Well, but if Lord Carnarvon and Lord Derby had no confidence in a Government of which they were members, and in a minister who is its chief, how can they expect that we or the country at large can have confidence in them (renewed applause). Where there is no truth there can be no faith (loud ap- plause). I ask your attention to one or two facts which I think will justify me in the observation I have made. Go back to the meeting of Parliament -go on from that day about a week, and you will find a notice of what was called a vote of credit-a vote of credit on the people surely enough, Obut a vote of discredit on the Government (loud ap- plause). I took the liberty of asking in the House of Commons whit was the object of this vote— what was to be done with the six millions (hear, hear). I asked, Are you going into a congress— a congress of European Powers-with shotted cannon and loaded revolvers?" (loud applause). That was not an unnatural question to ask but it was denied with something like indignation by the very smooth-tongued representative of the Govern- ment in the House of Commons (laughter and applause). He gave us to understand that nothing could be further from their thoughts; that it was in point of fact something of a vote of confidence (laughter). They asked that Parliament should unanimously, or by a great majority, consent to this vote, to tell all the nations with whom they were about to negotiate and assemble in congress that they represented a united Parliament which represented a united people; but that nothing was farther from their object than shotted cannon and loaded revolvers (laughter and applause). And they went so far as to say that probably very little of the money would be wanted (laughter). I am not sure that on that occasion it was said that possibly even none of it would be spent (renewed laughter). Well, what happened? Immediately the vote was agreed to the spending began (loud laughter and applause)-and it began in a most reckless manner (applause). We heard from paragraphs in the papers — in the main in this respect not incorrect—that they were buying or ordering hundreds of thousands of sandbags down at Dundee to be used for fortifications, and that in Manchester they had taken a great ware- house, and were packing hay for exportation (applause)—that the limit of the price of horses for the cavalry had been raided, and that they were buying horses everywhere (loud applause). And then immediately afterwards — although it is admitted by their own press and their own officers that England has at this moment a naval power at sea exceeding that of all the rest of Europe combined—they bought three ironclads, two of which, I believe, belonged to Turkey, but which Turkey could not take away during the war, or which Turkey could not pay for (laughter and applause)—and the other is said to have belonged to the Emperor or Governor of Brazil. Now, by this means, in the course of less than two months, they have spent three and a half millions out of the six millions and so far they adhere or have departed from the kind of smooth half promise which was given in the House of Commons, that little, and even possibly none, of this money would need to be expended (loud applaqp). Now we Icome to another question-the question of the fleet. We know that the fleet was ordered into the Sea of Marmora, and that, having got upon its way, it received a telegram which advised it to turn back (laughter and applause). If the forts of the Dardanelles, as was expected, had fired on the fleet, and the fleet had returnad the fire—which it certainly would have done-then there would be an outward and deciled act of war (hear, hear). The fleet, however, came back—partly to receive a continuanco of Lord. Derby in the Government (applause). It came baek, and then, only a very few days afterwards, it was sent with fresh orders for the Sea of Marmora, and, in spite of the refusal of the Turkish Government to allow it to pass its forts, the fleet passed the forts, and since that time it had anchored here and there within the Sea of Marmora (applause). I will not say that the sending of the fleet into the Sea of Marmora was an act of war. Mr Hardy says it was not, and that they had a right to do so. If they had the right, why did they ask the Sultan for his per- mission to go there (loud applause, and laughter). Now, what was the pretence on which the fleet was sent ? I beg your particular attention to this. Sir Stafford Northcote in the House of Commons stated-I am not now quoting his exact words, I am giving you the meaning of what was said— that the purpose of the fleet going into the Sea of Marmora was to offer protection to the lives, and as far as might be of course to the property, of British subjects, and of whom there were a large number in Constantinople (laughter and applause). I took the liberty of asking him this question—Is the sending of the fleet now into the Sea of Mar- mora an act of an entirely different character from the sending of it there on the Arst occasion, when it proceeded partly on its way and returned? and he answered that it was an act of a different character, meaning, of course, that the first was an act of menace, or—I won't say of war-but a demonstration of force, but that on the second occasion it