Monmouthshire Merlin

-HOUSE or COMMr;rfe MONDAY, FEB. 6.—MARRIAGE Acv t>. ti/ii ..• that fie would postpone, till the „ ?r ? gavenotlce which hp .• --oth of March, the motion of as the Secretary of Sta,n°f Hfor the amendment of lhat Ac,» in a bill to postoor "or l"e Home Department had brought months. **e l^e operation of the Marriage Act four Mr. on 'iu presented a petition for a repeal of the dnty "«it I,' Borthmck gave notice that on the 2d of a £ WOu'5 ca'l the attention of the house to the subject of e (invocation of the Clergy, with a view of restoring that Court.-AD Hon. Member gave notice that, in committee, on the aiuoicipal Corporations' Amendment Bill, he should move e insertion of a clause for the purpose of supporting hospitals or widows and orphans.—Dr. Bowing moved for certain Post- othce returns since the iate regulations lietween France and England bis object was to show that a reduction in the charge ;nfJr.v W3S oe™era"y useful to the revence; and it was his intention to move for a reduction in the present rates throughout the kmgnom. POIITUOAL. ,rne c^Jr*rsalion ensued on the subject of our commercial ions with Portugal. Air. Robinson wished to ask whether h a°y cognizance of a decree which Promu{gated Portugal, *hich was exceedingly un- I odrable to our commerce with that country; and if they had i w a their intentions were as to the course to be pursued not what their intentions were as to the course to be pursued ^r ,CpU?lry under 5llc'1 extraordinary circumstances'? ore aimerston, in answer' to the question which the hon. gentleman had just put, would state that his Majesty's govern- ment had received from their commercial agents, cognizance of fa a nt !f i) ^on* gentleman had described, not only un- voura e tq, british commerce, but unfavourable to the com- 3 ? itself. (■' Hear," From Mr. Bowring.) It *fVC J of turning the commerce of Portugal into r.a rade, and would thus prove materially injurious Timw^o What his Majesty's government might think proper to do on the subject, the hon. member for Worcester, he assure, woutd not expect him then to stale. It was a subject fiic vf3- #od was now under the consideration of n«s Majest; s government. (Hear.) „ TIIE VIXEN. .rn answer to a question put by Mr. C. EuHer, relative to the smuietf tfe Vixen by the Russian Government, Lord Pal- Ad? If'J1"1 mal,er had b«ea submitted to the King's r 6 « opinion, and th»t the Govemment now waited lor that Opinion. • Mr. Maclean wisbed to know if there was any objection to ay upon the table of the house the correspondence which had tak«n place on the subject. Lord PølJltmton lIIid there was not, as yet, any important correspondence in a state to be communicated to the public,- (near, hear.) On the motion of Lord John Russell, the Home went into a couimittee on the Registration of Births and Marriages' Bill. ♦t Zu V'l **? ll',at tbe dissenter, objected to that part of tlHrbill which related to notices before the guardian, of the poor as derogatory, and insukiog. TtMbER DUTIES. Mr. Hhwu wished to ask the right bon. gentleman if it was his inlenrion to bling iq a bill to alter the timber dudes ? (Hear.) r' Thompson said that the question depended so much rc upon circumstances of policy and the state of the revenue, that he could not now answer the question. REGISTRATION W M A RRI AGES BILL. The House then west into committee on this bill. Air. O'Connell wished to know, whether in considering this bill, an opportunity would be given to correct what was "erro- neous in the last measure. He hoped it would be so framed as that such amendments could be made. According to the pro- visions of the bill of last session, no chapel could be registered untem as a separate biding, Now that was inconvenient, for otSw bwlding^ny ,hl<:h ex'sled »n connection with l^at 'here would be an opportunity • R ^u'1,re pen«d of introducing any araendmenU that might I*, agreed to by the liouse. vnon/ti '♦ill would be postponed for a •' °pportunity njight be afforded for |n- Mr. Haines said f>o ■" i one point rel-llinir || ,S say » ~n>J» «uli ic^arj 10 thepoor'. That MriVfiK °f no,ices before ,he guardians DJ- flj~?r-TNL part of tbe measure was generally conceived sure that it WiTnofii de.r«g»'ory and insuTting, and he was •ceumulafc wsyh on .1"* ?f a?-v branch of lh« legislature to naUy toieliete /H whom ,he biH 0ri^- to which he hegeed »„ „ ii There ww another point hoped they would J f the attention of the house, and he that part ofthe R.„; • ta^e u ,Dt0 consideration. It was poor were to be m^li?0 Bl" by wl,ich ll'e guard'ans of the marriage*, and deaths ,^f*uPerln,endent registrars of births, part of the bill fH l ln* was an exceedingly objectionable *«>7 arrangement couhl l.. i W3S seven^h cla.use' and if thought it would k. made to obviate this objection, he was intended that iklePri?C?epU'>'e t0 tboseon whose behalf it hear.) |Je was • should operate beneficially. (Hear, (Mr. WiHts) would ? j'S hon* friend t,,e member for Boston points, and that l- ""Posed to give every attention to these to give to thos#. J* ^"ly'5 Government would be disposed .Might. (Hear hear**)1^ 'Dterested e^ect of the relief honourable friendm'Ue^ t'lat l',e ^ret P°'nt ad"er,ed hy his seaters of this W*S 3 mons,rous evil the part of the Dis- took an interest ;T1k!ly'ifan«.ti.nne to wh,cfl evefy member who give every ai^m, whalf of the Dusenting body, was bound to w»s oot^r? '? T P0Wer• As 10 the 0,her P°inl. he pve it^very aVtenlion™0"16111,0 Pletlge hlmadf' but lle resumedS the0 reporled' wilh the amendments and tbe converaaHoa0'6"^ a af'er a lengthened the Parliament?8 • Up°n lh* tab'e) frotn Messrs- Hansard, Jjad been comm7„pr?ters'. comPlain'ng that an action for libel Commons' rprm?» a?ainst lhem' for ma»er contained in a brought tl»e aciinn .?lale P"»ons. Stockdale had Oa. f Jfl0g 15 dan'ages at £ 20,000 PftrationsBill»«° '? Auorney-General, the Municipal C'or- was read a second lime. On th» ».».• WLTITiOUS VOTES (SCOTLAND.) on the regtster'iTcr^fft^' -Horsm,n a commit,ee was appointed of <h« "ltmhr 0 fictitious voles in Scotland, and the names 1 'he Speaker, vii ?^luted ,0 ^or,n l'ie committee read over by •torsmjin, Edward Boring, n. Dunlop, J. O'Connor Don Wi'lier. E. ^erjfuson, Geor/e Rae, Sir William .Campbell, gjr jj ^jemantle, Sir T. Warburton, If. "ainpbell, W." Maulc, Fox Stortnont, Lord A Murray, J. A. Stanlnv. T-nrrt A Murray, J. A. Stanlnv. T-nrrt i^qaine inu> a «!m;iS aPP0'1'«d» on the motion of Mr. Shaw, to similar practice, said to prevail in Ireland. After seme int IM^K,80NMENr ron DEBT. sonment for debt^M110*' conv.ersati°n 00 'he subject of impri- introduce a bill «'• in ^ven to tl,e Attorney-General to P^oriertv of dplttnro «* i ° remedy of creditors against the cept iu cases of fraud '° abo,isl1 imPrisonment for debt, ex- The Chancellor of tt°'^r"s,T0CI BANK«; newal of ih# Pn™ • ^chequer, in lising' tu move the re- in the ^collection nf'thl ?? Jo,n|"Stock Banks, said it would be °f liis hon. fricnt k i House that last Session, on the motion lets, a select commit 'l!rn* the iBfeJabei latLjJte Tow.ct tinm- 'he law in relation. ■ ,was appointed to consider the stale of generally assume <° lnt'Stotlt Banks. That committee was prober for Middlp«n°'.f aItil0Ugh on the part of the hon. inqviiries further »h G aPPeaied a disposition to exteud its for the Tower Haml^ WvS coulemplated hy the hou. member inquiry itself. Th 6 e.re vvas evince«l no desire to resist the proceeded toapplW''ich Yas aPPointe<1 '» May. ferred to it hv th. lr W Breat industry to the points re- apd examined vast n H sat to the close of the Session, was no part