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LIBERALISM IN FLINTSHIRE.

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LIBERALISM IN FLINTSHIRE. GREAT BANQUET TO LORD RICHARD GROSVENOR, M.P., AND SIR R. A. CUNLIFFE, M.P., AT MOLD. FORMATION OF A LIBERAL ASSOCIATION. The recent unopposed election of Sir Robert Cun- liffe to the representation of the Flintshire Boroughs Kve rise to a feeling on the part of some of the Cing gentlemen of the Liberal party that it would be a fitting opportunity to hold a demonstration iu the form of a dinner to which the two members, the Right Hon. Lord R. Grosvenor, and Sir R. A Cunliffe, should be invited. A committee was formed with that end in view, chiefly at the suggestion of Mr Kyffin Roberts of St. Asaph, and the Rev. T. R. Lloyd, Llanfyr ydd, who took an active interest in the proceedings from beginning to end. A very energetic an efficient secretary was found in Mr Kyffin Jones, of Mold, and Mr E. P. Jones, of Mold, a veteran Liberal, was eleeted as chairman of the committee. Several meetings were held, and last Wednesday w. is ultimately decided upon as the most Convenient evening on which the demonstration couid be made. Nearly all of the leading Liberals of North Wales were communieated with, men- especially the members of Parliament, and among those who returned a favourable reply. were Messrs S. Holland, M.P. for Merionethshire, and Walkin WiUiams, M.P. for the Denbighshire Boroughs. Mr Gladstone was also communicated with, but owing to ministerial duties the right h, n. gentleman was unable to attend. It was also intended that Ll. F. Lloyd, Esq., of Nannerch, a gentleman who for upward, of 40 years has been closely identified with the Liberal cause in the county, and who acted so honorably at the last election, should act as chairman for the evening, but owing to a serious indisposition that gentleman was unable to comply Lord Blokya was then asked, he being the repre- sentative of a family, who have always upheld the interQts of the party ia the county. But, owing to his great agc,, Lord Mostyn was reluctantly obliged to decline the honour. It was then felt that no gentleman in the district possessed higher claims to the honour than Mr Bate, of Kelsterton, who had worked energetically, not only at the last, but at previous elections, in the interest of the party. He very kindly accepted the post and it is not too much to say that he fullfilled the duties to general satis- faction. It was also felt by many that an oppor- tanity of the kind should not be allowed to pass without some organisation being put on foot, which should tend to put the party as a whole in a better fighting position, and which should provide the means of marshalling its forces at the shortest notice.' Mr W. Davies, solicitor, Holywell, was Sfcked to draw up a code of rules for the formation of a Liberal Association for the County and Boroughs Of Flint. These rules were submitted to a meeting Of tlHi party held at the Star Hotel on Wednesday last presided owr My iL- ?. P. Jones, and fi^th soiae .vuendiufmf.h agreed to. Mr Kyffiu cfoijv; St. A-in^h, being fcj.po'nted treasurer (pro tern). and Mi levies, Holywell, secretary, (pro tern), Toe catering arratt<r«mer.l» r entrusted to Mr W. III. While, of the S< :iiiU-j, L<i the arrange- raer,t, ah to rj..>i-i il satisfaction, v(-.r,i '• t and hostess, » .i Vwt -aat the dinner was one ot ';be was one ot the ww* _-nded that was ever held in the town. The chair as we have before stated Was occupied by Mr E. Bate, while the vice-chairs were occupied by the Rev. T. R. Lloyd, Llanfynydd, Mr E. P. Jones, brewer, Mold, and Dr. Davies, Holvwell. Supporting these gentlemen there were Lord R. J Grosvenor, M P., Sir R. A. Cunliffe, Bart., M.P., Mr W. H. Gladstone, M.P., Mr S. Holland, M.P., Major Cornwallis West, lord-lieutenant of Denbigh- shire; Sir T. G. Frost, Chester; Mr R. Frost, Chester; Mr W. Johnson, Broughton Mr E. G Salisbury, Chester; Mr J. Roberts, Abergele; Mr T. Kyffin Roberts, St. A?aph; Dr. Easterby, St. Asaph; the Rev. Reger Edwards, Mold; Rev. B. Jones, Bagillt; Rev. A. Francis, Rbyl; Rev. L. Ellis, Rhuddlan; Rev. M. Jones, Flint; Mr Ishmael Jones, Mayor of Flint; Mr J. K. Huutlcy, HigLfiel(l; Mr C. Hughes, J.P., Wiexham; Mr T. C. Jones, J.P., Wrexham; Mr F. Marshall, Chester; Messrs. P. M. Evaus, Holywell; J. Price, Holywell; W. Davies, Holywell; J. S. Williams, Caerwys; T. Parry Jones, Flint; S. Davies, Bagillt: D. Pugh, Holywell; S. Williamson, Holywell; W. Pierce, Bagillt; J. Eaton, Mold; P.Jones, Bagillt; E. WilliaOiS, station, Bagillt; G. Edwards, Ba<riJ!t; J. D. Jones,; Mold W. Lester, Vron Offa; Kjffin J,,nep, Mold; B. Powell, Mold; H. T. Edwards, Flint; J. Edwards, Peritre, Mold; Joseph Williams. Holywell; Isaac Roberts, Holywell; T. Peters, Celyn — Wt i-lit, Bodfari; Enoch Lewis, Mostyn ljuay J4. Lewis, Mostyn Quay W. Jannion Jones, Mold R. W. Jones, Mold; Henry Jones. Bagillt; Henry Roberts, Mold; J. Wiiliams, Rhjl; Williams, Liverpool; J. H. Rawlins and R. C. Rawlins, Cefnybtdd, Wrexham; Lieutenant Colonel A. S. Jones, V.C., Wrexham; W. H. Tilstou, Wrexham T. E. Mii,shall, Wrexham; G. Bellis, C.E., Moid, C. Davison, Ceiyn; H. Jones, Biyn- pwyn, Caerwys; T. Parry, Halkin G. Bradlev, Wrexi-am; J. Jones, solicitor, Wrexham; J. T. T. Piikington, Wrexham; R. Lloyd, Wrexham; H. Lloyd Jones, draper, Mold; T. Chilton, Stansty Hall, Wrexham; Robert Williams, Aiyn Terrace, Mold; George Williams, Alyn Terrace; O. Jen-s. Oswestry; T. ^W