Welsh Newspapers

Search 15 million Welsh newspaper articles

Hide Articles List

40 articles on this Page

--.--.---'--,-----U*IS JIOIN…

News
Cite
Share

U*IS JIOIN L 1\ j) U I-A î'i i" '1'.1 I. LONDON, Monday T!) i s;v- ,>! L,>rJ Salisbury has revolutionised •5"- sUu It. is the sol. topic of conversation Cl ts»a lobbies. It has brought misery and despair to the enemies of Mr Gladstones °:i!. I'. ha:? brought exultation that can scarcely •"nliae itself to his friend?. The first reasoa •"r tins of feeling is the outrageous and ■ J tprly impracticable policy which the Tory •f.Kjpf !,H offer as an alternative to that of -.¡. Government. It is held that no Liberal *h«tever can even dream of accepting such a and that the frank and almost brutal 'M'ressioti it has received must set doubt- ql STj:0erals to a searching: of hearts. he speech is thought, secondly, to m. i c„:e that the Conservatives will not their support to a Hartington-Chamberlam :"ii>bijiattoH. This combination was not regarded Nith particular favour by the Tory party. They '^d hoped, that Lord Hartington could be got; u"i" t.) their side, or thai they could '^aiutsin hiin in office for a time at least. .f.1\t the accession of Mr Chamberlain proved much for them, and they knew that no *lliarica between them and the seceding Liberals wus possible. In fact, the speech cf Lord ■^alisbui v is regarded as being intended for a. ectatta.sk npon Mr Chamberlain. This interpre- tation lithe speech is rather corroborated by the fact: t'ut -Mv Duinphreys, who spoke immediately Wore Lord Salisbury, was the sham working H-m whom the Conservatives sent down to oppose 'the w«niber for West Birmingham. Lord Salis n«»-y idairrfy indicated that the Liberals might be »llow«d to do the work, hut that it was the Con- ^tvativos wha would claim and would receive tll.> This does away with the idea, -,j0, i!u& the e can be that combination of support ha nni-.uiEt candidatca upon which the enemies G! Mr Gladstone were so confidently counting a time ago. The most signal service which the speech of k'-H'd Salisbury has done to the Government is in putting forward an immediate dis- '•ution M the cutting of the gordian k; This points out to Mr Gladstone the way. [t o*iiit be that he would h*ve some hesitation 11 gohtg.io the country, or in declaring that he hinant to go to the country, but there is no necessity now for saying any- thing, and the prospect of dissolution is one which will make those pause ^'hc are doubting as to on which side they should ttoh vote. The admission is made on all sides hare that the dissenting Liberals have been finj-.vn by every form of organised expression that ILa voice of their constituencies is against them, heard that Sir Julian Goldsmid, one of the Mutineers, declared that of the Liberals who "otd for Mr Gladstone half would bo ■r6iecte5, and of the 130 whom he claimed as ^^erntined to vote against Mr Gladstone all but thirty would come back to their seats. It is perfetly plain that no man not infatuated for folly or iguorance could share this opinion. As the hours of the debate go on the ^uvictiop of the solidity of the country behind Mr Gladstone is expected to increase, and also the ^"willingness of men to place themselves athwart path. Tha -air of the House of Commons this ^•e.iing gave evidence of the favourable change that had come over tho scene. Mr Gladstone looked beaming, and even jubilant. Whenever things have taken a very good 1;Ul'O with him, as I have told you already, hp. talks incessantly to those around him, and he is ready t) interrupt on the smallest occasion. &e was in this mood to-night, and it soon be- anie evident that the speech of the Marquis of Salisbury was the event which had produced this change of feeling. When, during the speech of S'r Rijchard Cross, an Irish member called out, "Twenty years of coercion," Mr Gladstone looked up at once with a smile and laughed in flight. The faces of Mr Goschen and Mr Cham- berlain were even more eloquent testimony to the change of fortunes. The member for Edinburgh is not a beauty at any ti:ne. He denies Jewish blood, but he has a very Hebrew face, and not the Hebrew face of the ^igher order of that great race, but rather of the luferior type. Lord Rothschild was one of the handsomest men in the House of Commons when he was there, with his black, shining hair, fine dark eyes, and nose delicately chiselled. But Mr Goschen has a slightly vulpine look. His ftair is an undecided grey, and his complexion is 'dull and muddy. When things are going badly ho gets very pale, and there comes over his face a stony grey, such as one sees in skies of a very hleak winter evening. To night Mr Goschen had on his grey look. Mr Chamberlain has a greater ■command of countenance, but he seemed decidedly *tUcoim"o?table, and by-and-by,when Mr Stansfeld *Vas speaking, his air was one of stupefaction. On -he front Opposition bench there was the same "Appearance of extreme depression. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach sat silent and absorbed, and occa- sionally took his head in his hands. The face of '<ord Randolph Churchill was venomcus and irritated, and the Tory benches received in 'eW(uent silence and unconcealed confusion any Elusion to the unhappy escapade of the Tory "'eader. A great effort had been made to secure a good -tndienca for Sir R Cross by a special whip, but :t had no result, f >r when he rose there was a ',n-L-'id clearance. The tone of his speech was a Remarkable procl of the effect upon his own 'Colleagues of L. d Salisbury's outburst. Sir Richard, with all his faults of mind and manner, Is always rather kind, and is personally popular, do-day he was painfully giacious. He had no 'Uj;ttage too strong for the kindly qualities of the J..r;.b people, and no promises too high for the desire of the Tory party to do Justice to Ireland by suitable legislation. Against the bill even he did not take up strong ground. He criticised some of its details; he declared that the House of Commons could not affc>fd to be afraid, and he made one or two little "P°ints. But his air was apologetic, and he sat down after a speech of scarcely halr-an-hour's duration. It was while he was speaking of the kindly qualities of the Irish people that the Irish 'Members shouted out, Twenty years'coercion," d that Mr Gladstone gavo his assenting and delighted sh-sct. The Prime Minister was equally emphatic in his assent to the remarks on the same subject "Which were made by Mr Stansfeld. It is many a •^one day since the House of Commons has heard Mr Stansfeld from the Treasury Bench, and there •Was a v. elcomiufr and a hearty cheer when he rose. His manner is quiet and simple, but he made one 'of the most able speeches of the debate, and when he sat down Mr Gladstone and his colleagues Were pleased to a high degree, and congratulated him warmly. After a few preliminary observa- tions, ifc was evident that Mr Stansfeld saw the full importance of the speech of Lord Salisbury, for he went on to refer to it. It was not, he declared amid a chorus of cheers, in which Mr Gladstone warmly joined, with the moderate speech of Sir Richard Cross they had to deal; it ^vas a speech of a very different character. Then j\Ir Stansfeldoread out some of the more important passages of the now famous harangue, and it Was then that Mr Goschen and Mr Chamber- lam looked so terribly uncomfortable, and that the Tory benches were so cowed. Once or twice, when Mr Stansfeld denounced with peculiar lore?, the doctrines of the Conservative leader, the Tory benches became a little restive and now and again, when he put- OD. these words the inevitable, but also the odious interpretation, they "protested, test in a half-hearted kind of way, and a volley of cheers from the Parnellites, with occasionally the interjection of Hottentots," or some other word from the vocabulary of vitupera- tion in which Lord Salisbury's speech is so Voluminous, gave an emphatic answer. The remainder of Mr Stansfeld's speech was ^dressed to the criticisms of Sir Henry James and Mr Chamberlain, and the replies showed dexterity and subtlety. Sir Henry James was not satisfied, for he pursed bis lips and shook his kead, but Liberals generally seamed to be trium- phant. The answer to Mr Chamberlain was Successiui beyond all question. Mr Stansfeld pointed out that the bill, instead of leading to colonial independence and being hostile to federation, was a bar to the one and left the door ¡ "pen to the other. Mr Gladstone was particularly impressed with this part of the speech, and ftssentsd to it strongly, and in some respects it was the best answer yet given to the fallacies of J the position of the member for West Birmingham, Finally, Mr Siausfield gave an eloquent defence of the rights of nationalities, and his peroration, though simple, was very fine and very effective. at If Mr Gladstone had many speeches from his lieutenants' like that," said an Irish member, C,t the mutineers would ba very uncomfortable." The dinner hour was occupied with a rapid succession of speakers. Mr King, a Conservative, declared that he was in favour of a large measure ()f self-government for Ireland, but that be should vote against the bill, and Mr Thorold Rogers £ ave an interesting historical sketch of the days the Union. The debate proceeded in the same it had kegun. The heart and soul seemed bill 9 ^eea knocked out of the opponents of the « w^ile the support had a vigour and an hussiasm that were wanting in earlier stages. ahoutU had a word on bis motion be J^Pstual pensions, pointing out that since I "<* Mentioned the subject five years ago there í .iad been m-u:.y c<>irnucfatioi).s and MrH. Fowler, in repiv, undertook on behalf of tho Treasury that no farther transactions of this kind should take place until the House of Commons had an oppor- tunity of discussiug the