was more for the object of protecting the lives and property of British subjects (laughter and applause). Well, nobody said it was not true, but no sensible man believed it—(laughter) -because it was not necessary to send those four or five enormous ironclads to give such protection as might be required, if any were required (loud applause). But the fact was, none was required (loud applause). Even the English minister at Constantinople, ready enough to send telegrams to alarm us—he had not intimated to the Govern- ment that it was necessary for the protection of the lives and the property of Englishmen in Con- stantinople that any English force should be near that city (hear, hear). And what is more, there was not a single ambassador of any other European power that had hinted at such a necessity to his own Government-(hear, hear)—and no other power sent any fleet to the Sea of Marmora. But what said the press ? Why, all the war press who spoke the sentiments of the Government, and especially of the Prime Minister, they not only admitted but exulted that the fleet was gone there, and had gone there as a menace and a demonstra- tion of the power of England—(loud applause)- and I believe there was not a newspaper in Europe that dealt with this question or discussed it which did not come to and express exactly the same conclusion. But we have had a new reason, and that was given'us last night by Mr Hardy (laugh- ter). The fact is the members of the Government for the last two years have scarcely ever opened their mouths on this question without most dis- tinctly contradicting each other (hear). Last night, speaking of the fleet, this is what Mr Hardy said. He said, "England had many subjects in Constantinople, and if anything had happened to bring the forces of Russia into Constantinople, it would have been necessary to protect their in- terests." The fact is, the only reason for fear that the Russians should enter Constantinople was the very presence of that fleet- (applause)-and nothing is more certain than this, that if a Russian army had entered Constantinople, or the English army, or the forces of any civilised and Christian power, the lives of the British sub- jects or any other subjects would have been just as secure as they would be in London or in Manchester (loud applause). Last night was the very first time that this was given as a reason, and it is a reason which has no more foundation in reality and in truth than the other reasons which I have already described (hear, hear). We come next to the calling out of the reserves (laughter and hear "). We had then the resignation of Lord Derby, and we had at the same time exactly the same smooth-spoken story in the House of Com- mons (laughter). If you have read the newspapers with any care you will have observed that from the beginning of those difficulties-I speak of the last two years-there has been a great difference be- tween the tone often taken in the House of Lords, especially when the Prime Minister has spoken, and the tone taken by his leader in the House of Commons (hear, hear). Now, Lord Derby thought the calling out of the reserves was an important matter, followed as it was to be by other measures which he was not then at liberty to indicate, but with which he was acquainted. We come now to the day when Parliament separated-on the 16th, a fortnight ago. I was in the house that day. I heard the leader of the House of Commons again in the same tone,—not the least danger of any- thing-he did not apprehend anything—things did not really look a bit worse than they had been some time before, and there was a general feeling of a sort of comfort in that sometimes disturbed but always in matters of this kind credulous as- sembly (hear, hear). But what happened the very next day ? The moment the door of the house was shut and the key turned in the lock-the very next day, I believe-you had that amazing and alarming telegram from Calcutta or from Bombay, that I know not how many—now a few thousands it is, but we are promised it may be scores of thousands of Mahomedan soldiers from Calcutta are to be brought to Europe for the purpose, I presume, of fighting it may be, against the Christian nation of Russia ("hear," and groans). When we asked them a short time ago to lessen their military ex penses in India for the purpose of enabling them by a greater economy to abolish the duties upon your manufactures, the reduction of the army there was spoken of but now to follow out this policy -this blind and wicked policy that is being done -for to-day or yesterday some of those troops were to leave Bombay, that has been done or is being done which has never been boldly contem- plated by any prime minister in past times (hear. hear). We have got a war just now going on, and rather a troublesome business, on the continent of Africa. It is now apparently within a very short time when the flames of war may be lit, and lit by England alone, over two more continents. We shall be then carrying on war, murder, rapine— all the evils which are included in the word war— we shall be carrying on this dreadful game on three of the four divisions of the globe. Consider this, you Christian men who go to your churches andchapelsevery Sunday—(hear, hear)-who carry your Bible or your Prayer Book, who