ebster, Gwernymarl; Richard Evans, Mold; P. Williams, NortLop; E. Williams, Monuchlog; P. Hughes, Kelsterton Griffith Junes, Mold R. Richards, Pentre; T. Jones, timber mer- chant, Northop; E. Roberts, Nirquis; J. Angel Jones, Mold; E. P. Edwards: Moid; E. WLeldon, Moid; G. Wheldon and W. Wheldon, Mold; J. Lewis, S. Lewis, and T. Lewis, High-Street, Mold; T. Dean. Mold Owtn Hughes, Moid R. Everett, Mold; R. Williams, Tyddyn St^rkey; E. Robert, jun., butcher, Mold; W. Gregg, Mold; David Owen, Mold; R, V. Edwards, Mold; E. Jones, Northop T. Lloyd, grocer, Mold; E. Drury, New- street; Isaac Foulkes; J. Jones, tailor; John Roberts, Mold J. Price, currier; J. Lloyd, Ante- lope E. W. Jones, GIanrafoB W. Parry, Hendy; W. Parry. Wrexham-stt,ppt, --T í¡..iffitl-. rr., — • i Newydd J. Davies, Wrexham street; Robert Davies, INerquis; E. Griffiths, grocer, Mold; E. Roberts, Broncoed; Jesse Roberts, Broncoed; J. Astbury, Boot, Northop; R. Morris, postmaster, fsorthop, Jacob Rees, Mold S. Allen Jones, Mold Williams, mason, Mold; G. Hushes, Halkin; D. Jonet3 and H<rnby Jones, New-street, Mold; W. Richards, painhr j J. Davies, painter; E. Jones, watchmaker; W. Dodd, High-street, Mold; E. Griffiths, butcher; W. Dykins, Vaults; J. Price, butcher; W. T. Thomas, Alyn Cottage; Job Edwards, confectioner: J. Chatham utcher; — Waddell. Maescarmon W. Roberts, nlumbf-r R 7 Rowland, juu., Wrexham-street; J. Evans, grocer; T. Williams, tailor, H;feh-street; W. Owes, Maesydre; H. Richards, ironmonger; T. Davies, Old Vaults; H. Hughes, Hendj Edwards, Middle Mill; J. Pryor, Royal Oak H. Hughes, Buckley; J. Brannan, Buckley; kc., &c. The large ASfembly Room, Market Hall, in which the dinner was held, was nicely decorated for the occasion, the decorations that were made prepara- tory to the clerks' and assistants' dinner having been allowed to remain, and in addition a quantity of flags, &c., were kindly lent by Mr T. Dean, of the Black Lion Hotel. In prcpot-ing the toast of the Queen, the Chair. man asked to be allowed to say that he was never more astonished in his life than when he was abked to preside at that meeting, it having been originally intended that their respected friend, Mr LI. F.Lloyd, should preside. In Mr Lloyd's absence he had been tseu upon as chairman, and though no one more rtgrettea the fact that the duty was not entrusted to abler hands than he did, he always felt bounri to answer a call made upon him in such a way. (Hear, fcear.) As it was well known he belonged to the moderate section of the Liberal party, and hoped that meeting would be conducted in a mcdeiate spirit. (Hear, hear.) The Conservatives claimed to themselves to be par excellence the most loyal party, but it was not so. (Applause.) The Liberal party w?reas loyal a i? of men as any to be found iu t?u??' were some P?ons who ? it proper to propagate republicanism views &:J.d ?'?% ?t? did not believe they understood a-d L. f iu- t country, and were both weak-  ?°? ) weak-minded. (Hear, hear.) He be- licved that a ayhtem of government, which for some ?i?&.S? ? years ? ? ? kept the soil of this country inviolated, was ca.pable °I that ??*° which would SaS it Htnhe wants and requirements of the times. (ApplMue.) America and France were not such c^S2T\ success of republican institutions a?o i tpe°pe of this eountry to discard their own The great bloodshed which had taken place in America, the present deplorable state ot France, we^P not such recommendations of renub lino, as would lead many to adop?m "4hearl.bear)-d were no inducement to them to Coudry was  of sympathy with each other, and ??dut?ge'm ? extreme measures, fhe system of this of  They had learned to give way to each other 1D many matters and this sJ'stem which had ^woe rk^hpd oroughlyL for the labt 200 year" was, he thoroughly be" lieved capable of lasting two handled years lonr fT "f He had Pfi pleiur. in7o^Th?cf" He h,<i In opposing the Prince and Princess of w?. tLe chairman Baid H Was a toast peculiarly welcome! to all ehmD, especiall! when they law the tiualy spirit evinced by their Rovalh'hnesees on all occasions. (A.pplause,) TLe Chairman next proposed the i C.rgy of all deno?t?,    ?i were all satisfied that the clergy both of the estab- lished and nonconforming churches were doing their duty to the best of their ability. (A. plause.) The Rev. T. R. Lloyd, in responding, read the following letter:— The Tub, Westminster Hall, January 21, 1873. DEAR SIR,—Circumstances have arisen personal to myself which make it impossible for me to leave London during the next few days. I am much disappointed at missing the dinner at Mold, which I was looking for- ward to with so much pleasure. I think that I am able to tell you upon good authority that it is the intention of the Government early in the approaching session to introduce a Bill dealing in a complete and comprehensive way with that most difficult of all difficult questions, namely Irish Education." The matter, so far as I understand, is to be made a Cabinet question, upon which the Govern- mant intend to stand or fall. 1 have not been able to learn how it is intended to deal with the religious difficulty. I am becoming more and more convinced myself that the only real toluiion of this difficulty is for the State to confine itself exclusively to secular education, and to leave religious education to be dealt with by voluntary effort alone. This I think is the only way out of the difficulty. The real difficulty is not the conscientious difficulty as it has been