question. M.' Shaw-Lefevre had a good nudienco when ho rose to continue the debate. He received r. hearty welcome from the House generally, which 1 always likes to see the return of a distinguished member, and the Irish members paid a special tribute to his well-known and frequently-expressed views on the Irish question by an especially warm reception. The speech was temperate and quiet, but it produced an excellent imprcseion bj its effective moderation and its convincing argu- ments. It was followed with close attention by Mr Gladstone, and frequently received his^ ap- plause, either by a cheer or by a shake 0i tne head or au assenting nod. The speech, too, was held to show a greater grasp of the history of the Union, and of the first principles involved in the bill, than, perhaps, any other de- I' livered since Mr Gladstone himself spoke. Mr Lefevre started in medias res at once by describing the two forms of opposition from the Liberal benches by which the bill had been encountered. He nnde a clever point by asking whether the statomentof the Birmingham Daily Post that Lord Hartington-had approached Mr Chamberlain and become a friend of Irish autonomy was correct. Lord Hartington, as your readers know, was not in his place to give an answer to this question. It had, therefore, to remain without aresponse. Then he turned to the I arguments of Mr Chamberlain, and for a time this part of his speech also failed to elicit any reply, as Mr Chamberlain was not in his place. Here I may observe that the almost constant absence of the member for West Birmingham from his seat for the last few days has been the subject of frequent and, in some cases, not very friendly comment. He comes into the House for a few moments at question time, and after hover- ing around the Speaker's chair returns agaih for a brief space, and then disappears for the rest of the ovening. Some think this an indication that he does not feel very comfortable as to the turn of affairs. Others interpret it as intended to mark his disregard for the opinion of his colleagues. However, before Mr Lefevre had concluded his remarks on Mr Chamberlain, the member for West Birmingham was in bis place, and there was a repetition on a small scale of the incident which marked the opening of Mr Chamberlain's own ministerial explanations. Mr Lefevre was expounding the composition of the national councils proposed by Mr Chamber. lain last year, and was pointing out that the national council was to have two orders, just as in the legislature proposed by Mr Gladstones bill. Pale, and apparently excited, Mr Chamber- lain got up and accused Mr Lefevre of betraying Cabinet secrets without the assent of the Queen. "Like yourself," shouted Mr Healy from the Irish benches. Mr Lefevre retorted that his right hon. friend had spoken of the terms of the national council not merely in the Cabinet, but outside of it, and wound up with a phrase which was much cheered. U I do not think my right hon. friend has been 0 very reticent himself." But Mr Chamberlain agnin rose and explained that the proposals in the national council scheme had been put forward, not as his own, but as those of somebody else. This soon passed away, and then Mr Lefevie went on to the case of Ulster, which also, he pointed out, had Hot been exempted from the scope of the national council, as Mr Chamberlain now proposed to exempt it in the home govern- ment measure. Mr Gladstone was noticeably pleased with the keen manner in which Mr Lefevre dissected the proposals of Me Chamber- lain on this point. There was one good hit in the speech. Mr Lefevre was arguing that the Irish Parliament of the future would be Conservative as well as democratic. The ablest speech he ever read against the doctrines of Henry George was delivered by his hon. friend the member for County Cavan. An allusion to Mr Biggar always sets the House roariug, and everybody enjoyed the hit. Mr Chaplin's reply does not call for lengthened comment. His style is but too familiar. The Tories themselves showed no desire to remain for it, and left the House almost in a bcdy when their champion arose. He sawed the air and perorated, and rosfc to lofty and shrill denuncia- tion and to stage whispers, and nobody seemed one penny the worse. The speeoh which followed was of a very different order. Mr Labouchere often prejudices his own case and his own greit parliamentary gifts by an excess of jocularity, but to-night he was bright and entertaining, and at the same time forcible. Probably he never at any time delivered a speech so full of shrewd and cynical wisdom and of clever and even brilliant epi- grams. The speech, too, was remarkable for the clearness and also the great ^dtjxterity with which it put the party issues of the moment. What the Tories wanted to do, said Mr Labou- chere, was to get rid of the Prime Minister, and you can imagine the cheer that came from the Radical benches when Mr Labouchere