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^"IU6 __ WORKMEN'S TOPICS.

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^"IU6 WORKMEN'S TOPICS. BY MABON, M.P. This Eight Hours Bill Debate. The flowing tide of the new Radicalism rose fast and high in the House of Com- mons on the 23rd inst. Four years ago it Would probably have been impossible to get ten members to vote in favour of an Eight liours Bill, either for Miners or others, and eVen the most sanguine of us who advocated the measure, up to the hour of the I division. doubted whether more than but htnadred members would support even the main principle. As a matter of fact the vote largely exceeded that number. But it was even more remarkable In quality than in quantity. A principle *hich can unite, as this did, in its support the flower of our youngest statesmen, the shrewdest of Front Bench Oppositionists, a Respectable batch of Shaftesbury Tories, and Jte majority of the Radicals and Nationalists, likely to prevail against a Tory Ministry, packed up by an "industrial Ulster," as kr Fenwick puts it, and a remnant of laissez ■faire politicians and capitalist Whigs. Both the debate and the division, in 8pite of the preponderance given to the Majority, were triumphs for the eight hours Principle, or rather let us say for the Principle of the further regulation of the "ours of labour. The House of Commons Undoubtedly begins to feel that, with the Progressive realisation of Democracy, it •ttust more and more approach the con- sideration of social problems, and must Nearly see that there are limits to the Ownership of adult male labour, just as the factory and Mines Acts determined that there were limits to ownership of female and child labour and then the same must be Settled by some such measure as the proposed Hours Bill. When Sir William Harcourt, Mr Cham- berlain, Lord Randolph Churchill, Sir George Trevelyan, and Mr H. Fowler unite in expressing the newest conception of the relation of Parliament to the industrial glasses, we may be very sure that we are not *&r off a great reform. We are pleased to think, with a number of M.P.'s who ex- Pressed themselves freely that Wednesday afternoon, that Mr Chamberlain's brilliant, Courageous, and searching speech cut 4thwart the airy web of economic abstrac- tion which fascinates gentlemen like Mr John Morley and Mr Henry Mathews, and Jtis classic utterance ranks level with Wm. Harcourt's classic vote. The therefore, rests, as it rested during «he debate on that memorable day, prac- tically with ourselves, the miners. If we Can offer terms to Parliament we are quite j?*re the House of Commons which we are hkely to see after the General Election is lot likely to offer us any appreciable distance. For this reason we are not Entirely sorry that the battle of the 23rd raged stubbornly round the struggle ^jth our friends in Northumberland and -h P^rhafti to claim protection and exemption *r°m a measure demanded by five-sixths of ".the men following the same occupation. Or. the ground of this argument the hitlers can boast, as Mr Chamberlain so admirably put it, the threefold advantage rjjat no legislative principle precluded it. *«at ft was a good thing in itself, and that "e majority were in its favour. On these grounds it is difficult to see how any sound democrat, least of all any Home Ruler, can oppose it. The sole open question, apart details as to whether the eight-hours isoris not to count" from bank to bank," ls what terms are to be offered to the ^Qority. We believe that we are *?8htly interpreting Mr Burt's honest, if rjjgnlarly halting,' plea against the Bill, when we say that if Northumberland and j^rham were given the liberty of trade, or j^her local exemption, which was especially '^ed by the Trade Union Congress at New- he and the other members holding satrie views would vote for it to-morrow. or our part, and that of the miners of ~*°iiraouthshire and fr-'outh Wales we believe see no insuperable objection to such a /?Qrse, inasmuch as we so detest the double Qift system. We doubt very much whether Miners' Federation would make the ^tforinity of the Bill a test question. At same time, we must say that we are not influenced with the grounds on which tour northern friends are resolved, not merely for themselves the liberty to work °re than eight hours, but to force that r^dition on the rest of their fellow-miners, ho, as we stated in the House of Commons, ■J^bers five-sixths of the whole industry, fr-oreover, as it happens, it is not the ques- J*?11 of the Northumberland and Durham i^ers at all, but that of their For in order that the miners 0 may have the privilege of working seven hours and a half a day, they contrived that these boys should work and in some cases eleven hours a day. Is all that can be said of the success of { e Northumbrian expedient. They admit eely that the difference between them and J^elves is not one of principle but of ex- P^hency. Mr Burt, with less than his jUal candour, endeavoured to persuade the j*°Qse that the Northumberland men were d**ly against the eight hours day. But he andnofc say ^at the voting paper on that, which asked the miner to decide "ether his boys' hours should be reduced to B1. eight, was accompanied by a circular he voted in favour of that proposition he would be voting for the re- in!?^0*1 ovm waoes an(l the lengthen- jT? of his own hours. That is, of course, a ,^?re ejg parf,e judgment of the question j?ther an eight-hours day will reduce the ^^idual output, and whether such a 0f Uction would cut down wages, or profits, 0 Pining rents. Certainly the question j8ht never to have been put in that way ha miner, because his wages would not been interfered with, for he had worked less than eight hours, ^wrt also gave himself and his case when he innocently said that the best ttim *Q s^orten the hours of labouj: is by Wo t aSreeuienfc between employer and QJkman, if it could possibly be done, ^^te so none of his old colleagues dis- s«reed with him there. But he could in the liln1? breath add that already in Scotland, in u<*> and Wales, not forgetting to > c*Ufle even Northumbria itself, it had tfi*311 ^0Un<^ impossible. In the year 1888 e request was made to the employers ». a resolution, which had been sed by a Conference held in Edinburgh ihf 6 ^ttle time previously, might be put ei&h e^eck *n that country, viz.:—"That 0jp jt hours should be the maximum hours *»h our in all mines and for all persons s the single shift was worked, and ■te hours where the double shift was *iV >" and Mr R. O. Lamb, the chair- j. '11 the owners' meetiug at which the Was mac^e' sa'^ that on behalf of the Vlo.yers he could but give the request a negative. tliy11 '39 and 1890 the representatives of Wall!: ■Hers of Monmouthshire and South ty0" Pressed the question of reducing the « hv-Hf^,ours to eight per day to the utter- i'e<w P j'nt, without striking for it, and they i "a decide negative." Then, i^it.: Miners' Federation of Great t|,ilvj,u' which represented about two- 3 £ jn 8. the miners of the United acct,mrjanied by the miners of thro^Utih8hire X and South Wales *r. r<iPi'esentatives, attended two blent f lë in London at the commence- t Of 1891, and in the interviews with their employers they also received "a de- cided negative." Hence, what becomes of the "mutual agreement" mode of doing the work 1 In the face of these facts, and especially so in the face of the fact that Northumbria itself, after labouring hard in that direction for 30 years, to-day, out of 26,000 hands, has a majority of over 4,000 men and boys working more than eight hours a day. Therefore we con- fess we do not see any special reason for invoking all the virtues and all the princi- ples in support of a case which is based, if not upon an extreme failure, upon a piece of class selfishness.

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