called, but the rivalry between the different religious bodies and the just and natural jealousy on the part of each of the others receiving directly or indirectly, aid from national property or from the taxation of the country at la-ge. This to my mind is the real religious difficulty, and conscience clauses do not touch it in the least. If the difficulty was as to the conscientious scruples of the children or their parents, I do not see how you are to deal with the scruples of those who say they have a conscientious objection to a mere secular school. The truth is we have hal too much of this religious difficulty, to the great scandal of religion it- self, and the utter loss of an efficient system of educa- tion for the masses of the people, and it is high time for the laity of all churches to take the matter into their own hands and settle it in the only way which consistently with real and true religious equality, will meet the true difficulty, and that will be by providing that neither the produce of taxation nor national property of any kind shall be given to any denomina- tional schools; that education shall be made compul- sory, and that the public purse shall provide secular instruction for the people and nothing more. Whether this principle will be applied to the case of Ireland I do not know, but I hope it will be carried out in the whole of the United Kingdom, for it seems to me to be the only way out of a very great difficulty. I cannot doubt that you will have a great and successful gather- ing to-morrow evening, and remain, yours truly, J. Kyffin Jones, Esq. WATKIN WILLIAMS. (The reading of the letter elicited much ap- plause). The rev. gentleman begged to thank them most sinceiely for connecting his name with the toast of the Bishop and Clergy, especially as they now had a Wehà bishop-who. being a Welshman, was abie to understand and sympathise with Welshmen. He would not detain them another moment, as he had come there to listen and not to speak. The Rev. Roger Edwards, on rising to respond, was also received with loud applause. He spoke as follows :—As Mr Lloj d has responded to the first part of the toast-the respectful reference to his worthy diocesan, I am expected to respond to the other part—the Clergy of all Denominations. Here we have length and breadth. There is some- thing wholtsome and refreshing in such a recogni- tion. If the Jews have no dealings with the Samaritans," we are taught by our common Christianity to rise above the petty shallowness of exclusive dealing in connection with religion- (applause)—and to countermand that arrogant and sanctimonious spirit which exclaims Stand thou by thyself; come not near to me; for I am holier than thou." I read in the papers this week that at a public banquet in Gloucester, Bishop Ellicott, who is well-known as one of our best Biblical critics, expressed a strong desire for greater unity, more goodwill and friendship, amongst different classes of Christians, and spoke forcibly in approval of clergy- men of the Established Church preaching in Nun- conformist places of worship. (Applause.) I hope that this liberal spirit may extend in Wales, and work mightily in Flintshire. (Applausp.) For my own part, it it were proposed that the reverend vicar of Mold and myself should exchange pulpits for once, I would not have the least objection. Loud laughter and applause.) I believe it would be no dishonour for Mr Ellis to preach the gospel of peace" in our Calvinistic Methodist Chapel; and I would not, could not, proclaim another gospel" in his church. (Applause.) However, let not the most high churchman take alarm, for at present there is not the least danger of my being permitted to hold forth in the oldest sanctuary of this parish. (Laughter.) But we have met here in our civil capacity, as public citizens, and most of us, I pre- sume, as Parliamentary electors. And, to stick to my text, which takes in "all denominations," I may state that the Nonconformists of Flintshire can do something in relation to the representation of the county and boroughs in Parliament. (Ap- planse.) I say it, not, I am sure, in a captious fpirit and a boastful manner, that we have always advocated the principles of true freedom, and tought stoutly for the Liberal cause-that our voice is not to be silenced, nor our grievances to remain always without being redressed-that we are not so veiy insignificant either in quantity or in quality. (Applause.) What said the respected chairman of he Flintshire quarter sessions previous to the recent election tor the boroughs and, from what he spoke then, and what he wrote soon after, we might have exptcted Mr Scott Bankes, as one that knew his right place, to be here with us this evening—(hear, heat)- when summoned by a special messenger, irom his old pieturetque manor at Penmachno, to attend a Conservative meeting at Mold, he Lonestiy and plainly told those present, that the Nonconiormists formed a majority in this consti- tuency, ai;d that therefore he felt satisfied that a Conservative could Lot properly represent tLese boroughs. (Applause.) Taking up this veritable statement, let it be distinctly heard, yes, and heard beyoud Rhuddlan Castle, that when a vacancy occurs in the representation of our county or boroughs, or, I thould say, at the next general election-" No Conservative need apply." (Laughter aud applause.) We know that there is a gallant J OUIJg officer looking wistfully towards these boroughs. and a certain newspapec which is, I