of his n °m ,s °( Wllnesses, on whose testimony it of it was before tl^H™1 'oess t0 comment; but the whole the committee whoit, -U8e* tben ^came a question with at that period. nM-er ,t.W0«Id be wise or prudentto legislate and the adv & J601 was ^"y considered by the com- Jegislatin» anc* d'sadvantage» of immediately »ion. Th\oPiSQ oAur a,tenti°n during two days' delibera- tne report, to the effiv» »f co™,n,l,ee on the point was stated in way of immediate Wi l 'f-' Saw s0 many difficulties in the perfect legislation that IK' 8!Jd 50 ma,,y objec,ions to im- committee should 'ho • ? Preferred recommending that the »ion, and that in the IT" .tlie course of the present Ses- lated in the country rea,e ,eir rfPort shou,d be circu- j ( <fetion that he now h^^lTf8 >n obllgalion to that recommen- 1 mittee. The hon gentW,^ ProP°se 'he revival of that com- t enquiries to Ireland? ° moved ,be extension of its < revi^v of6 the debase*rwh!clT'was*xtend'Sd^n C°rreCt be deemed preferahlp i j ended)i its insertion may i The ChaSor of t gCment °f ver> lon« ^P^hes.] appointment of a JL moved last nigbt for the of Joint Stock Bank!? ThTm r6 l° en<1U-'re in,° the °Perati°n embraced the^ aoVamend^ ject°of ^uct^was'fo W stuhh afi0unded' as with stubborn facts, and no K u u gUreS "'L r We caonot he,P saying bore rather oo hard both upon the financial measures of the government, and the management of the Bank of England. When the as- rl, ? Rivcn by the Bank of England to the Northern and Central Bank is brought forward as matter of charge against the former establishment, we cannot help thinking that Mr. r"3T"ftV%jWK>uriDS under some mistaken notion. Wc have al- that commercial men gave the bank great cre- Ct* 'n cas* and 'n 'hat 'be private Paymen' 'n London. We have little doubt hPSi' ^oi sach prompt interposition, the 'country n sobjftted to a visitation of the panic which aDd whicb produced such disastrous con- sequences. The point open which the debate mainly turned ✓ .is, ivhic+i of (tve t«*o irrddes of enquiry should be adopted-— j ilie narrow, or the more enlarged one—for all, with the exeep- tion of1!be hon member for Derbyshire, were for some enquiry. In this discussion it was attempted to be shown on the one hand that the sole blarne of the reaction which lately took place, and we fear stiH continues in our monetary affairs, laywith the Bank of Rngtand while on the other it was urged that Joint- Stock Banks were entitled to come in for their Full share. It may, we think, be safely affirmed that some indiscretion is .imputable to both. The issues of the Bank of England seem at one time to have been carried to a greater extent than pru-; dence should have dictated-while at the same time the Joint1 Stock Banks were adding to tbe circulation) both by. the issue of notes and by the particular system of discodot which they adopted. The natural, indeed; the inevitable consequence of this increase was the risfc of ptices, and the consequence of this rise was an adverse state of the foreign exchanges, which com- pelled tire bank, as an act of self-preservation, to contact its issues* and limit its accommodations. Henc?e the embarrass- ments in which the commercial cewmttiiity were suddenly in- volved. Engagements, which had been contracted in the ex- pectation that the facilities which had been formerly granted would be continued, eould not be made good. TheJe was not the usual assistance to be had from the Jt>int Stock Banks, be- cause they could not receive it at 'c fountain head to which all must ultimately Tesort-, Or if any of them did afford liberal accommodation to their customers, they were involved in diffi- culties, w),tch. for the time at least, put an end to their public utilIty. Now it is to this evillhat it is attempted to put an end by the proposed mveatigauotv, 111ere can be no doubt that it is impnss^ig [0 Icgjslfcfla \jie veport made hy the committee 0 .<tst sessieiH To adopt the crude recommendations of that rspc.Tt* would be to increase the evil tenfold. We are therefore glaj that the important subject is to be more thoroughly ex- amined, and also that the enquiry is to be so limited as to boid out a reasonable prospect of bringing it to a close before the end of the session.

The Earl of Shaftesbury has been again unanimously named by the House of Lords Chairman of Committees in their Lordships' House. Mis. IIAI.I.. — A requisition, signed by several hundreds ofihe electots of MnTyteburre, has been TJmentcthothis patriotic and talented gentleman, requesting him lo stand for that borough, to which Mi. Hall has returned the following answer:— GKNTI.I MKN—1 feel highly honoured by the requisition you havc presented to me, for my consent lu he put iu nomination as a candidate fur the uorough of Marylebone lit the next dissolu- tion of Parliament. It is particularly gratifying to me to re- ceive such a testimony of approbation from so large a portion of the most important constituency in the kingdom, and the consciousness that 1 owe this.proof of confidence to my public conduct renders it doubly satisfactory. On the great subjects of shortening the duration Parliaments—the extension of the suffrage—the repeal of the rate-paying clauses of the Reform Aei—the ballot, and other leadiug measures of real reform, my opinions are already recorded and as not merely these ques-* tions, but others of nearly equal importance, will soon be brought under the consideration of the House of Commons, it would be needless for me to eoter into any detail of my political creed, or to make professions, excepting so far as to assure you that I shall continue to be actuated by the same principles that have hitherto decided my conduct, be'.ieving that, by the re- moval of all exislinlt abuses in our institutions, and by the re- peal or alteration of those statutes, which in their operation arc found to act harshly or injuriously, the civil and religious liber- ties of my fellow-subjects can best be maintained.—I under- stand that you take this step in anticipation of a vacancy occtu- ring in the representation of your borough at the next dissolu- tion of Parliament-whether this expectation be realized or not, I venture to impress upon you the necessity of preserving that perfect unanimity which should characterize the proceedings of the I.iberal party. Our political opponents are ever active and well organized and the only possible hope they have of success in the present instance, is built upon the chance of a schism taking place amongst you. As regards myself, that hope shall not be realised. 1 have no desire to create dis-union rn your ranks, nor to advancc the objects of our political adversaries. Hut should the electors generally desire that I should represent them, and will honour me with their suffrages, I will use my best endeavours to secure their political rights, and by residing in your district, and thus becoming more immediately con- nected with you, endeavour to promote your local interests. Permit me again to assure you that 1 am most sensible of the honour you have already conferred upon me, and that 1 am, Gentlemen, Your much obliged and most obedient humble servant, St. James's-placc, Fob. 4, 1837. B. HALL. By the authority of the Kretcr Gaieltc, 16,000 persons are laid up by influenza in that city. EnuEWAiit MuunEit.—On Sunday, about three o'clock the legs and thighs of the female whose mutilated trunk has excited so much anxiety, were removed in a deal box from the -iiHghbovnl'.ood of Cambeiwell to the station- house, Hermitage-street, Paddingloti, from whence they will no doubt be shortly removed for interment.