listen to those beautiful hymns, who listen often to im- pressive sermons, who listen to earnest prayers, who have thus your soul's emotions stirred which are too often slumbering during the busy activi- ties of the week. Seeing that all this country every Sunday is engaged in this worship and this acknowledgement of Him who was called the Prince of Peace (hear, hear)—yet you have a Go- vernment which, on a question which not one of them call define, and for reasons which as yet they have never condescended accurately or completely to specify, you have a Governmentjthat would lead this Christian nation to a sanguinary and mur- derous contest over two great continents of the globe. Isn't it extraordinary, if this Government were a government of truth and fidelity to the people, isn't it extraordinary that knowing as they did know, every man of them--Sir Stafford North- cote, of course, in the House of Commons, knew that the very moment he was speaidng those smooth words to us, and about to allow the house to be closed for three weeks-that orders had been sent out, and were being executed, for bringing over many thousands of native Mahomedan troops, by the Suez Canal, to participe in a war that was possible and probable between this country and Russia? (Shame, shame). Surely it would have been the right thing to tell this to the House of Commons? (loud applause). We might as well, it would save us a deal of trouble, we might as well live under a government where there was nothing that is called constitutional freedom. We might bciiving under the great despotism which we excercise in India, or under the smaller des- potism which the Czar excercises in Russia. To have a House of Commons is that dare not ask. or if it does ask, is denied information, I say is hu- milating to the House, and is insulting to the people (loud and prolonged applause). I say then that this Government is open exactly to the charge which the Prince Consort brought against Lord Stradford de Redcliffe. Lord Stradford de Redcliffe obeyed his instructions to the letter-I am not charging him with doing anything wrong-b everything that he did seemed so contrived as to bring us deeper into a war policy. And here we have it step by step, causing alarm, excitement, irritation, and directly leading to war, by a Go- vernment which at the same time tells tis that it is strenuously exerting itself in favour of peace (applause). I must ask you to allow me to men- tion one other subject which is the subject of a proposed but now suspended congress. All were agreed at first that there should be a congress. Russia always expected it. When it was first pro- posed this Government immediately accepted the proposal. Russia declared that her treaty with Turkey was only a preliminary treaty; and she knew that there were parts of it which in all probability might be condemned by some of the European Powers, and that some alterations might be necessary. But why is it, I ask you now, why is it, that this con- gress is not being held? It is not that Russia made any difficulty; she started no obstacle. Germany started no obstacle. Austria made no complaint. Italy was satisfied. France went with the rest. This Government only made the obstacle, and is itself the only Power blameable for the postponement, and, perhaps, for the abandonment of the congress (hear, hear). Now, until lately, you have observed in reading the papers that British interests were the things that wüÇere con- cerned in. I recolleet Mr Hardy last year in the House of Commons made a powerful speech about British interests (laughter). He asked who has given us any mandate—have we any mandate from heaven to enter into a contest with the Govern- ment of Tarkey-he threw aside altogether the idea that you could ever go into war, to any small extent even, or the threat of war, for the sake of liberating millions of populations. The only thing, the great thing for a great nation to look after was its own interests, and in our case our interests were British interests. But what is the state of things now? The British interests dodge has been dropped (loud laughter and applause). Now we are asked to go to war, or to prepare for war, in def n e of what they c ill European l:w (laughter. Does anybody understand European law outside these islands ? (laughter). Europe repudiates our European law. There isn't one of the Powers of Europe at this moment that accepts the objection we have made. There isn't one of them that has put the question to Russia which Russia refuses to answer in our sense. There isn't one of them— Germany, Austria, Italy, France -there isn't one of them that is not willing and anxious to go into conference on the terms which Russia has proposed, and we, who have a Government always strenuous for peace, are the only Power that objects to it (loud applause). There has been a great effort to mystify this question in the minds of the people and we have had newspapers turning round upon it. Russia has all along proclaimed that she grants to others, and demands only for herself full freedom in that congress. England puts it to Russia in a shape which indicates, as Russia be- lieves, that Russia is to come to the bar of the congress with this treaty, and to appear there if not like a criminal at least as a