am told, supported by the subscriptions of Conserva- tives, has generously published his pol trait in a sheet almanack, that the coming event may cast its shadow over its own faithtul few. We have seen that young gentleman's elegance as a Welsh writer, and we have heard of his eloquence as an English author ;-(Iaughter)-but if ever the time comes when he shall be ready to offer his services to us as a senator, we shall not be ready to receive him, whether he comes as an old-fashioned Tory or as a new-fashioned Liberal-Conservative. (Applause) In conclusion, let me add that we are happy to meet thus with our representatives, Lord Richard Gros- venor and Sir Robert Cunliffe. Sir Robert is but a few months' old as a member of Parliament, but, although so young, he appears as such uncommonly strong and healthy. Lord Richard is just entering his teens—(laughter)—as our county representa- tive; and we confidently expect more and more from his services. We shall be glad to meet the honourable members annually, after every session of Parliament, not exactly at such a dinner as this, hut at public meetings in our respective localities; fur short reckonings make long friends. (Loud applause.) or'IO' The Chairman next proposed the Army, Navy, and Volunteers, and in doing so expressed his happiness i hat of late years little had been found for them to do, Jind that disputes between nations could be settled in a peaceful manner. The manner in which the differences were settled between this country and America, gave a great lesson to the world, and by referring questions of that kind to arbitration, an example was shewn which he was certain would be widely followed. The question had been referred to &ome of the wisest heads in the world, and he believed that the country generally was satisfied with the result. (Hear, hear). But he did not think that the result of the San Juan arbitration had been received with the same satisfaction, as the question had been referred to a single person, and not to what may be termed a jury. He thought that the advantages gained by the United States in the San Juan arbitration was a standing menace to the Canadian Confederation, and instead 01 being referred to a single person, ques- tions ef such importance should be judged by more heads than one. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the navy it had never yet failed in its duties towards this country, and he believed it to be the best in the world. At the same time, occurrences of not quite of a satisfactory character had occurred; whether it was from the huge size of the ships, and the difficulty and strangeness of their handling he did not know. However, if ever this country was menaced, a good account would be given of the adversaries. (Loud al plause ) Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Jones, V.C., responded on behalf of the Army. He had spent a great part of his life among gentlemen who were chiefly Tories, but though he had never denied his principles, he was an example of a Liberal who lived with the Tories, and had not made an enemy. He had always been the best of friends with all ranks in the service. Mr Cardwell, no doubt, was most desirous that the country should possess the cheapest and most efficient army that could be procured. He highly complimented him on the manner in which he carried his Army reform, and that in the face of obstacles chiefly of War Office clerks and sub- ordinates. His experience as a staff officer showed him that many a decision was arrived at by an obscure War Office clerk and issued in the name of the Secretary of State, when from the very com- position of the letter he could see that the clerk in question knew no more on the subject in hand than the table which stood before him. He had no doubt but that in a short time the country would feel the beneficial effcct of the reforms introduced. (Hear, (hear. Mr H. Taylor, of Chester, responded on behalf of the Volunteers, whose motto was defence, njt defiance." He referred to the formation of a new corps recently at Caergwrle, and also to the forma- tion of a corps at Ponnah's Quay. These corps were principally composed of working men, who made great sacrifices both of time and money in the service, which Mr Taylor was sure would meet the recognitiun of the country. (Hear, hear.) The President, in proposing the House of Lords, said it was not likely the Liberal party in the county would soon forget the services rendered it by the House of Mostyn—(applause)—and doubtless If Lord Mostyn's health would have permitted he would have been present on that occasion. They had also received efficient services for many years from Lord Hanmer, who felt some diffidence in presenting himself at that meeting to respond for the House of Lords, inasmuch that as yet he had not taken his seat in it. In the absence of those noble lords the toast would not be responded to. The Chairman said the next toast he had to pro- pose was the House of Commons. He need not say much on behalf of that House, because they all knew what a great amount of work it did, and the manner in which it did it. There was a great deal to be done in the House, and the measures that were sub- mitted to it were always treated with great ability and efficiency. He coupled with the toast the name of Mr Holland, the member of Merionethshire. (Applause.) Mr Holland said he had great pleasure in being present, but he was very sorry that Mr Watkin Williams was not present, because he was