1 I FSDAY,FEB.7.— Mr. U. Bowles, the member for Evesham, took the oaths and his seat. A vast number of petitions were presented against Church- rates. Captain Dundas presented a petition from Bristol, praying for the abolition of taxes on soap. A similar petition was pre- sented from Glasgow, by Lord W. Bentinck. In answer to a question from Sir George Sinclair, Lord Mor- peth said that ht 6>)uld not state whether government would be able to bring forward the Irish Tithe Bill before Easter or not. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND.) The part of his Majesty's speech relating to Ireland having been read, Lord John ItusstU said1—Although, Sir, I feel no apprehension as to the result of the motion I am about to make, yet the subject I am about to introduce is of so much impoit- ance, and I fe>e! so strongly that the question of what relates to the political condition of Ireland is so difficult, that 1 approach it with great caution and anxiety. United as we are with that country, and believing that the peopls of England are neither hostile nor indifferent to the ivelfare of Ireland, yet I must con fess that so much misapprehension of the subject exists, that misrepresentation is so easily employed (hear) and with so much difficulty dispelled, that impressions are readily taken and hardly ever removed that misstatements are so hastily put for- ward and laboriously propagated) that I feel great fear lest I should not be able to state my sincere conviction on the subject; while at the same time 1 state forcibly, as I feel strongly, my brm impression; and I hope that my arguments will not fail to induce the house to give its sanction and approbation to the motion with which I shall conclude. (Cheers.) Sir, the bill which I shall propose is of that nature that it requires not any very lengthened defence or explanation. (Hear, hear.) It is simply a bill to remove abuses, and to provide for the Reform of the Irish Corporations. ( Hear.) The abuses are not denied in truth they are stated to be greater than the abuses which pre- vailed in the Corporations of England and Scotland. Neither, sir, is the remedy stated to be an unfit or an unsufficient one. On the contrary you have admitted, Parliament has admitted, that the remedy which has been proposed was a remedy fit for tlie occasion-^fit to be applied to the Corporations of England and Scotland. (Hear, hear, hear.) The whole question, there- fore, is this—that whether the abuses being notorious-that whether the remedy being sufficient-you will apply to Ireland that which you have already applied to Scotland and to Eng- land. And in fact the whole statement in opposition to this bill is little more than this, that whereas Scotland is inhabited by Scotchmen and England by Englishmen, because Ireland is inhabited by Irishmen, they will refuse them the same measure of relief. (Cheers.) Now, sir, I will only say, that with re- spect to the particular provisions of the bill, the bill I now pro- pose to introduce varies very little indeed from the bill passed by this house house last year and that bill was not different in its principle from the bill passed the year before for England. There were one or two points, as the house knows, in which alterations were made in the English bill from that adopted for Scotland and there was also some difference between the bill that had been introduced for Ireland, and the English bill. Sir, another difference which was made in this bill of last year—not at first, but after it came back to this house—was one vesting the appointment of sheriffs in the Crown. (Cheers.) Now, sir, upon this subject I shall state generally my opinion, titat in many of those offices connected with the administration of justice, the Crown ought to have the appointment. In the Scottish bill we gave the appointment of the magistracy ta the councillors in the English bill that appointment is given to the Crown. It i3 now in the Crown, although the advisers of the Crown generally take the advice of the council. In the bill we proposed last year for Ireland, the appointment of she- rifts for towns was vested in the Crown. Now, sir, I have somewhat altered that in the bill 1 now ask leave to introduce. L now propose that the council should nominate three persons, uhose names would be returned to the Lord Lieutenant, of whom the Lord Lieutenant might appoint one, or he might re- ject the whole. In such a case the council would again nomi- nate three more—the Lord Lieutenant might either tppoiat oue, or reject these three he would have the power of reject iny the whole six. and then he would proceed to appoint one on his own responsibility. Sir, I think this right, because I think it will teud to make the administration of justice more satisfac- tory if the selection be made from the returns made by the coun- cil but I think again, on the other hand, that the exercise of any tight of appointment by the Crown ou^ht to be paramount. tor instance, last year I strongly objected to the power given to the revising barristers in the division of towns into wards. I find that I was correct; inconvenience has arisen—an appeal has been made to the King in Council against the divisions which have been made by some barristers. The King in Coun- cil, finding the arrangements were inconvenient, made an order for alteration but the revising barrister, when it was sent down to him, treated it with disrespect, The authority of the King in Council was set at nought. I think, therefore, that where the authority of the Crown was introduced at all-and 1 think it should be introduced in a matter of this importance— there should be a power in the Crown, supposing the town council not to recommend any persons whom the Lord Lieu- tenant might appoint, thut the Crown or the Lord Lieutenant should ultimately have the power to select proper persons. I think that this power will hardly be exercised unless under very extraordinary circumstances, that the six persons selected by the town council should, for some obvious reasons, be unfit for the appointment. (Loud cheers.) These are the main alter- ations in this bill from the English Act, and the bill of last ses sion, They are not of great importance—they are merely such alterations as must take place when you have to adopt a hill in another pait of the country. (Hear.) But, sir, there ¡He others connected with this subject to which I think it necessary now to pioceed, and upon which Parliament will ultimately have to decide. I have proposed this bill as a remedy for the civil grievances suffered by the people of Ireland, with respect to their municipal corporations. I have proposed it as a bill, which, in point of principle, meets with no objection, and which is only met by the objection which I stated before—that in spite of the Act of Union and in spile of the Act of Eman- cipation, the Roman Catholics were still placed on an inferior footing. Sir, I feel it necessary on this occasion, especially after the statements that have been made, and some resolutions that have been entered into—I feel it necessary to state the grounds on which the government in Ireland has proceeded, and, sir, I think it right to state that I consider this a question conclusive as regards the present administration. (Loud cries of hear.) Sir, I am sensible of the gieat inconvenience of bringing forward bills, year after year, and suffering them to be defeated. (Hear, hear.) I think it right—we consider it right- that Parliament and the country should have full time to consider the nature of the government of Ireland, and the nature of the proposition we now make; but I do not think that the government could permanently go on and be entitled to the confidence of this house, which has not hitherto been with- held from it (hear, hear); it would not, 1 say, sir, be entitled lo that confidence, if it remained suffering principles to be adopted as to Ireland, against which we have decided, and which we positively protest. (Loud cries of hear.) Sir, there can be no question more simpJe-there can be no question more direct to bring this argument to the test than the bill which I shall this night propose. Itisaquestionnotpropertyinter- fering with any religious prejudices—not capable of being tivisicd and perverted by a curioua display of figurea, bul .it is a plain question of right (hear, hear), whether the Irish people are fit to enjoy those rights which yeu declare arc conformable to the constitution of the country, or whether you will pro- scribe them as unfit for that enjoyment, and proclaim them as an inferior race among mankind. (Long-continued cheering.) The noble lord recurred to the conduct and opinion of :Fox in regard to Ireland. I maintain that Lord Mulgrave has acted upon the principles laid down by Mr. Fox. (Cheers.) He has endeavoured to do that which I must say, has not been fully done before (hear, heal,) to carry into every part of the Irish government the spirit of impartial justice. (Cheering.) AVheu I say it has not been done before, much as I admire the charac- ter of Lord Mulgrave, I am not going to pface him, or those who sit here, above any governors or ministers who governed Ireland before, but I will say that while Lord Mulgrave governed Ireland with the most upright, and impartial, and with the most generous intentions, he had this advantage, that his government has been one, and united. (Great cheering.) He had the ad- vantage of a Chief Secretary (hear and cheers), of an Attorney- General, all acting in complete accordance with his views; and I will venture to say, that although the office of Attorney- General has been held by three different gentlemen, since Lord Mulgrave assumed the government of Ireland (hear, hear, hear), that if the Earl of Haddington had succeeded at the Castle, not one of them would have remained to act under a Tory adminis- tration. (Cheers and laughter from the opposition.) Sir, this is a question of very considerable importance, because there is so much in the government of Ireland which depends on the details of these offices, that no Lord. Lieutenant with the best and fairest possible intentions can be aware of what are the pre- cise evils, and of the exact nature of the remedies to be applied. 