asked, was that the policy of the Liberal party? There was a hoarse roar from the same quarter when Mr Labouchere spoke of the Liberals who were try- ing to get the Tories into power, and there was a marked assent to the statement that Mr Gosctien had no other claim to be a Liberal than that he called himself o:ie. I have not time to mention more than a few of the telling epigrams that were scattered through this brilliant speech. He spoke of Lord Hartington being a good Liberal in spite of his disadvantages of birth." He was talking of the arrangement between the Parnellites and the Tories in the past Parliament for the stoppage of coercion, and commented amid a roar, "I know perfectly well how these sorts of bar. gains are made," and members went back in memory to the interviews of a recent Saturday, when the member for Northampton was a messen- ger of peace. The noble lord," he said of Lord Randolph Churchill, "ripens as he grows older, and would like probably to withdraw two-thirds of all he has ever said." The worse a con- stitution is on paper the better it is in practice, h. in reply to the Mr Gladstone's measure. Replying to the ait viriau f„iH<TPi>ce. rank, and wealth are argument that ™telhgeuo-, r against the bill, he saia cna^ J w I I committee had been supp,°,rfce^b7 Lord Tennyson, and Sir Frederick Leighton. But were members to give up their opinions upon a political matter because they were condemned by a soldier, a poet, and the P^dent oftheBoya Academy? And so the spetcn throughout sparkled with sayings at once shrewd and pic- turesque. After Mr Labouchere's r?Pef!» ^f;rQ wa" Irish address from Mr T. D. Sullivan, Loid Mayor "of Dublin, a strong P^ty speech from Mr Hanburv, a somewhat erudite address from SIr Lyon Plavfair, and Mr Elliot spoke for the Liberal mutineers. ,r. LONDON, Tuesday Slight. A few weeks ago I wrote to you that dissolu- tian was in the air. The opinions in the lobby yesterday and to-day confirm this forecast. You may now take it for certain that if Mr Gladstone be defeated on the second reading he will advise the Queen to dissolve, and her Majesty will take the advice. The manifestations of the feeling of the country have become so unanimous that there is no longer any doubt among the Liberal leaders that Mr Gladstone will come back with a majority sufficient to enable him to carry Home Rule for Ireland. If anything were required to confirm this view, it would be the demeanour an the language of the mutinous Liberals. Mr Albert Grey, I hear, has in conversation admitted that he would not now have the smallest chance of being returned by his constituents. Others were not quite so frank, but there are few now who think that of the men who would vote against the second reading anything like a third would be re-elected. I need not attempt to point out to you the enormous effect which the spectre of dissolution would have upon the votes of members. The present House con-I sists more of men eager and ambitious for public life than any previous body, because it consists of able men who have pushed their way 0 e !ront by their own exertions. As I pointed out e oie, Mr Gladstone and the Liberal whips are now at perfect liberty to speak of dissolution, because it has fceeu jnvjted by the other side. !sy are speaking of it, and the incantation works mighty well. The speech of Lord Salisbury rstill continues to be the most prominent factor of the situation, and nobody makes the least attempt to deny that it has dOlce much to secure the second read- ing.of the bill. Of course a. large number of the Liberals, who had committed themselves to hos- tility, do not like to go over to the other side at once, but they are already very shaky. The cynical student of human nature would find abun. dant opportunity for laughing at the weaknesses and the meannesses of humanity especially political humanity-in the apologies some of these gentlemen are giving for their resolve to rat and rat again. The favourite excuse is that the speech of Lord Salis. bury has entirely changed tho situation, and that they cannot lend themselves to bringing upon Ireland such a policy as the Tory leader has indicated. Others of the secessionists take a different ground. They blame Mr Gladstone for the manner in which he brought forward his measure, and com- plain that he did not consult his party more freely; and that by such neglect he allowed many of them to declare themselves prematurely to be opponents of his policy. All tbtS, iB iplain language, means that the cave is breaking up, that we are on the ova of the sauve quipeut, and that the numbers who will «cre\v nn courage to vote against the bill will fall far short of the big total that was so boastfully proclaimed not much more than 43 hours ago. The debate in the House this evoning and last gave abundant indication of the subjects that now most prominently occupy tho political mind. There was no part of the speech of Mr