much more able to address them on the House of Com- mons than he was. He had the honour of a seat in the House of Commons, and a great honour it was, not only in holding a seat, but in being able to take a part in the passing of lawa, which were not only very beneficial to the country, but he might say to the British empire and the world in general. They knew that all laws and acts that passed through the House of Commons were strictly watched and scrutinised, not only by the people of the country, but by the world at large, for what. ever took place in that assembly he might say affected the world at large; and therefore it was of great importance that those laws should be well matured and digested before they were adopted by the House. When they were well debated npon, it was a healthy featuie in the House to see a good opposition. (Applause.) Unless there was a good opposition in the House, measures might pass through too easily, and would not bear those good consequences which he hoped they always would have. He spoke of a healthy opposition, and there always would be and must be an opposition whatever party were in power. The Conservatives at present were in opposition to the Liberal party, but they must not blame the Conservatives for taking a part in opposition to the measures of the GoTernment, because there were a great many noblemen and men among the Conservatives who rendered assistance to the Liberals occasionally in passing measures, and who judged very rightly and properly. But at the same time there was a small clique in the House who raised a factious opposition, and did all they possibly could to thwart the Liberals and prevent measures being carried, even though they knet-, that if those measures were carried they would be beneficial to the country; still they wished to prevent their being carried to show that the present ministry were not able to carry those measures, and that therefore it was time that they should change it, and allow them (the Conservatives) to go into office. This small sect, by their cliq. ing, ranting, and incessant speeching, pursued a course that prevented ministers from carrying measures, and frequently they did succeed, not in preventing measures being carried, but in some cases making them less useful than it might be wished. However, notwithstanding that, the present ministry had shown very great skill and judgment in many measures they had brought forward, and had succeeded in carrying, but he need not go through the list of what they had done since they came into power in 1868. They were all aware—tor he had no doubt they all studied and read the papers very carefully- of the different measures that had been brought forward, and they knew the principles of the greater number of them; and of many of those carried in the two or three last sessions they were already finding the fruits; but those of last session had scarcely yet been sufficiently matured and worked in the country, so that they could not tell the good effects that would be derived from them. He would not give a list of those measures, for he had no doubt some one more able would do so, but he would say her majesty's minister's had shown that great skill and judgment which was absolutely necessary in carrying out those great measures which had been approved by the country. At the same time they had been able to keep the country out of war, for a very little matter frequently occurred which was sufficient to cause a war. They had shown very great skill and judg- ment in preventing such a calamity, and as long as they remained in power he had no doubt some com- petent measures would be brought forward which would not only be of great service to the country, but meet the wishes of the Liberal party. Those measures had to some degree being hinted at in the newspapers, but apparently they were not suffi- ciently matured to warrant the ministers who had recently addressed the public in saying what they really were; but they were were measures that the Liberal party had been waiting for for years; and he had no doubt some of them would be carried next session and would meet with the approval of the country. The life of a member of the House of Commons, Lord Richard would tell them, was a very trying and a very arduous one. He was himself only a young member yet, and therefore could not say much about it, but he knew it was a very arduous one; and those members who did their duty and gave that attention to the public business that he hoped they did, frequently suffered in health. He was sorry to say that the House had sustained lately a very serious loss in the death of one of the most useful members that had ever satin the House. (Applause.) The whole country, and particularly Liverpool, knew Mr Graves. Mr Graves was a man who had made a mark in the House, and he was a man who, when- ever he rose, spoke in such a manner, and made such a serious impression upon the House, that he was always listened to with deference. (Applause.) He also aided many measures which were promoted by a Liberal Government. He (Mr Holland) did not believe Mr Grates ever lent himself to a factious opposition to the Government in power, but, on the contrary, he was a member who always sought to promote that which would be beneficial to the country. The loss of Mr Graves was, therefore, more serious than any of those" present probably supposed, for there could be no doubt that if his life had been spared, Mr Graves would ere long have ably filled