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BELOW THE GANGWAY.

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BELOW THE GANGWAY. THERE are certain enthusiasts on the Minis- terial side of the House of Commons below the gangway who, we may trust, are educating the constituencies of the country as to what will be their duty when another election comes round; and the rumour gains ground that such an event will occur at no very distant day. By making high bids for the support of the Radicals, and by promising that there shall be such an extension of the franchise as will enable the visionaries to realise the wildest hopes, the Gladstone-Chamberlain Govern- ment hope to keep together until the spring of 1882. In that Session, if the quiduuncs of the Liberal clubs are to be believed, Mr. Gladstone will propose to make two of the points of what used to be called The People's Charter" the law of the land. Manhood suffrage and equal electoral districts, we are told upon good authority, are to be the chief items in the pro- gramme of 1882. The men below the gangway are to-day instructing us in what we are to expect as the result of such legislation. The recent election petitions and the evidence adduced prove that constituencies were never more corrupt than now, and prove further, that among the classes now enjoying the franchise, many are not only corrupt, but utterly destitute of honour. The evidence is overwhelming that, sheltering themselves under the lauded ballot- box, these citizens have been bought and sold, and have gloried in cheating the men who were foolish enough to buy them. There are in England thousands of indus- trious. intelligent mechanics and other work- ing men, who have for years been householders, and who, even at the last election, were not swept along by the wave of popular delusion, but voted with the Constitutional party, through whom alone they can hope per- manently to preserve those privileges which they value. These may well consider whether to be a voter will be any longer a privilege if their votes are to be swamped by the admis- sion of a class unprepared to value or appreci- ate the trust reposed in them, and who will be ready to sell it to any purse-proud millionaire. The proposed extension of the franchise, then, in 1882 will, we affirm, not be a leap in the dark it will be a plunge over Niagara, and will be adverse to the true liberties of the people of this land. It cannot be unknown to large landowners like the Whig Dukes of ¡ Devonshire, Bedford and Westminster, that agricultural labourers are more unfit to be en- trusted with votes than that residuum of the town population the admission of whom horri- fied and astounded the old sage of Chelsea. The ignorance and the secluded life of agricul- tural labourers disqualify them for political power. The Radicals propose to take these men, whose political knowledge is confined to the creed which they have learned from lectur- ing agitators, and to make use of them for "put- ting an end to Toryism." We ask intelligent working men and patriots of all classes I whether such voters will not be very likely to put an end to something besides Toryism; whether, led by interested and reckless politi- cians, they will not be likely to sweep away the bulwark of that Constitution which has enabled England to stand like a rock in the stormy sea when other governments and I nations have been wrecked by the waves of revolution. It should be borne in mind that the present condition of the agricultural labourer is the result of the commercial principle and of the march of Radicalism. The little moral culture which the agricultural labourer has had, and which has raised him above the beasts he feeds, is mainly the work of the much-abused country parson, the abolition of whom is in the Radical programme. Tho parsons have had no help from the men who have destroyed the paternal character of the squirearchy, and who have compelled farmers to regard labourers as so many machines out of which they must grind so much labour in order to be able to exist themselves. The result of these principles of progress has been to make the agricultral labourer the creature of the Poor Law. He has been brought to regard the government of his country as a despotism, and the relieving officer as its representative. The countryman comes frequently into contact with countryman comes frequently into contact with the State, but it is the State in the shape of a workhouse or an overseer. In sickness, in old age, and in occasional extreme poverty, he is brought into conflict with the State. This is all he knows about the government of his country. He has found that the officers of the law are harsh and inquisitorial, and so he has come to look upon the State as his inquisitor and his persecutor, and, at the instigation of Socialist conspirators, will he not be prepared to crush the enemy which has crushed him ? The agitator has told him that the object of the State is to enrich the Crown, the noble, and the Church out of the proceeds of his labour. What wonder that in his ignorance he should take this for granted, and that, if entrusted with the power, he should act upon his conviction ? The plan by which the Radicals hope to put an end for ever to Toryism would place the country under the dominion of ignorance, and put power in the hands of men directly interested in destroying all securities to property. We need not tell intelligent working men, who have by their industry surrounded themselves with the comforts of a home,and who have got ten pounds in the Savings Bank, that with- out law there is no security; consequently no abundance, nor even certain subsistence. And the only equality which can exist in such a condition is the equality of misery. The natural condition of the human race is one of poverty, but under the security of the Jaw and under the ffigis of good constitutional government, millions of people in these islands are living in peace upon the fruits of their labours. We warn patriots of all classess, and especially the sons of industry, that the securities which surround them are in danger of being swept away. We appeal specially to the industrious classes, because the securities of the State are more important to them than to a class who could pick up their wealth and migrate to another land. The law cannot, and it ought not to say, "Work, and I will reward you," I but it ought to say, and, thank God, at present it does say, Create for yourself a home and fill it with comforts by the fruits of your in- dustry, and I will secure you in the possession "oTtne prOwjce <of your labours. f If the policy of the destructives is to pre- vail, we may take a long farewell to all our greatness. It will be useless any longer to build up anything for the future, for there will be no certain guarantee that we shall be pro- tected in the possession of it. Short-sighted politicians may charge the House of Lords with selfisbnes;, and with having acted solely in their own interests as property-holders in their dealings with the late Irish "Disturbance Bill." It was not so. Thoughtful men will come to the conclusion that that measure was but the thin edge of the Socialist wedge. It was the first attempt to remove those securi- ties which protect every owner of a table or a bedstead, and which are more important and more absolutely essential to the sons of indus- try, than to the millionaire. The tocsin can- not be sounded too soon; old political preju- dices or associations should not prevent the prudent and the industrious who have hitherto voted with the Liberal party, from making common cause with those who desire to see the Constitution, with the securities it gives to property and to true freedom, preserved. We warn them that there is a danger of the government of this great country being handed over to a band of agitators, professional politi- cians, and atheistical socialists, destructives who will be prepared to run a muck against everybody who owns anything,in the hope that they may gain in the scramble. There is yet time for the sober second- thought of intelligent Englishmen to make itself heard; and if it speak, as we believe it will, with no uncertain sound, the Govern- ment will not dare to proceed with the revo- lution. The experience of centuries has proved that the Throne and the House of Lords have, in connection with the House of Commons' been sureties for English liberty, and for the property of Englishmen, and, in spite of the howling of Atheists and Free-thinkers, we do not hesitate to assert that the Church of Eng- land has been a bulwark against the encroach- ments of the Papacy on the one side, and the fanaticism of visionaries on the other. It is sober truth that the object of a party below the Ministerial gangway is to destroy I the Throne, the Church, and the House of Lords. This is no myth and no romance. There are half-a-dozen avowed republicans already holding high office-men who are only abiding their time to Americanise our institutions. As to the Church, it is useless todisguise the fact. Divided amongst them- selves,—Calvinist and Armenian, Trinitarian and Unitarian, Positivist and Negativist, Theist and Atheist,—they are all sworn into a common brotherhood for the purpose of undermining the national Church. Over and over again has the Church of England been the mainstay of Christian progress and reli- gious liberty. A party bearing close relation- ship to the present Government are intent upon divesting it of its national influence. What have Englishmen to say ? As to the House of Lords, the wire-pullers of the Radi- cal party are meeting from time to time in solemn conclave to concoct schemes for inter- fering with the privileges and controlling the action of that august assembly which for cen- n y turies has been One of the surest guarantees of our security. Are they to bo allowed to succeed ?

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