suppliant, and on her own defence, and that is just where the case rest at this moment; and we, who are strenuously seeking peace, are insisting upon the only present point of danger which may lead to war. But now, if there should be no congress, what then ? Are we to retire from the question ? Or are we to insist upon constant menaces—menaces which, if persisted in, must inevitably lead to hostilities? Russia grants all that the rest of Europe requires. England is the only obstacle. Her minister, the minister supported by the enthusiasm of a large portion at least of the Tory party, is at this moment the only real disturber of the nations (loud and prolonged applause). And I ask you what are the grounds of this policy? I will tell you what is his own statement. He said, in the debate of the House of Lords on the night on which Lord Derby resigned, "It became a matter for the consideration of her Majesty's Government, at a period like the present, when the balance of power in the Mediterranean is sodistnrbed, and when the hopes of rectifying that balance by the occur- rence of a congress seems altogether to have ceased, what steps should be taken to eounterveil or to prevent the mischiefs impending." Then he says, with an unparalled audacity I would say-" It was therefore in the interests of peace and for the due protection of the rights of our empire," and he goes on to describe what the Government were doing. Now, this is the very first time we have had this statement about the balance of power in the Medi- terranean (hear, hear). It is a very old hob- goblin (laughter) turning out in a new character, and on a new floor as it were. At a time like the present," he says, "when the balance of power in the Mediterranean is so disturbed." His Govern- ment admits, and all authorities admit, that we have a larger fighting fleet than all the rest of the nations of Europe combined; and yet he complains that the balance of power in the Mediterranean is disturbed (laughter). If I were a Frenchman, or an Italian, or a Spaniard, or an Austrian, or a Greek, or an Egyptian, or a Turk even, with some navy of more or less power, I should say that the great disturber of the balance of power in the Mediterranean was the British Government (laughter and applause)-with the presence offleets far more powerful than most of the rest-it is said more powerful than all the rest when combined. Now, I don't know anything that has been done to disturb the balance of power. Turkey had to guard the Straits, and we broke through her guar- dianship (hear, hear, and laughter) — but the Straits, were still reserved by the Emperor of Russia, especially and directly and distinctly, for consideration and settlement by the congress (hear, hear). Surely those nations I have spoken of, beginning with Spain and going down the northern and eastern shores of the Mediterranean as far as Egypt, are the nations who have a right to complain if the balance of power in the Medi- terranean is disturbed (hear, hear). Now, the real fact, is this about the congress—at least, I take it to be so, and I think Lord Salisbury's despatch proves it—the real object of this Government is, if it be possible—by negotiation it is not at all possible-if it be possible, even by war, to restore Turkey, and to attempt to sustain for the future, as in the past, the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire (a voice: "Never.") If you doubt it at all, I will quote three lines from the speech of Mr Hardy last night. You recollect what Sir Henry Elliottsaid in one of his despatches -that whether there were 10,000 or 20,000 people massacred in Bulgaria could really make no differ- ence in the policy of England. Well, Mr Hardy says this-but he said this in reference to something before-that the policy of a great country was not to be:destroyed by an incident, however horrible, or however disastrous. The massacre and torture of-I am afraid to say how many, but the rawest account that is supposed to be accurate makes it 12,000 or 15,000 men and women and children, in that country—this is an incident—(groans and cries of "shame")—and it is an inoident that has no kind of force to alter or interfere with the power of this country. But surely it has some- thing to do with the minds of Christian men who are asked to go to war to set on its legs again a Power and a Government with whom this process of massacre is not an incident of once in fifty or a hundred years, but is an incident of constant operation within the bounds of the empire-(hear, hear, and applause)-and I say, if any man will go to the people of England—the men and women of England—and ask them by general vote, "Are you willing to sacrifice your brothCls to sustain that terrible oppression, that multitudinous crime, which we call the Ottoman Government ?"