1 will illustrate this by a reference to the conduct pursued bv Baron 0 Loghhn when Attorney-General for Ireland. lIe found that when jurors were called it was the custom to set men aside, not because they were prejudiced in the case, not because they were known 10 he connected with or favourable to the ac- cused, but because lliey were of the Homan Catholic religion, or, being Protestants, were of liberal political opinions. (Cheers ) ihatts proved by a letter of Mr. O'Lo-hlin, which I lately re- ceived, am| in which it is stated that the discontinuance and complete alteration of that system has been found to produce wict"tn°St ^,unc''c'a' effects, to be attended with no fewer con- JC ,anJ calculated lo ensure a confidence in the impartial of l"°ls,ra,on of 'he laws. (Hear.) Sir, I think this is question want nfCrj %r?a'esl impoilance, because, when we consider the jlllt r confidence that has existed, I will not say for .yeais, one tbe administration of justice in Ireland, iustK. think lhat when men stood in the courts of account3 f Pu,so."s ol respectable character set aside on oatiimt t!! r u. rel,8*°n or their opinions in politics, it was oatiimt t!! ■ r u. rel,8*°n or their opinions in politics, it was "Marat t. infer that they would not be justly treated, and that the verdict would not be that of twelve honest men, hut of twelve selected panizans. (Hear, hear.) Mr. O Loghlin, there fore, did a very great service to the administration of Justice by the rule laid down that those challenges were net to be peisevered in, and it was onll on account of persons being connected with or prejudiced in lavour of the patly that the thallenge of the Crtfwh was to be permitted. Sir. there was auother innovation introduced by Mr. (J'Loghlin^ which was of greater im^crl^.ncb, as affecting the Municipal Corporation?'. Everybody has heard of the faction fights wh;ch lijive prevailed in lieland—of the blood which hai been spilt, and the fierce and desperafe baltles that have taken place between one party and another; and it is represented, and I believe with truth, that there was a great indifference with respect to the prosecution of there oftences. There were magistrates, who actlttg upon the old maxim of di- vide et impuct, thought better to allow the disputants to as- suage theír hlóody dispositions upon those occasions, than to put 4 stop to them and use the power of the law for the'-V fre- vention. Sir, I must say that, in my v'.e&, nothing is more mistaken. There is nothing tnSre dreadful, nothing more ini- quitous, than aUtWllig those murderous scenes that were going on in country. There is nothing more likely to tend to the subversion of morality in that country, or to encourage the effu- sion of blooj. It had been Mr. Baron O'Loghiin's care to re- commend and ditect tftit there should be a solicitor employed at every Quaifei Sessions, who should send in an account of all cases iJT this kind. and direct the prosecution by the Crown of all those cases in which he thought he could obtain a convic- tion. The effect of this proceeding has, I believe, been most beneficial. (Cheers.) It has been seen that crimcs of this kind are not suffered with impunity, and there is now some reason to hope that the inveterate habits of the people are beginning to be sub- dued. Lorll.J. tiussell went into details, shewing the prudent j conduct of the Irish government, and cited the charges of the Irish judges to the grand juries, as proving the calm state of the country.—Will any one then say (continued the noble lord) that Ireland is in a singular state of disturbance, or that Lord Mulgrave has connived or winked at ciitne, when the coun- try is in such a state as this. I say nothing of any political bias of the judges. I do not suppose they have any, but I rely on their doing their duly to the country, and if it had not been so, it would have been made known. Wiih respect to the num- bers, I have received a return lately; it has been made out within Ihe last few days, and with as much accuracy as pos- sible. (Hear.) But, at the same time, it is right to say, there has been a difference in the manner of classing and defining I crime since the Police Act passed last year, therefore, it has been a matter of considerable difficulty to make any comparison between that and the former years. Still there are some of the crimes that will shew very well the state of the country, and the totals, I believe, may be depended upon-all of them of a deep, and some of them of an insurrectionary nature. The to. tals of the principal outrages during the last three months of 183'2, were 3065. That was the year before the Coercion Bill was brought in; and certainly at the close of that year there was a considerable increase of crime. But Jbe average of the years 1833, 1834, and 1835, was 2337, and the average of '1836 was 1431. With respect to the whole year, in 1832 only, there were offences 11,269. In 1833, 1834. and 1835, the average is 9919 and in 1836 the amount was 7836, being a diminution of 2092 from the previous years. This, be it ob- served contains the principal class of crimes. (Much cheering.) Sir, 1 have many other returns of a similar nature, more espe- cially shewiug that in the county of Tipperary there has been a very gieat decrease of atrocious crimes but as to crimes of another nature—1 mean riots and assaults—the number of per- sons named in indictments in 1835 was 795. By returns up to January, 1837, 1 find that the number named in indictments in 1636 was 344. (Cheers.) Sir, I wish to bring the atten- tion of the house to those facts which shew what is the lesult of a fair and impartial administration of the laws. (Cheers.) 1 now proceed to another subject, on which I do not mean to dwell at any length. It is a subject which was brought before the house last year, and which occupied much of your atten- tion sir, I mean the subject of Orange Associations and other secret societies in Ireland. It will be in the recollection of this house that these secret societies, which belonged exclu- sively to persons of one religion, were condemned on all sides, and that it was agreed that they must not be allowed to exist. It will be remembered that members of the Orange Society in this house unanimously declared, and I "Sincerely believe they have kept the promise, that they would cease to belong tothem. Sir, I consider whatever they may say now, with respect to the declaration that they then made, I must say tint this is conduct which does them the highest honour. By so doing, they took away from the parties composing those societies the be- lief that they were authorised by them to do so. (Cheering.) But although the superior members of the Oranges Lodtje* had done their duty and although the Lord Lieutenant had de- clared that it was his intention to forget the past, it does not appear there was any disposition in the master wardens to re- tire from those processions. On the contral y, there were on the 12th of July preparations made for a procession greater than had ever been known before. The Lord Lieutenant met this promptly-he sent out magistrates, and. took other means to have those processions met at every point; the consequence of which was, that 68 persons were convicted for having joined in those procession., and 428 more ordered to take their trial. With respect to this, the Lord Lieutenant thought it his duty to take means to ensure the suppression of these societies, and he fdt bound 10 show a determination to suppress these illegal processions. Sir, no person will doubt that in that course°he acted fightly and I believe the result has been that no attempt lias been made to form such processions since the last order of the government prohibiting them. I trust, theiefore, that the suppression of tire illegal societies of which I speak, may be lairly placed among the benefits resulting from the present go. vernment of Ireland, and that the secret associations which have been found upon evidence to be so injurious to the peace of the empire, and so capable of being perverted to such mis- chievous purposes will no longer exist, and that that which this house has declared to be illegal has been effectublly put down. Sir, there is another point with respect to the distribution of patronage on which rtuch observation has made. jTjJSi, Sir, will observe, that in Ae opinion of Mr. To*, whichr I havj stated, he said, that one of the objects which he wishw to see effected in the government of Ireland, was a fair distribution of the emoluments among all classes of the people. (Hear, hear). But what had taken place before the arrival of Lord Mulgrave could hardly be asserted. I hold in my hand the list of the sti- pendiary magistrates appointed under former governments, which states the religion of the different persons (hear, hear), and although the number is very considerable, yet there is ouly one professing the Homan Catholic failh. (Cheers, and cries of hear hear). Considering the number of Roman Catholics of character, and talent, and eminence in that country, I can hardly think that this was a fair distribution af patronage. (Hear, hear). I have also a list of the stipendiary magistrates appointed since Loid Mulgrave assumed the government of Ire- land, and it appears that out of the fifteen appointments that have taken place, six have been conferred upon Roman Catho- lics, and nine upon Protestants; no very unfair distribution (hear, hear), and certainly showing no wish to promote llo- man Catholics in pieference to Protestants, but showing tholt which 1 think it right to show, that a man because he is a Ro- man Catholic is not to be excluded from those offices to which by a solemn act of the Legislature, and which you have sanc- tioned, he is declared entitled to aspire. (Loud cheers). I liave also here a list of other appointments made by Lord Mulgrave, and staling the religion of the different persons so appointed, but I decline going into it, because I think on the whole that unless the question is raised it is oue which it is not desirable to enter upon. ("Hear, hear!" from Sir Robert Peel). The right honourable gentleman cheers, but I beg him to recollect that this was one of the charges brought against Lord Mulgrave's government. It was one ol those charges which are put forth before the public,jand which are resorted to with she view of poisoning the public mind. (Cheers). When Mr. Fox staled what consessiuns he wished to be mltde in Ireland- which included an equality, that is, equal rights and an equal division and participation of emoluments-he said that these concessions would not give satisfaction to at). Who then," he asked, "would be dissatisfied by such concessions 1 Not the aristocracy fur I will not call it by so respectable a name. And is Ihat miserable monopolising minority (loud cheering) lo be put in the balance with the preservation of the empiie and the happiness of a whole people. (Cheering) 1" Now it is this miseiable monopolising minority (renewed cheering) to which the name was so justly affixed by Mr. Fox it is Ihe same miserable minorily which has not daled to bring for- ward any charge in Parliament against the present adminis- tration in Ireland, but which has met, and passed, certain reso- lutions containing charges highly criminatory of Lord Mulgrave. The Orangemen, with closed doors, all opposition shut out, and with orange streamers flying, pass damnatory resolutions against Loid Mutgrave but, though they say the government is pow- erless in the House of Lords, they will not bring a charge against the Irish government, even in the House of LOlds. They, the Orangemen, say they are persecuted !