Bryca last night which was listened to or received with wilder applause than that in which he announced that the Government were ready to put the issue to the country, and every successive allusion to the same subject since is received with the same wild applause on the Radical benches. The speech of Lord Salisbury, too, continues to ba the principal topic of the addresses from the supporters of the bill, and over and over again the passages are quoted in which the policy of coercion for 20 years, and the deportation of another million of Irish- men, is set forth as the doctrine of the Tory party. And the effect of these quo- tations al;o continues to b-3 the same. The moment it is perceived that a. Liberal member is going to make a quotation from Lord Salis- bury, th3 Radicals and the Irish give a prelimi- nary chuckle, and soon they are all laughing, or ironically cheering. The Tories, on the other hand, grow visibly restive and resentful, and make feeble attempts, by interruptions, Jto deny the interpretation that has been universally put upon the language of their chief. The Tory leader, says Mr Labouchere or some other Liberal, is in favour of coercion for twenty years. No, no," cry some of the Tories. Then Mr Labouchera repeats his observation that Lord Salisbury is in favour of 20 years' coercion; and once more there are Noes" and deprecatory "Ohs." And then the Liberal speaker quotes In full the already historic passage, winding up with the statement that after the eud of twenty years the Irish might be ready for some self-government and the repeal of coercion, and when the last words are pronounced there is a wild and triumphant outburst from the Radicals, and from the Conservative benches there come no more" Noes'' and no more Ohs." Throughout this controversy you sea Sir Henry Havelock Allan or Mr Albert Grey, or some other of the dissentient Liberals, with beetled brow and despondent look, sitting silent, apparently abandoned, and when you see a man lefi by himself in the House of Commons, yea may take it for granted that the hand of fortune is against him. Finally, it is significant that the most potent argument—the argument now most frequently applauded next to the threat of dissolution—is the argument that it is a Conservative Government like that of Lord Salisbury which mutinous Liberals are going to bring in by voting against the second reading of the Government of Ireland Bill. When this line of reasoning is adopted, the mutineers grow pale and dark with gloomy forebodings. To-night, before the Home Rule debate could begin, Mr Lewis had a little preliminary skirmish over the renewal of the Arms Act. He complained that this very necessary piece of legislation was put in the second instead of the first place. Mr Gladstone had to propose, as it was Tuesday, that the motions of private members should be postpouid, and that precedence be given to the Home Rule Bill, and it was in debating this motion that Mr Lewis attempted to have his fling. There is now a hard and fast rule that a membar shall, on such motion, stick right down to the question, but the member for Londonderry is a man of an ambitious turn, and made several attempts to get on to an attack on the Chief Secretary on the crimes of the Irish people, and on the necessity of putting down the importation of arms. He made an important statement when he declared that he did not agree with those members of his own party who were blocking the Arms Act Bil!~A remark that elicited Ministerial cheers. Several attempts were mado to arrest Mr Lewis on points of order, but the Speaker decided in favour of him, and he was allowed to go on. Mr Mitcnell Henry is one of the Liberals who seem to be suffering from a chronic state of ebullient excitement. He is given to what Mr Gladstone once called going off at half cock." It is the misfortune of this distinguished man that his talents are not altogether equal to his aspirations, and that he suffers from that form of sputtering speech which some- times accompanies possession of large quan. tities of venom. The present Chief Secretary for Ireiand is one of Mr Henry's bites noirs, and he has already made several attempts to tackle iiim. Immediately after the speech of Mr Morley on the first leading, Mr Henry got up and attempted a reply, but a motion for adjournment had beeu proposed, and the Speaker pulled him up. Then he tried to have it out in private with Mr Morley, and he went down to the Treasury Bench and began a vigorous attack on the Chief Secretary, but the Chief Secretary turned his back and went off to his room. To borrow the phrase in the reports of evening journals, "Mr Mitchell Henry was left speaking. To-night he wanted to know what Mr Morley was going to do for the people who were living in Ireland to protect them from outrage. Mr Morley had not a very difficult task in meeting these various interrogatories. To Mr Lewis he remarked that the