-I say that the people of England would very soon dis- I pose of any minister and of any government who would put the question to them in that naked form (loud applause). The fact is that thft eel that famous, or as it may turn out that infamous, despatch circulated lately by Lord Salisbury almost the moment he came into his present office, tells the whole story. It falsely misrepresents in some cases, and it condemns boldly throughout, the whole of the treaty between Russia and Turkey and noodoubt, partly one reason why this Govern- ment did not go into the Congress, or was willing to escape it, was this-they knew that their objects were not the objects of the rest of Europe-and they were in no sensible man's view British objects at all—and they knew that the Powers of Europe in Congress would take no such view of that treaty, and would not permit England or any other one Power that might by chance unite with her to tear to pieces as waste paper the great instrument of pacification between Russia and Turkey (applause). It may be, I don't deny it-I should like to see the treaty after a war that had not some passages in it that one was not obliged to condemn but it does not signify to us if Bulgaria be a few miles longer or shorter; it does not matter to us if a tract of marsh land, which is of no real value, which was given by France and England to Roumania after the Crirnean war, which Roumania has not fought for and which in the eyes of Russia she had no claim to possess—if that be demanded back by Russia, and if Roumania consent—as doubtless she will consent—it is no consequence for us, it is no matter for us for anything more than mere com- ments and mere sentiments, like the things which are happening all over the world which we are continually discussing and continually expressing opinions upon. But there is not one of these questions which would entitle us to kill the poorest cripple on any bridge in England (applause) or to take the smallest coin from the labourer whose daily sweat earns for himself and his family his daily bread (hear, hear). Well, now, the menace of war, if it has any object whatever, is this-to compel Russia into agreeing on certain things, or else to make war upon her if she will not agree, and these things are these—they must be these or one of them or some of them-to lessen the free- dom of the Bulgarian people, to sustain the domin- ion of the Turkish people in Europe; and the great question before England is not a party question; it is a question for honourable men throughout the kingdom whether they are willing to repeat the great error of 24 years ago and spend 40,000 of their countrymen's lives, and hundreds of thousands of others, and to spend one hundred millions of their own wealth, and two or three hundred mil- lions of the wealth of others, for the purpose of bringing about a lessening and restricting of the freedom of the Bulgarian people, or of preventing any other of the things which Russia and Bulgaria have agreed to in the treaty which has lately been negotiated between them. The lives of thousands depends upon this—the comfort not of thousands but of millions, and not even the lives of some and the comfort of more. but the honour and the un- blemished conscience of the whole of the people of the United Kingdom (great applause). One more point and I have done. You arc asked to do all this as a sacrifice to your terror the Emperor of Russia. It is stated by one of the editors of the war papers in London that war was inevitable and necessary. (A voice: "The Telegraph." (Hisses). No; it was not the Telegraph; but it is a very natural conclusion to drew from his article. He says that the world is not big enough for the two empires of Russia and Great Britain, and that it is necessary that the question should be decided once for all as to which is the biggest, and to which the world belongs (laughter and applause). Well, but Russia after all is a nation which would be very friendly with us if we would let her. The Czar was so anxious to cultivate friendly relations with England that he not only forgot what he thought was a terrible injustice done to his father, but he gave in marriage his only and passionately-beloved daughter to the son of the Queen of England (great applause). Russia has 80 millions of a population, and its influence must be great in all its neighbourhoods. As you know from the map, it is adjacent to those countries about which so much influence is inevitable, permanent, and in- destructible (applause). We went into the Crimean war 24 years ago, and we had the assistance of nearly 200,000 French troops, who did not care a single sixpence about the Ottoman empire, but were led there by an emperor who was anxious to go into a transaction with a respectable political firm (laughter and applause). But what happened? You had a great fleet in the Baltic; it went out, but there was nothing to be done, and it came back (laughter). You had all this force in the Crimea, and it managed to take possession after a long siege, of one strongly for- tified city but when the war was over, and a treaty agreed to, Russia was still 80 millions in population, or thereabouts. Russia was still great and powerful (applause). She was still adjacent to Turkey; her influence upon Turkey and upon all the neighbouring states remained pretty much as before and all the sacrifices we made, and the French Emperor—or rather the French people- made, went for nothing, for Russia was still great, and she must be great, while Turkey was decaying and going down to the doom which Providence had decreed should await all corrupt peoples (ap- plause). There remained only for us, after all, a few men thatJwe see going about with one arm and one leg, and the unretuming brave, if I may so