—that they suffer from a penal code. We know what a penal code is: we know how the Irish lost their estates by the effects of a penal code, which subjected them to every description of the severest,penalty; we kjiow that as one result of penal codes an Irish Roman Catholic formerly could not keep a good horse without its being subject to be taken from him by any Protestant who happened to take a fancy to il. (Hear, hear.) We know what a penal code is when it is presented to us in these practical shapes. But as to this undefined and imaginary penal code, I know not what to make of it. (Hear, hear.) It seems to me to resemble nothin" so much as the gentleman who, in a letter to the Spectator, gives an account of his having read all the best medical books, and of the effect which they had oil him: who slates that having read all the accounts of asthma, he became for three weeks de- cidedly asthmatic (taughter) that then having read a good treatise on the gout, he became afllicted with all the symptoms of the gout, except, indeed, the pain. (Great laughter.) In the same way, sir, it appears to me that the parties in question have been reading a treatise on the penal code which in former times was inflicted on the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and imagine themselves suffeiing under all the symptoms, ex- cept the pain (loud cheers and laughter), except the practical sufferings, the practical grievances which the Roman Catholics fnrmeily had to complain of. And thus, in a country almost entirely undisturbed by crime, and rapidly improving in condi- tion, did these parlies come before the public with their dismal tale of imaginary malady. It seems as if they are determined to permit nothing to console them for their loss of exclusive power (Hear, hear!) They have made up their minds to he miserable, reminding one strongly of the hnes of an eminent living author— "Go, you may call it madnc5S, folly. "Yon" shall not chase my grief away There's such a charm in melancholy I would not, if I could be gay.l(Grcat laughter.) Sir, (said Lord John Russell), 1 repudiate altogether the as- sumptions advanced by this knot of persons assembled in a room in Dublin (late Orange meeting.) I say that his Majesty may allst to his Parliament (cheers)-I say he may (rust to his Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland (great cheeiing), and to his faith- ful subjects in that country. I say that their zeal, their affec- tion, and their loyally, will preserve Ireland for his Majesty and his successors on the throne, even though those gentlemen, in meenng assembled, give themselves no further trouble in the mailer. (Great laughter and cheering.) Thete is one thing more in these resolutions to which I shall now come, and it is connected with the state of Ireland as differing from the state of this country and of Scotland. This was the resolution which complains lhat a body, styling itself 'The General Associa- tion of ireland. has for some time held, and now publicly holds its meetings in Dublin, and is actively and seditiously engaged in exciting and organising the people of this country, for the purpose of resisting the just prerogative of the Crown, for the spoliation of the Established Church, and severing the union between Great Britain and Ireland and that stich proceedings are connived aI, and wholly unrestrained by. his Majesty's jovernmenl in Ireland." Now, sir, 1 must own that if I were ,'(0 hear there was a Genertl- Association of Scotchmen met in Edinburgh, and that their meetings too!; placfe rfom week lo week, and that lliey collected vaiious sums of money from week to r*»'*eV, ami entered into various resolutions from time to time with respect to the government of that country, I confess that I should hear "it with great regret; but I should always ask what was the cause of that association (cheers)? and so I say with respect to Ireknd. Sir, I veiy much regret that in Dublin, as I should that in Edinburgh, an association should exist of the nature alluded to but 1 am obliged to inquire into its causes, and when I ask for those causes, I find, as the forcible phrase of Lord Mulgraveexpressedit, tnatitisthespawnofyourown wrong. The Poble lord terminated an admirable speech by recommend ing the measure or municipal reform. I think, sir, it was said of a great cliatacter of antiquity, That which Themistocles has proposed would be very profitable to Athens, but it would be very unjust." ,Notv, I propose te. you a treasure which will be eminently ^fitibie. It will be profitable in giving to you the hearts and affections of the people of Ireland it will be profit- able to you in promoting the riches and welfare of the towns; it will be protitjble to you in lending to produce greater order, a belter administration of the law, and a more general conti. dence ill your government. But while it has all these advan- tages of profit, while it has all these motives of expediency, I espescially recommend it to the house—I especially recommend it to Parliament—on this ground, that 1 believe it to he just. [Die noble lord resumed his seat amidst great cheering.] Mr. Sergeant Jackson thought the noble lord had taken very new ground on this occasion. In all Plevious discussions of this question, it had never occurred to any member of either house of Parliament to discuss this question upon the ground which the noble lord had taken. (Hear, hear!) He meant his argument that the rejection of the Municipal Bill was an 10- fraction of the Act of Union, and a depatture from the spirit in wnich the Emancipation Act was passed. He denied that there was any grain of solid argument in either of these state- ments. (Hear, hear.) Did the noble lord mean to say that the principle of the Union was that there should be no difference between the government of the two countries or its laws. (Hear, hear!) If he had read the A ct of Union he would have seen, by the 8tll section of that act, that the laws of Ireland, as they existed befoie the Union, should continue. Look at the White Boy Act. Was there any necessity for anything like that existing in England? (Hear, hear!) What was the spirit of the Act of Emancipation ? Could the noble lord put his finger on any part of that act which rendered it obligatory to give to Ireland municipal reform? (Cheers, and cries of Hear, hear!") Perhaps the noble lord argued that the spirit of the Emancipation Bill, and not the letter rendered it neces- sary. In his (Sergeant Jackson's) opinion, the spirit and the letter of the act were in direct opposition to it. The noble lord spoke of Lord Mulgrave's desire to do impartial justice, and of innovations in the administration of the law, and he referred to three gentlemen who filled the office of attorney-general in that country. He did not deny'their respectability, but there were others, there was his friend Mr. Blackburn or Mr. Edward Pennefather, whose superiors in their profession were not to be found— Lord John Russell begged to be allowed to set himself right with the honourable and learned gentleman. lie did not mean in any way to deny that those gentlemen were as eminent and respectable as any persons could be. What he said was, that it was useful to have unity in the government, and that per- sons acting in the government should be animated by the same views of policy. He meant that the pesons to whom he re- ferred were actuated by the same views of policy, whether right or wrong. (Hear, hear). Mr. Sei-geant Jackson did not misapprehend the noble lord. The noble lord could not venture to say that Mr. Blackburne or Mr. Edward l'ennefalher would for a moment hold office under Lord Mulgrave's government, disgraced and degraded as it was. (Hear, hear). Let the house examine these innova- tions. The first was made by Mr. O'Loghlen, when he was Attorney-General for Ireland. The noble lord panegyrised the innovations j hut he would tell the noble lord that they had produced consequences the most disastrous. Reference had been made to the putting by," as it was called, of jurors on the part of the Crown without assigning any cause. He held J1 to be a calumny on the respectable individuals who from time to time had filled the important office of Attorney-General in Ireland, and who were connected with the criminal jurispru- dence of that country, to say that in the performance of their duties they had been actuated by a difference in religious per- suasions to put by men from serving as jurors. He denied that men were put by from serving as jurors merely because they were Roman Catholics. Neither did he believe it had been ever the piactice at any period to put by men offering them- selves as jurors because of their political opinions. (Cries of Oh, oh"). He did not believe it. (Opposition cheers, and renewed cries of Oh from the ministerial benches). The learned sergeant then proceeded at considerable length to ar- raign the conduct of the Irish government, in reference to of- ficial appointments and general policy and in the course of an eloquent and empassioned speech, delivered, as the repoiler says, with much vehemence of manner and energy of action, Mr. O'Connell was severely handled. After denouncing the conduct of the hon. and learned member for Kilkenny, and the proceedings of the National Association of Dublin, the hon. and learned sergeant sat down amidst loud and protracted cheering fromtheoppositionbenches. Mr. O'Connell, after the cheering had subsided, said, Sir, I concur in the pleasure these cheers manifest to be entertained by the hon. gentlemen at the other side at the speech we have j'lst heard from the hon. and learned sergeant. I must say I never heard any speech with more complete delight. (Hear, hear). As to the personal attack on myself, that is perfectly beneath my dignity to notice. (Oh oh !). h certainly docs not alloy the satisfaction with which I listened to the rest of the discourse. I have not arrived at my present time of life without learning to value the abuse of some whose praise would be censure indeed. At) I ask the honourable and learned ser- geant is never to praise me let him do with me what else he pleases. (A laugh). The satisfaction which 1 derive from the speech of tbe houourable and learned sergeant is founded u^ion two greuads Bbtly, thitt if b# -lws any inateijal ofi candour about him, he has taken up a course fiom which he cannot with any dignity retire and secondly, that he has avow- edly displayed himself as the organ lor the opposition of bis Majesty's Ministers. (Hear, hear). There is no disguise now, they have made him their champion they have bound their cause with his, and it is impossible that the right honourable baronet himself can be more explicit upon the coutse they pio- pose to adopt than he has been. The hon. and learned gent, defended the Irish government and the National Association at considerable length, and got into a personal dispute with Mr. Shaw, who followed up the attack on the Irish government and IMr. O'Connell, which Sergeant Jackson had commenced. Mr. Roebllck expressed his disapprobation of the sharp lan- gunge used in the course of the debate, which