Arms Act could have been advanced a considerable distance already if two members of Mr Lewis's own party had not blocked the bill, and there were ringing Liberal cheers at the retort, To Mr Henry he remarked heaiduotbehevetheArms Act had prevented the commission of a single murder or outrage in Ireland. So the matter was apparently settled. But Mr Henry was not yet done. He stood up again, and there was a tempest of « Speaker, pea-er, from the Irish beaches, under which he went down. LONDON-, Wednesday Night. improvement in the situation continues. J No public anuouilcements are appearing of the gentlemen who have changed their views, but, nevertheless, intimations are coming in to tho whips privately. I understand now that the officials feel perfectly certain of the votes of 220 of their party supporters. These, joined to 86 Homo Rulers, make a total of 306. The House consists of 669 members exclusive of tne Speaker. if we add on about 20 more of the wavering members-an event that is fully expected to be realised-it would make the victory pf the Government certain, because a great allowance must necessarily be made for absentees from a variety of causes-such, among others, as illness, or a dislike to appear in the division lobby against their party chief. I have been talking to some of the men who are regarded as waverers, and I feel quite con- vinced that not 20, but probably more than 40, will come over. The reasons some of them gi ve for hesitation are childish and ridiculous. This evening a member was talking to me whose whole argument was that the Irish people would be forced to expend more money than their power of rating and taxation would permit. 1 drew his attention to some of the remarkable statements made in the course of to-day's debate on the Irish Poor Law Guardians Bill, and chiefly to the information that two boards of guardians in co. Tipperary, which had been bankrupt so long as they were under the control of the landlords, had become well managed and entirely self-supporting under the management of popularly-elected guardiaus, But he shook his head and said that time was wanted, that Mr Gladstone was endeavouring to do in a week what should require six months, and so on, all of which means that he does not like the fence in the distance, but will take it when it is brought close up. The argument that many of the waverers have already committed themselves will not have much force either. If members wish to save their seats and to stand generally with the mass of their party, reasons can always be found. The chief business of the House of Commons to-day was a bill for the amendment of the election or poor-law guardians for Ireland, brought in by the Irish party. It proposed vote by ballot, and the abolition of the proxy vote to all ex-officio guardians. Mr John Morley sup- ported it staunchly on behalf of the Government. It met with a feeble resistance from the Conser- vatives, and finally Was carried by a majority of 203 to 105. It was a significant little fact that during the debate Capt. Verney, one of the Liberals who have been supposed to be antagonis- tic to the Home Rule Bill, got up and gave a warm support to the Irish proposal, adding the statement that he was strongly for self-government in Ireland. His reward was to be denounced by Colonel Waring, one of the violent Orangemen, but he, nevertheless, had the hearty sympathy of Liberals, who were glad to welcome him as one of Mr Gladstone's supporters. The universal comment on the speech of Lord Hartington at Bradford is. that next to the address of the Marquis of Salisbury, it is far and away the best defence yet given of the bill of Mr Gladstone. I have called attention already to the remarkable articles in the Birmingham, Daily Post, which, beginning with the expression of regret that Mr Chamberlain had joined Lord Hartington, wound up with the statement that the basis of this alliance was the conversion of Lord Hartington to autonomy and Mr Chamberlain. Lord Hartington has now entirely disproved the ¡ existence of any such common agreement, and ¡ the position of Mr Chamberlain becomes very curious. Things are held to have been made mush worse by the merciless, dissection oi Mr Chamberlain's proposal by his colleagues in the attempt to drive Mr Gladstone out of oifk-c. Indeed, many men say now that the last reason has gone away for the Radicals joining in tho intrigue against the Premier. The feeling against Mr Chamberlain continues to be painfully bitter. It is strongest among older members of the party, who had looked for- ward to his succassion to the leadership of the party with pride, and even with enthusiasm. The feeling has b?en increased by some well authenti- cated reports as to the manner in which Mr Chamberlain has recently met some advances from the members of the Cabinet. A short time ago, in conversation with a gentleman closely connected with Mr Gladstone, I suggested