describe them, who went out and did not come back, but were left in those neglected graves in the Crimea (applause). Those you do not see; but you see here and there cannon put in some gentle- man's park or in some town market place to show what was done by the valour of our troops before Sebastopol (applause). Nobody disputes the valour of your troops (hear, hear). I know. of no troops that do not on occasions manifest great valour. The Russians, the Turks, the Kaffirs-everrwhere there is valour. There is more of that -icom- modity to be had in the world for Is 6d a day than any other commodity I know of (loud laughter and applause). There is nothing at all far us remain- ing from the Crimean war but sad yiernories, and all sensible men, I think, in looking upon it, must wish that it had been avoided, and that it had not left those sad memories which you have now to bear (loud applause). I must make one more reference to a passage in Mr Hardy's speech last night, and that is with regard to the purpose for which we are to go to the very verge of, or pro- bably into, war itself; and I want to read it tc you to show you the shadowy and imaginary grounds on which we go to this terrible misfor- tune. He says the ministry of which he was proud to be a member, Lord Derby and Lord Carnarvon were proud to be out of it (laughter) and the day will come, and the hour, when, if those people enter into this war, every honest and intelligent Englishman will be anxious to say that he had no part whatsoever in it, and was no supporter of the Government (applause). Mr Hardy says that the Government was not prepared to see a great shadow cast by other nations of the world- that is, on this nation. A great shadow cast—try to get hold of that in your brain -you cannot lay hold of it with your finger (laughter). He says that there would not be in that overshadowing any immediate danger to England, but, as Lord Salisbury well said-I suppose in his famous despatch—that Turkey, dismembered, pitiful, and powerless, or rather a Power in the hands of another Power exercising dominion over great part of the earth, presented a danger through which English interests in Europe might suffer (" hear, hear," and applause). Ob- serve, this was said to 3000 or 4000 hard-headed Yorkshiremen and I presume it had some effect upon them (hear, hear). I recollect in Lord Clarendon's History of the Great Rebellion he gives an anecdote of a gentleman—whose name, I think, was L'Estrange—who lived down in Kent, and who raised a troop of soldiers for the defence of King Charles I. He debcribes him in this way. He says he spoke to them in a manner p^culiar^ his own and being not so easy to be understood, he the more prevailed with the men of Kent (laughter). And so it is in a manner peculiarly his own, boisterous, reckless, and illogical, ;1 with language not so easy to be understood (loud laughter). Mr Hardy did the more prey;l with the men of Bradford—though I ought not to say the men of Bradford, but the Conserve-ves of .DJ.4J.hH\i viioar, iiearj. Jiegara t.iie passac. once more, and have some commise ration up ■ i year Conservative friends for not d. iecting tl, utter absurdity and nothingness of this passage— They are not prepared to see a great shadow cast by other nations of the world," that is to sav, on this country There might not be in that overshadow- ing immediate conger to England, but, and as Lord Salisbury had well ssud, a Turkey dismem- bered, pitiful, and powerless"—which I suppose is that they intend in future by that war, if they go into it, to have again a Turkey which is not dismembered, which is not pitiful, and which is not powerless-he says, a Turkey dismembered, pitiful, and powerless, or rather a power in the hands of another power exercising domination over great parts of the earth, presented adanger through which England's interests and Europe's interests might suffer;" not will suffer, or certainly suffer, but might suffer. This perhaps recalls to my mind a passage from one of our not now, I am afraid, very well read poets, who says On this perhaps, this peradventure, infamous for lies, we build our mountain hopes, spin our eternal scheme;" and if we had Mr Hardy's policy, and that of his Government, I fear we should rush into that enormous, incalculable crime for which language has no word but one which conceals its meaning-a crime which involves multitudinous murder, the shedding of torrents of blood over many of the fairest regions or the globe (loud applause). I ask you here, it may not be worth while to ask any Conservatives outside, but there must be Conservatives so-called who vote for Conservative candidates-who have some idea, I trust, beyond that of the mere surperiority of success of party-there must be Conservatives surely, as there arc any number of Liberals, who consider great national interests and great truths to be superior to the demands of party (hear, hear). But I ask them whether they will be led in this career on to this terrible catastrophe by a minister -for I hold that I am not describing the policy of the country I am not even describing the policy of P&rliament; I may not be describing even the secret wish of the whole of the cabinet—I am de, • :ibing, as far as I can gather the policy of the minister, a minister who