a much higher and more honourable posi- tion than he had ever possessed before. (Applause.) More of that description of men-men who devoted the greater part of their lives to business, and who could give tht:ir experience in forming measures— were required in the House of Commons. Mr Holland concluded by again thanking the company for the way in which they had drunk his health. (Applause). The Chairman next proposed the county and borough members-Lord Richard Grosvenor and Sir R. A. Cunliffe. (Applause ) Lord Richard Grosvenor, who was loudly cheered, in responding said his first duty was to thank them for the exceedingly kind mannar in which the chair- man had proposed the toast and the way in which the company had received it, and his next duty was to thank the committee most heartily for their kind. ness in inviting him "to that dinner, which he had only been too glad to accept. Before alluding to the political topics which he was bound to refer to, he would ask to be allowed for one moment just to add his tribute to the touching allusion which Mr Hol- land had made to Mr Graves. (Applause.) He had known Mr Graves ever since he entered the House of Commons. He was a member with him of the London and North Western Railway Board, and he could not express what his feelings were when on entering the board room on Saturday morning last, he heard of his sudden death. (Hear, hear.) Mr Graves was a Conservative, but Liberals were the first to give praise were praise was due- (hear, hear, and applause).-and he could not refrain from paying his tribute of praise and sympathy to the memory of a man who was respected wherever his character was known. Mr Graves would have made his mark had he lived, and no one regretted his death more than he did. (Applause.) If Mr Holland had not made the touching allusion to the death of Mr Graves, he would not have mentioned it, but having done so he trusted they would forgive him for having done so. He had been brought very much in contact with Mr Graves, and in matters of business in the House of Commons, there was no one 'to whom he could go with greater confidence of obtaining help and assistance. He would now turn to the political topics of the even- ing, and in doing so they must allow him to say that he felt they met there that evening to do honour to the Liberal party and to the Liberal Government, of which Mr Gladstone was the leader, and he was happy to say that they had his son present that evening. (Applause.) The course which he would take would be, as far as he could, to show them what had been done by the Liberal party, and to endeavour to prove that by what they had done they were worthy of their confidence, aud that they were capable of pursuing the same course and per- forming, he would not say still greater things, but would continue steady in the same path. He need not go back to years ago; he need not mention Catholic emancipation, the abolition of the corn laws, and the adoption of free trade as an insti- tution. These great measures—as they were con- sidered in their time-were but the stepping atones, and stepping stones of a slow degree, to the civil and religious liberty that was now enjoyed. Free trade he looked upon as being the greatest, the one great step which was taken in the right direction, and which had never been abrogated, and it was now such an institution in this country that he did not believe any Chancellor of the Exchequer, how- ever Conservative he might be, would propose a protective duty of any kind whatever. He read the I other day, a book which he dared say many of them had seen, for it was well worthy of their notice, and the only statistics with which he would trouble them that evening were taken out of that book, which was cailed Work and Wages," by Mr BrasFey. (Hear, hear.) In 1763 the population of this country was about ten millions, in 1870 Mr Brassey said it would be about thirty-one millions. He (Lord Richard) was not quite sure that such was tbe case, but be would not now dispute the figures, They would see that the population had increased three times. What had been the result in that time ? The imports had increased 30 times, which meant that they had increased from 10,000,0001 to 303,000,000Z. The exports had increased twenty times, from 13,000,0002. to 244,00(j,0001. The navigation had increased enormously, as regarded the tonnage; and the whole trade of the kingdom had actually doubled itself during the last fifteen years. (Hear, hear.) It had risen from 260,000,0001. in 1865 to 547,000,0001. in 1870. Now was not that an argu. ment in favour of free trade P He would just carry them on a little further. The sum invested in railways in 1845, was 338 000,0001.; in 187J, the capital was no less than 530,000,0002. Looking at that, could they believe that free trade could not but be an enormous.benefit to the country ? Was it not the one thing that had brought such a state of things about, and was not that the one thing that they wished by practising to preach to others P If they held up themselves as an example, other countries might see what has been done, and what they themselves could do. (Hear, hear.) He would now confine himself to events that had happened during the last ten years; and to measures which had been carried by the Liberal party. They were met thete to show what the Liberal party had done, and he was going to endeavour to show them what they had done, and what, therefore, they were still in a position to do. First of