whether the situation would not be very much relieved if the Prime Minister would invite Mr Chamberlain to a friendly and private confer- ence—say, at the dinner table. This gantleman replied to me that the only eff ect of such an attempt would be to expose Mr Gladstone to insult. He gave no credit to the statement at the time, but I have recently heard some reports which rather confirm this view. The Pall Mall Gazette has already told the failure of Lord Herschell's at- tempt to act as a benevolent intermediary. Mr Chamberlain would not meet his lord-ship for the purpose. I understand that even an attempt to bring about a conference between the member for West Birmingham and Mr Gladstone and his colleagues met with an equally emphatic rejec- tion, and that Mr Gladstone and his colleague? were referred to some words of the Prime Minister's, to the effect that negotiations had better take place across the floor of the House of Commons, and that thus all possibility of a friendly couverse was destroyed. The proposal of Me Labouchere last night to hang up the bill for a while has not met with a favourable response from any of the supporters of the Prime Minister. Ou the contrary, the feeling is very strong that the only true and only wise policy at the present moment is to go right on to the end with the bill, and in case of defeat to appeal from the Liberal mutinesrs to the constituencies. The party of combat has been largely helped by the events of the last few days. First, Mr Chamberlain played into their hands by his letters on Ulster, and the proof they afforded that he was wholly irreconcileable, and that the con- cession of one point would simply lead to the demand for others. But their case has 'been still more strengthened by the proof which has accumu- lated that in the firm refusal of Mr Gladstone to accept the retention of the Irish members in its entirety he has been so completely justified, not merely by the proof of the iuadvisability of these proposals, but also by the evidence that, if they had been accepted, the reconciliation of one section of tho Liberal party would be largely counterbalanced by the more bitter and, as it would thsn be, more rational hostility of the other. I feel, therefore, justified in declaring positively that no more changes will be made in the bill, and that a dissolution will immediately follow its rejection on the second reading'. The literary world lias been looking forward with keen excitement to the work by Mr Henry Larkiu on Carlyle, and the Open Secret of bis Life." Mr Larkin was known to have lived in the greatest intimacy with the Carlyle family for many years to have been equally valuable to husband and wife, and to have presented all the qualities of friend and factotum, literary hack, and domestic help. But the work proves to be very disappointing. It contains a large number of valuable expositions of Carlyle's doctrines and writings, but very little about the man himself. The open secret of Carlyle's life, according to Mr Larkin, is in these words:—"His heart's desire was to make history, not merely to write about what others had made. This secret, passionate hope, constantly deferred and never realized, grew and deepened within him until in its ntter disappointment his whole life seemed to hitn the miserablest failure." All this means that Carlyle wanted ta be a practical politician, instead of merely a student historian. It is too grotesque to imagine the Seer cf Chel- 83a, with his snaggy brow and beard, and his Gargantuan phraseology, addressing tho House of Commons in committee. The open secret of Carlyle's life is very plain, and is not so very usiuommon—hQ Carried the wrong woman. You will see from the reporting columns that Mt Chaffers has once more had the courage to bring himself before the attention of the public. Nobody who was in London at the time can ever forget the hideous tragedy of the case in which he was involved. Lady Twiar, the wife of Sir Travel's Tvviss> was then one of society's most beautiful and popular leaders. Chaffers accused her of having led all immoral life in her youth. For two àays the unhappy lady was kept on the rack of cross.examination in Bow-street Police- court. Thenshe fled, a.nd her husband shortly after resigned all IIIR Public emoluments, worth about £9,500 per annulU. At tha.t period the word "Chaffers" passed curiously enough into the popular vocabulary. Mr Goschen was fiercely attacked In rus administration of the Admiralty W tl.J6 Torics, with whom he was not then on f^endly bnns, and in his reply ho described toe accusations against him as Chaffer-licfe charges." Since then the world has not prosP^fd with Mr Chaffers, and I have frequently ,^Uun the last two years received letters fruia Il11n, dated from one of the London workhouses. asking for assistance to redress what he called his wrongs. I have not replied, and I am not sorif to-day to find he was nonsuited.