he thought was but a waste of time. What, he would ask, was the vatueofi all that they had heard to-night? They had had four long I mortal hours entirely wasted. (Six). i\o he would not say six, because some particular speeches or parts of speeches that he had hcaid did not fall under the same category. He, how- ever, wanted to know the value of the argument that had been addressed to the house? He wished to strip it from all ex- traneous adjuncts—from all rhetorical flourishes—which how- ever well they might be suited to other audiences, were not proper to be recognised by such an assembly as this. (Hear, hear). The honourable and learned sergeant had accused the honourable and learned member for Kilkenny of having used certain expressions, at various times, of a very violent nature, and therefore that house was to legislate for Ireland in a man- ner different from what it had for any other part of the empire. The argument of the learned sergeant was, that because the honourable and learned member for Kilkenny had been violent, rude, coarse, in the epithets he had employed in his language, they were therefore to deny to the people of Ireland (loud cheers) those jiunicipal rights which they had alieady given to Engtandandto Scotland. The O'Connor Don was but very imperfectly heard. He be- lieved that no person was allowed to have access to the Pro- testant meeting unless lie previously signed a certificate de- claring that he assented generally to the views of the noble lords by whom it was convened. Willi respect to the National Association, to which so much allusion had been made in the course of the debate of that evening, he fairly admitted that he regretted its existence. (Hear). He regretted it on account of the cause that created it, and of the circumstance that ap- peared to him to render its existence actually necessary. (Hear, hear, heat). It was to be regretted that the people of Ireland, whenever they sought a redress of grievances, were compelled to address themselves, not to a sense of right, but to some ap- prehension of danger. (Hear). On the motion of Mr. Brotherton the debate was adjourned. The other orders of the day we.e then dispoed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter past twelve. WKDNKSDAV, Ti n. 8.—-Captain Barday presented a petition against the Bristol and Glouccrtershire Railway Dill, as being contrary to the standing orders of the house. EDUCATION 1:>1 \V A L.I-.S. Sir L. l'arru gave notice that at an early dav he would call the attention of the house to the education of the people of the Principality of Wales in the English language, with the view to cement the union between, the two couuiries, and to assirni,. late the habits and customs of the people by superaddin" the English to the ancient British language. ML'NICHPAI. CORPORATIONS ( I R1 I. A N T> ) Mr. H. lJ. Browne considered the question before the house, to be whether or not the Irish people were to be considered liiitish subjects—whether or not that country was inferior to England, and whether or not insult and degradation should continue 10 be heaped upon her.— Mr. It'. Rochc supported the measure. Mr. I.uca* considered that the real question was, whether the measure wascatcufated to do good or evil to Ireland, lie (Mr. Lucas) thought it would raise ihe ministerial party, and lower his (Ihe Conservative): he would oppose the bill. 111, llardy opposed the measure he thought Ireland unfit to receive the charge of Municipal Corporations. Mr. II. G rattan said they must either grant Corporate Re- (orm, or they, in fact, repealed the acts of ullion ;In,1 ('n.;allcipa- tion, which had repealed disqualifications. (Ileear, hear.) If they abrogated corporations altogether, they would place Ire- laud in a worse position than it had been in since its connection with England for Henry the Second had gone over to Ireland, and had given the people corporations, saying it was lor the purpose of placing them on the same footing with the people of England. (Hear.) Mr. Graltan, in the course of his speech, said that the operations of the association of Ireland would take away 15 votes tiom the Conservatives at the next election in- deed, he had little doubt that the majority of the house would be increased 10 130. Mr. Lejrop opposed the motion, in a clever speech he at- tacked the executive govenrment of Lord Mulgrave, and declared it as his opinion that the Irish Association was illegal. Mr. IVaklep supported the motion, and in the course of his speech inquiied what was meant by the word descuption, as ap- plied to Irishmen? He supposed the hon. member lor Bradford would admit that in physical constitution, and in a sense of moral obligations, they wore some resemblance to their fellow- su >jeets iu England and Scotland, that they had some claim to be classed among the animal creation, that the babes in that country sucked from their mothers' breasts the means of exist- ent-u'.ar^ ''lat belonged to the class mammalia. cond! r St"? I,e s,lonl<1 have no objection lo the bill if the Air IV* I lhat of ,he English and Scoteh. invective a "Pl>os e hill in a long speech, combining much nvcctive against ,he ruhng party in I.eland. & dcrahle a speech of very consi- siVt bodv of |wk\ i f* 'VVly ('s"Pl,0"ed by a very extcn- irish government acts and general policy of tne mercy was nrnnl'rl He ,sho.ulJd think that the prerogative of commission of »tf e*'ended, that the appointments to the S? Zre r,e ,were lhat the le?al pro- meritoiiou<^ITPn!S°.Und PoUc*. a»d conferied upon P,V«4? ° m ge"on,en. as in the cases of Mr. Cassidy and Air.: Pigott. Ihe head and tront of our offending.isthis, that we Itave preferred our frietirls and supporters lo our avowed adver varies, our open villtfiers, and our insidious uiidcrtniners. (Im- mense cheering.) Such has been hitherto the policy of Hail Mulgrave; and in spite of all that shall be alleged or charged against us, such it will continue.—Renewed checrs.) Sir James Graham opposed th.) bill. Sir James declared _himsc.it dissatisfied with the explanations made by Lord Mor- -peth. the Irish Chief Secretary, with regard to the conduct 01 Lord Mulgrave, and dwelt with mtich hostility against the Association. < Sir J. C./JoblIOHse thought, in reference to the conduct o) Sir James Graham, that a man may act magnanimously with- out carrying into his new pdsitioti, Ii. perpetual bitterness against his ancierrt Allies—Ire asked Sir James, if we (the government) do not pass the bill, do they intend to govern Ire- land upon the other principle I (Hear, arid loud cheers from the ministeria membersl. Docs the right hon. gentleman, sup- posing the happy day should arrive in which we should be re, hevedof our thankless servitude there—does he intend to go vern Ireland with Orange handkerchiefs and "the Kentish fire" (long continued citcerihg) and tins, too, with the assis- tance of a very respectable nobleiiiaii acting cs fugleman? (Cheers and laughter.) Does the right hon. gentleman mean to do ihis ? I tlunk that the King's government, and thi country too, will consider they have a right to ask the question. andtohaveadecidedanswertoit. (Hear, hear.) The ques tion to be decided to-night is this: shall this country be go- verned by a majority of the House of Lords against a majority of the House of Commons, or shall it be governed by a majo. rity of the House of Commons against a majority of the House ol Lo.ds ? (Cheers). He concluded by defy ing Sir Robert Peel to undertake the government of the country. Sir Robert Peel was surprised that Lord John Russell, in- stead of taking a comprehensive view of the whole state of Ire- land, fixed on aresolution (fouiteen of the Orange resolutions) passed at a meeting convened by a number of gentlemen, who thought that they could exercise with freedom and in safety the humble right which every British subject claims of petitioning Parliament. (Cheers.) The right hon. bart. met the arguments adduced in favour of the introduction of Municipal Reform in Ireland, and eloquently attacked the national association. 1 know many among those who clamour the loudest about justice and equal laws aie the mos.t forward to charge us with insulting the people of Ireland, and the most active in crying out for re- dress—who shrink within themselveswhen poor-laws for Ireland are the subject of discussion. With respect to the liberation of prisoners by the Lord-Lieutenant, Sir Robert Peel said, this is the only instance that 1 know of in which mercy was extended to persons confined for offences against the law on the visit of a Chief Governor. Oh! yes, there is one other instance that occurs to my mind, but it is of a poetical nature. It is recorded in a farce (cheers and laughter)—a farce known, I believe, by the name of Tom Thumb. (Immense laughter.) If I recollect right and I refer to the classical authority of the hon. gentleman opposite, the hiiig and Lord Grizzle appear upon the stage. (Roars of laughter.) The King says, liebellion is dead—I'll go to breakfast." (Cheers and laughter.) And to illustrate the fact he says further—" Open the prisons—turn the captives out (cheers and laughter) and let our treasurer advance one guined pay their several debts." (Cheers and tremendous laughter.) ihe right hon. gentleman opposite asks me what I mean to fII<t with the municipal question in Ireland when I come into omce (Hear, hear.) Now he is in office, and let me ask him, in re- turn, what he means to do with the church question in Ireland ? I am bound to say that, when I see an association established rnlreland arrayed against the Established Church. The right hon. bart. concluded by observing that Mr. Fox had said that those who mistook paper regulations for practical government would find great difficulty in a country distracted by religious dissensions and under the pretence of equal laws they would not give equal justice, which it was their duty to secure to the minority as well as to the majority. (Cheering.) Lord John Rnssell ably replied. Had the bill proposed the year before last been passed, it would, ere this, have become 'he "cheap defence" of tbe Church of Ireland. That bill, however, was rejected, and all he could now say was, that he viewed wilh great pain the condition into which the Church of Ireland had been brought in consequence of that lejection, so •ar as regarded those to whom the revenues were applicable. II would be, hereafter, his earnest study, as it was now his earnesl wish, to induce parliament to come to some decision upon the subject. He did not therefore wish, or expect to be able, to propose any measure upon the subject early in the session However, no personal feeling of his should stand in the way ot a settlement of that or of any other question. Leave was then given to bring in the bill, which was read a fust time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday week. J'OOU I.AWS FOIt 1REMKD. Lord J. Resell postponed to Monday next the question of Poor-laws for Ireland. It stood for Thursday.—Adjourned.