all, he would take the one great topic that had been uppermost in their minds for the last seven leafs-reform. That slumbered for many years, and all through Lord Palmerstone's reign, who practised the principle of rest and be thankful. They knew the position he took when the first Reform Bill was brought in by Mr Gladstone. He had stood before them since for two elections, and he was happy to say that he was their representa. tive still, and he was not ashamed-far from being ashamed—at the course he had taken on that bill. (Applause.) He mentioned this because he wanted to show them that in spite of the course he and his colleagues took on that occasion, the Reform Bill was after all passed by the Liberal Government. They knew that Mr Gladstone's Reform Bill had been brought in piece-meal, and that was their objection to it, and they said the first piece was objectionable. So by degrees and degrees tha.t Reform Bill was withdrawn. It was brought in by pieces, it was not a thorough measure and that was the main reason of their objection. Then Mr Disraeli tried, as they were aware to pro. ceed by resolutions. Those resolutions were scattered to the winds by Mr Gladstone on the ground that a minister could not shift his responsibility. The Refoim Bill was then brought in by Mr Disraeli, with a number of hedges, fences, and fancy fran. chises round it. Those were all knocked away, and by the efforts of the Liberal party a good bold Reform Bill was brought in on the principle of household suffrage, a very ancient form of franchise, and that Reform Bill was a better one than that brought in before; and it still remained in existence. They would have seen that Mr Bright, in a letter he had published a short time ago, said the county franchise would bear examination and reform again to make it of any value. That might be the case, and he was quite sure that that would be listened to attentively, and be given every consideration, in the House of Commons if it were brought forward by Her Majesty's Government. He bad looked at the letter, and he thought that in a dying ministry nothing would be done, for they were arriving at the last years of the present Parliament, and there. fore matters would proceed much more Blackly. However, he did not now think, looking at the legislation of the present Government fur the last four years, they had any reason to say that it would fall off in energy and industry and work during the next one or two years, if it lived so long. The legislation for the last four years had been of the most striking character. In the first year was passed the Act for the disestablishment of the Irish Chureb, in the second year the Irish Land Act, in the third year the Edncation Act, Irish Church, the third year the Education Act, and in the last year the Ballot Act—(loud applause) and the Sanitary Aet. Looking at those measures, did they think that it was possible that a Ministry could find less work in going over those measures again, and, considering the weak points in them, fill in points that had been left out, and find faults if there were any ? Could they imagine that any bill could be passed through any Parliament or through any assembly, even if the members had the greatest intelligence in the world without there being some fault in it ? They knew the old atory of driving a coach and four through any act of Parliament. So they might; and it was the duty of Parliament to find out those holes, gateways, and doors through which the coach and tour could be driven, and put an end to what were very familiar in Wales-the turnpike gate across it. It waa the duty of Parliament to abolish these gates—(hear, hear)—to do away with them, and that that would be done he had very little doubt. But let them look at the legislation of the last four years. Could any Government in the world have done so much and so successfully, with so much opposition and obstruction as the present Government experienced? Did not everyone of those measures strike into the very vitals of the Conservative party? Were they not opposed in every way to every one of their notions and ideas, and at every turn and corner was not the Liberal Government met with every possible opposition? And how was the Liberal party able to overcome the opposition ? Simply by the constituencies send. ing up at the last election, after Parliament had been dissolved by a Conservative Government, a majority for Mr Gladstone of 120 members— (loud applause)—and were they not prepared to do it again ? (Hear, hear, and leud applause.) Thoroughly imbued as they were with Liberalism, free trade, and civil and religious liberty, were they not capable of doing as they had done, before, and would they not place Mr Gladstone at the head of affairs in spite ot the Conser\ative reaction which they bad heard so much of for the last few years ? (Applause.) He had not the slightest doubt of it himself. (Hear, hear.) It was the knowledge that they had behind them the public opinion ot the country, which had been extended by the Reform Bill. and would be still more extended by the ballot, which had induced Mr Gladstone and his Government to continue in the path which the Liberal party had shown them how to follow. (Applause.) Could there be any. thing more important to the country, in a moral point of view, than the Education Act? And he asked whether, in spite of the differences of opinion there might be on the 25th clause, they could deny that that act was drawn up with great