THE CRAWFORD DIVORCE CASE.

THE BIFLEMAN EXPLOSION FUND.

THE YSTALYFERA WORKS.

THE SOUTH STALES CHORAL UNION

Advertising

TORTURE AND MASSACRE OF GERMAN…

HURRICANES ON THE CONTINENT.

TORNADO IN OHIO.

THE CHICAGO SOCIALISTS.

ACCOUCHEMENT OF THE !QUEEN…

THE CROWN PRINCE OF GERMANY.

SEIZURE OF ARMS IN THE RED…

, THE MURDER OF AN ENG-LISHMAN…

MOUNT ETNA IN ERUPTION.

THE SEIZURE OF AMERICAN FISHING…

THE ECCENTRICITIES OF THE…

A FISHING SMACK RUNNING THE…

OPENING OF THE GFTAMBER.

CONSPIRACY AGAINST PRINCE…

THE BLACK SEA FLEET.

THE VATICAN.

ANOTHER SUICIDE FROM CLIFTON…

A WARSHIP RUNNING INTOI ATRAWLEU.I

AN ALLAN LINER AGROUND¡I IN…

THE CONSTRUCTION OFH.M.S.…

THE ALLEGED BURGLARY AT MERTHYR.

[No title]

CORRUPTION OF YOUNC* GIRLS.

THE BOAT ACCIDENT NEAR MAIDENHEAD.

THE DROWNING OF THREE CHILDREN…

Advertising

-------MEimiVU MiNEKS AND…

FUNERAL OF THE HEY. T. PHILLIPS.

MOUNTAIN ASH GAS AND WATER…

LOVE AFFAIRS AT PONTYPRIDD.

Advertising

[No title]

NOTES.

Advertising