GREAT MEETING AT THE BBLL INN, MONMOUTH. On Wednesday evening last, a numerous and respectable meeting was held at the Bell Inn, Monmouth, to welcome the popular candidate for these boroughs, R. J. Blewitt, Esq., We missed several of our old and staunch friends, who were prevented attending from attacks of the prevailing epidemic. The meeting was, nevertheless, unusually thronged, there being certainly not less than 300 persons present. On the motion of Mr. Thackwell, J. G. George, Esq., was called to the Chair, in the absence of the Mayor, who was detained by illness. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Blewitt, attended by several gentlemen, entered the room and was received by the company standing, and saluted with three rounds of hearty cheers; he was con- ducted to a scat at the left of the Chairman. Mr. George then rose and said Gentlemen-Having been placed, by your kindness, in the situation of Chair- man, it becomes my duty to introduce to you the object of this meeting, who appears here, for the first time, as a candidate for your suffrages. (Loud Cheers.) Gen- tlemen, I meet you this evening with feelings far diffe- rent from those which we entertained upon the occasion of our last assembling in this room, consequent upon the deelared re- solution of Mr. Hall to resign his trust at the next dissolution of Parliament. We then almost feared, as our opponents fondly hoped, that we were again sinking into the thraldom of Tory domination. But no, gentlemen.—in the hour of need, Mr. Blewitt, being solicited to leave his retirement, and to come forwarrl as our Champion, fleeing the situation in which we v/crv, placed, resolved, after mature deliberation, to forego |Jiis own feelings and taste, and to accede to the calls which were made ttpon him. "Mr. JBcwitt mme into tho /loltl 40 satisfy no youthful vanity, to seek no ambitious post of honour, but to save the Reform interest of these boroughs from being swamped by the Tories. I shall not dwell upon the principles of our candidate: they are before you; and, with regard to one great question, that of the vote by' ballot (great cheering), you have his distinct assurance. For my own purt, I confess, that when I first came amongst you in a public capacity, I was averse to that principle, but my experience in electioneering has convinced me of the absolute necessity of the measure, to ensure perfœt freedom to the voter. 1 wili not longer detain you but propose the health of Reginald James Blewitt, Esq." This toast was received with three times three, and reiterated cheering. When silence was restored, Mr. Blewitt rose and was again greeted with plaudits. Hespoketothefottowing effect Gentlemen-or, as a more enobling title, I would call you, Men of Monmouth—It is with feelings of the deepest gratitude tllnt I risc to thank you for the manner in whieh you have received me. Even as an individual, I should want words to express how much I feel at the reception you have this night given me: but when I reflect on the manner in which you have called me forth from'private life to the politicvl world, to become a candidate to represent you in Parliament, I can only say, from the bottom of my soul, I thank you. Gentlemen, I am no stranger amongst you I can almost say I know, and am known to you all. I can look back with feel- ings of proud gratification to the cause of my former introduc- tion amongst you as a public man, when, for the first time in your county the banners were unfurled of an independent Press. (Cheers.) In my connection with your county paper, I was indeed but an humble instrument; but I rejoice in having introduced to you one as my successor, who long has been, and is, a distinguished, talented, and powerful advocate of freedom in every branch. (Much cheering). I cannot regard the origin of that paper without recognising it as the main cause of reviving that spirit, of patriotism which had been comparatively latent .since the period of your memorable struggle a struggle which was provoked hy your opponents, by the most revolting acts of oppression, the weight and indignities of which pro- duced that. resistance from mv friend on the left (Mr. Thaek- well), and other kindred spirits around me, that at length en- kindled that dormant spirit of freedom, the exercise of which, when called into action, returned two members to Parliament. (Vehement cheers). Gentlemen—I hold in my hand the very flattering requisition which I received from Monmouth, request- ing- me to offer myself as a candidate. It has teen the custom of some to affect to sneer at the respectability and station of such as those whose names I have he fore me; but the names of men who have ever resisted bribes, intimidation, and threats, in the performance of their political duties, must, carry respeetahility with them..Mr. Blewitt then recounted the names of the lead- ing Reformers who had signed the requisition. Let me have respectability such as this for my support, and I defy any com- parisons of my political opponents nay, if respectability is not to hc found here, there is none in any body of Tories in the. kingdom. T repeat it., I havc m01'e cause to he satisfied with the respectability of my supporters than my opponents would wish me 1.0 have. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, 1 was thi" day look- ing over a file of past. Merlins, and I met with the record of those county meeting*, Ihe first of wfib*Ti wMtcM on th^'STSt" December, 1830, and the other in March following, and which wCre the preludes to the election of Mr. Williams, as our coun- ty member, and of Mr. Hall, your justly esteemed borough re- presentative. I am lIIost happy to state to you that the same sentiments which, at that period, animated the leading patriots of our county, stilllwevaiLs in their hearts. (Hear, awl Cheers.) es, I alii proud to state, that the present Lord Lieutenant of the, county, who, upon one of the occasions to which 1 have alluded, in consequence of being absent from illness, IItldressed a letter to the chairman, the terms and spirit of which were worthy of his character and patriotism, is still the uncompro- mising Reformer he ever was (cheers) affording a brilliant contrast to the conduct of Sir F. Burdett, who has become faithless to those principles of liberty which once hallowed his name. (Cheers.) 1 am happy to say, that gentlemen, emi- nent for public principle and esteemed for private worth, felt deeply interested in the success of that cause to which the honest Reformers of the boroughs were so true and that many who before stood apart from the field of action, n.ow manifested the best impulses. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,—You have seen the addresses which I have issued through the county paper—from them you can judge of my political principles. 1 avow myself the stern and unbending advocate of every liberal institution, which is consonant with the dictates of civil and religious liberty, and which is really conducive to the happiness of my country. 1 have not lately been accustomed to address meet- ings of this magnitude and character, and will therefore only further add, that if I should be returned as your representative in Parliament, I will do all in my power to merit that opinion which you have so kindly entertained of me. I again thank you, from my heart, for the honour you have done me, in se- lecting me to rescue the boroughs from the thraldom with which they were threatened. The Chairman gave W. A. Williams, Esq., Member for the County and took the opportunity of expatiating, in com- plimentary terms, upon the hearty, voluntary, and invaluable assistance that gentleman afforded the horoughs at the last elec- tion, in the absence of Mr. Hall, and also at the scrutiny in Lontlon. Three times three. Mr. Thackwell felt. great pleasure in witnessing the enthusi- astic applause with which the health of the Good Old Eng- lish Gentleman" had been received. It was impossible to think too highly or feel too much respect for the object of that toast. Mr. Williams came manfully forward, and assisted in the great cause with his honest zeal and all his influence and he, Mr. T., was glad to see. that his fellow Reformers appre- ciated that gentleman's exertions. (Cheers.) He was sure the meeting coincided with him in the pleasure he felt at the .manly exposition which Mr. l!le«itt hi»d given of his senti- ment^; and he was much. mistaken, too, if they would not fully and fearlessly perform the duty they owed him. He UIl- derstood that the requisition from Monmouth had been signed by upwards of 70 electors, but thenumla r wonld have exceeded their hitherto victorious 94 even,-had time permitted the depu- tation calling on them. These names contained those who had lcclared and fought for that liberty for which no man ought to je called upon to conter.d—names of those who were good Jiies," and who would fulfil the expectations they had given Mr. B. reason to form. It was not the mere signatures on that paper, which Mr. Blewitt had so triumphantly held in his hand, that would of themselves avail. No! it depended on the exertions which each man would make on the day of trial ['or ultimate success. Let every m«n net as though the issue depended upon his individual e*$rtio,tiS and let him use every fair and honourable means wit^i liis friends also. He was sure the brave 94 would be again at their pofitS, and he more than expected to see some fresh recruits. (Cheferfc.) Let us (said Mr. T.) sheW btif opponents that we are like iron, the more we are struck the harder We btybrri^. (Laughter.) During Tory administrations we thought and hcfti" I-,f ♦vothitig but constant additions to taxation. In his own pefshii, io$iyf a Solitary example of the good we have derived from A Julfn'j aistration, he .would observe that, under the Torlvfi, ne usect to pay £ 4. 