for forty years has never yet been known of his own free will and earnest iind liberal mind to say or do anything in defence of any of those great measuses, of good and of freedom which have distinguished the legislation of the Libera] party (applause). Will you, with the Conservative party even, seeing the course taken by certainly two of the most eminent of their party, Lord Carnarvon and Lord Derby, will they be willing, at the beck of one run, to spread the flames of war over two continent the conti- nent of South Africa now being -i urbe i by extensive hostilities between the Lat j' papulation and ourselves ? (loud applause). I not think that when the people consider it-mor-- and *y day that passes and every week that oes enables them to consider it more, I do not be!i e that they will be willing to accept the responsibility of vast bloodohed for such a cause. 1 stuped the other day at Rochdale that I thought if a poll was taken in all the free .churches and nonconformist con- gregations in Great Britain on a Sunday morning there would be an universal and unanimous vote in favour of peace (loud applause). Let it not be supposed for a moment that I wished to insinuate that there were no congregations of churchmen and no churchmen of the established bodies in Scotland or England who were in favour of peace; but they, as you know, are more allied in senti- ment with the executive than we are-they are more accustomed to be docile and to listen and submit—but I suspect if it was put even to them there would be by no means that unanimous vote in favour of the policy of the Government, and of the war to which that policy leads, which some persons think is likely to be obtained (loud cheers). Now, my consolation and hope is in this, that the love of justice, as I believe the love of mercy and of peace is not dead in the minds of Englishmen (loud applanse). I wish that it may grow and be strengthened from day to day; that, growing and strengthening it may baffle the policy which I believe is hateful in the sight of heaven-which to my mind is profoundly wicked, and, I feel certain beyond any possibility of doubt, is a policy which is hostile to, and may if persisted in be fatal to the greatest and highest interests of the empire. (enthusiastic applause, during which Mr Bright resumed his seat). The resolutions passed at the conference were submitted to the meeting, and confirmed by a large majority.

THE MURDER OF LOR!) LEITRIM. The magisterial investigation into the Leitrim assassinations was resumed on Friday. The six prisoners were brought into court under a strong escort. County-inspector Carr was examined, and described the appearance of the scene of the mur- ders as he saw it afterwards. He reported tl, finding of a pistol, a hat, a piecejof paper having the appearance of having recently cont-lined leal n some granulated form, two pieces (flue car- tridge paper, three pieces of tow, j; IV sroa pieces of an envelope, and a sodav, •- botri-■ smelliug of pctcen whisky. The writ or ■ paper which had contained lead corrcs:>< acd w. writing in a copybook found in M" uiahau^ house. The witness said he was prese• the governor of the gaol stated to the prist u^rs separ- ately on Thursday in their cells tilat a thousand pounds and free pardon had beer offered tA any person who would give information, except the actual perpetrator. Sub Constable Sherry was the next witness. He deposed to the finding of the copybook and other articles at the prisoners' house. He was corroborated by Sub-con stable Armstrong, who gave additional details. Sub-inspector Carr then stated he believed he would be able to offer additional evidence in a few day;-?, and the prisoners were remanded till Friday next.

THE NATIONAL TEMPERANCE i-I LEAGUE. The annual meeting of the National Temperance Lcr.guc held on Monday night in Exeter Hall, London, Mr George Williams presidinfi. Tne report stated that the temperance hist0r" of the year had many marks of continued and enduring progress. There were 202 ships of the Navy in which there were branches of the League, and the Indian Soldiers7 Total Abstinence Society had a member- ship of nearly 10,000 men. After prayer by the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, Mr Rae (the secretary) spoke on the report, and snid Mr Gough had been engaged on a lecturing teur. The Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol said science had now shown that a4 persons ia. average heal- h were beteer able to carry on their work 1 abstaining from alcohol. He himself felt beti r for abstaining. — The Lord Provost o: • Uasg spoke strongly in favour of the Forbe,- ••iacken.fo Act, and said Great Britain mast d. rid 3f intemperance if she was to maintain her mercar. lo supremacy.—Dr Thomas Carson (Livcrpml) declared he had never seen the necessity for drink to be in the nick-room.—Mr Sullivan, M.P., cdd he quite identified himself with the sentiment of the meeting. lie belonged to a people who daily suffered from the curse of drink, and if had wavered before he did not after seeing the confederated forces of liquordom opposing the proper observance of the Lord's Day. He hcped the coming manhood would Dot bo snriounded with temptations as we were, for one really temperate generation would settle the drink question.