1 *itidpw-^x, and £ 2 house-tax, per aiihiitfi; but under an economical go?e^"hM^t ^he onlv paid £ 1. Is per annum window-tax, and nothing lot ncu^'e-'fitity; In ponclu- sion, he was sure that the brave boys with wlioi'ri fl hitherto fought, would nobly perform their duty, and laugh the efforts which would be made against them. He would re- mind the meeting that they must not lose sight of an old friend, one who had come forward in the hour of need, and had beei* the first to rescue the boroughs from that tyranny which they had so long endured. He would propose the health of their much-respected representative, B. Hall, Esq. Three times three, and great cheering. Mr. Blewitt observed, that some toasts required what Witll called palaver"—others needed but the mention of the name to ensure for them a deserved reception. He should much wonder if the toast he should name did not excite a hearty throb in the bosom of every honest man. He would propose the health of Harry Hughes, of Monmouth, their worthy Mayor. Three times three. Mr. George begged to invite the attention of the meeting to a toast which he should propose; it was that of a gentleman who for many years had, with others, been debarred the exer- cise of civil privileges, because of a conscientious adherence to their religious principles. He, Mr. G., Was happy to say, that that gentleman was with us, heart and soul; he had promised Mr. Blewitt the whole of his legitimate influence—he had Jea- lously and effectively canvassed for us,—and would use e"etr exertion in his power to secure his success. He begged to givil Mr. P. Jones, and the house of Lanartli." Three times three, and one cheer more." Mr. Blewitt would commit a great injustice to his feelings, after hearing the honour which had been paid to Mr. Philp Jones, if he did not rise and assure that meeting that he was indeed every way deserving their esteem. From his close con- nection with that gentleman he knew him to be the very soul of honour, and he would emphatically state his belief, that a uaore excellent man did not exist in any relation of life. (Checrs.) He would tell the meeting one fact, which would enable them to judge. When he (Mr. Blewitt) was invited to offer himself to the electors, many personal inconveniences, which if was unnecessary to recount, of course suggested themselves to Mr. Jones's mind but, after giving them a pass- ing thought, lie at once observed, "Why should tradesmen and persons not possessed of independent property, sacrifice so much as they do, election after election, to the cause of in- dependence, and we also not sacrifice something ? Yes, what- ever detriment it may cause us, you shall, conic forward, and all our influence shall be exerted to serve the popular inter- ests." (Loud cheering.) He (Mr. B.) would therefore fepeat that Mr. Jones was worthy of the honour which had been paid him. The Chairman gave Tlie Independent Electors of Newport and Lsk;" and_ observed that the Tories exercised so much influence in this borough, that without the assistance of the other boroughs, the independent interest would be swamped, lie was happy, however, to state, that, from the most minute calculation he could make, and from the great success Mr. B. had met with in those boroughs, that he felt quite certain of victory. (Reiterated cheering.) He (Mr. G.) had frequently made similar assurances—he had hitherto always augured cor- rectly—and he would not now repeat it, but' that in perfect truth he was thoroughly convinced of the fact. Mr. Blewitt, although not at liberty to state the details of his canvass, wonld yet emphatically declare, that he felt quite certain of success from the reception he had met with else- where, and from the earnest which the electors of Monmouth had afforded him of their intentions. (Enthusiastic cheering.) He could not avoid relating one circumstance relative to a voter at Newport, as it was somewhat unique it its way. The elector had been called upon by the Tories, and he had refilled to promise his vote. I also called upon him, and he refused to promise me. The Blues again attempted him, and, after a good deal of teasing, one of the canvassers observed. Oh! you may as well promise us your vote it will save you being annoyed again, and save us the trouble of calling." The elec- tor, however, still refused, and soon after, upon meeting me in Newport, he saluted me, and said, Sir, I am come to promise you my vote, to save the Blues the trouble of catling on me again." (Laughter.) The Chairman gave T. G. Phillpotts, Esq."—Mr. Phill- potts, jun., returned thanks. Mr. Blewitt proposed the health of Honest Tom Thack- well," one of the staunehest reformers in the kingdom, and one of that devoted band, who had sacrificed so much in strug- gling for the independence of the boroughs.—Mr. Thackwell replied with much feeling, and with characteristic jocularity. In the course of his observations, he declared that he had always acted from principle alone, and that principle should still be the rule of his actions through life. He was not a Whig because of the foolish term-he was not opposed to Mr. Bailey from any personal motives, nor did he give his support to Mr. Blewitt from any feelings of friendship. But he op- posed Mr. Bailey because he considered the politics of that gentleman subversive of the liberties of the country; and he would vote for Mr. Blewitt because his principles would en- hance the happiness of the nation. (Much applause.) Mr. T. concluded by proposing the health of Mr. Evans, a gentleman uf independent principles, and one who had accompanied Mr. Blewitt on the present occasion.—Mr. Evan^ replied in a speech eloquently delivered, and which, we regret, want of space alone prevents us giving. It drew forth repeated applause. The Chairman gave The Lord Lieutenant of the County," three times three. -Mr, lilowitt proposed the health of their Chairman whom, he characterised as a true patriot, above any thing like fee or retainer, and as pure a professional man as ever lived. He had known him for some years, and he was sure the meeting would do justice to the toast.—Mr. G. returned thanks in a speech replete with taste and fervour, and in the course of which he urgently pressed the electors to use individual «rxeN tions, acting upon the ennobling motto of, he who would be frre himself must strike the blow." With regard to the etisa' miums which Mr. Blewitt had too kindly passed on him, he would only say, that whilst he witnessed the sacrifices which persons of a more dependent station so willingly made at the shrine of public good, he would ever scorn personal advantages, and pursue the path he had hitherto trodden. (Cheers.) • Mr. Blewitt would once more intrude on the attention of the meeting, and he was sure that, considering the task he had on the morrow to perform, his friends would excuse his longer re.J maining with them. He and Mr. Bailey were both before them, and it was for the electors to choose for themselves. lie would say nothing disparagingly of Mr. Bailey; he was a young man, and, therefore, to a certain extent, must be inex- perienced; but from what knowledge he (Mr. Blewitt) pos- sessed of him, he knew nothing derogatory to his character. For his own part. he stood before them as no stranger, as one wholll they had long known, and, he repeated, it was for the electors themselves to decide between the principles and re- spective claims of himself and Mr. Bailey, jun. and for his own part, he had not a single doubt of ultimate success. (Bravo, you will win the day.) He could not help stating to the meeting, that soon after he publicly announced his inten- tion of becoming a candidate, Mr. Bailey, jun. called on him in his sanctuary, Newport, and expressed a. hope, that in the ensuing contest nothing would transpire which should in any way affect their private friendship and that, on his own part, he 1I"l/tltllWf!1ellt the repetition of those scenes 1L'hich had charac- terised the former elections. He (Mr. Blewitt) hoped that such would be the case. As far as he was concerned, he would tempt no man; he would bribe no man; he would scorn to win an election by any such degrading means (great cheer- ing) and he was sure that he should not have the sanction of those brave men of Monmouth if he did. No! he left the matter to the unbiassed choice of the electors; and if the other party pursued a similar course, he felt certain of success. Let them act differently, and again he felt that there was enough of patriotism and public spirit left in the boroughs to place him m that situation which the electors had themselves made an object of ambition to him, viz., their rcpresesentative in Parlia- ment. (Cheers.) He would only add, that he should to- morrow wait upon every elector in the town, and it would re- Inain with the liberal voters to fulfil the voluntary pledges of support which they had so kindly tendered him. (Loud and continued cheering.) He would sit down with drinking to the Independent Electors of Monmouth. (Great cheering.)—Mr. B. immediately after left the room, the whole company rising and saluting him with loud checrs and clapping of hands. Two or three good songs were sung by some gentlemen pre- sent, and the last toast having been given, Our next meeting, and may it be as happy a one as the present," the large and respectable assembly separated in the most perfect order and good feeling.