ability, and was carried through the House with the greatest tact and cleverness by Mr Forster ? He had brought in that bill with a view simply and solely to extend the voluntary efforts which had been made as re- garded education; and he could tell them that that bill wap nearly lost in the House itself on account of religious differences. He did not say that the 25th clause had not points which were obnoxious to some of those present. (Hear, hear.) One great objection to the clause was that it tended to pauperise the children, which was a great point, and another was that it legalised compulsion. Now, it they had compulsion they must give the parent the option where he should send his child. (Hear, hear.) This difficulty, however, could be easily remedied, and he had no hesitation in say. ing that it would be if it were only to avoid the heartburnings to which the clause gave xise. (Ap- plause.) Then would be removed one of the greatest bones of contention; in fact he believed the only bone of contention except the question of disestablishment between Nonconformists and the mimbera of the Chureh of England. He reminded them of what the Liberal party had done for the promotion of religious liberty by passing the abolition of the church rates bill, the university tests bill, and the toclesiastieal titles bill, and asked them nuon thpsa grounds to continue their support to the present government. The Irish policy of Mr Gladstone no one would gainsay, and he would next draw their at- tention for one moment to their foreign policy, to the American arbitration. Referring to the Alabama arbitration, he said it had given rise to a great diversity of opinion, and the Liberal Government had been very much abused in many quarters respecting it, but he maintained that public opinion both in England and America was strongly in favor of the arbitration—(hear, hear)—and having adopted the principle we were bound to carry it through. The decision had gone in the present instance against us. It was said they might have had better advocates, but it was always pleasant to find fault with somebody, to put the blame on somebody. It might be that we were not well represented, but he did not believe it. He believed the question was fully argued, and it having been found that we were in fault he thought the least we could do was to sub- mit with a good grace and pay honourably our three millions, which we could well afford. (Applause.) He thought the result cheap at the price; for let them think what a war with the United States would in. volve us in. He could not use happier words than those in which President Grant referred to the sub ject in his last message. President Grant said the result left the two governments without a shadow upon their friendly relations, apd it was his sincere hope that :they might for ever remain unclouded. (Applause.) Although (continued the hon. member) America was the winner, let England reflect their feelings; let them meet them on the same ground, and leathern hqpe that the time might never come when they again would have to go to arbitration with America. Now he had spoken of what the Government had done, it remained for him to refer to what they intended to do. However, before doing so he would call their attention to one point—that the Government had relieved. them of .nine millions ot taxation, naa reduced the national debt by fifteen millions, and that in addition to that they had paid eeven millions for the telegraphs. (Applause.) He maintained that the Government which had done that was worthy of their support and confidence. (Hear, hear.) He would now speak of what there remained for the Government to do, and what he had no doubt they, in the course of time would do. They would revise the Education and Sanitary Bills, both of which required a great deal of revision, al. though the Education not so mach as the Sanitary Act. Then came the question of centralization sgaiost looalization aud local authority, and judging from the abuse he had heard of the Local Board of Mold, he might almost say they would be glad of centralization instead of localization. That was a very diffict.It question to settle, and the main diffi- culty was as to whether they would have centraliza- tion. Another question was that of local taxation. A pamphlet written by Mr Goschun, when he was at the Poor Law Beard, entered very closely into that matter, and they might be quite sure that it would have the most careful consideration of the Government during the ensuing session. The prin. cipal difficulty was as to what taxes or expenses should be borne by the Imperial Government, and what by local taxation—as to whether police, prisons, lunatic asy lums, &c., would not be more cheaply managed by the Government than they could by local bodies. That question no doubt re- quired more evidence than waj yet before them, which evidence was undoubtedly new in the handi of the Government, who alone could obtain it. One of the questions that remained was the freedom of land, to which Mr Bright had alluded, and as regarded this matter he (the hon. speaker) had no doubt that the people of this country were as far advanced in agriculture as any other nation, and that an enormous quantity of land changed hands every year. Ltt them put that on one side, and then they had the difficulty of obtaining land by peasant proprietors on the other; but they must remember that if in this country the landed pro- prietors were to sell their laud in small portions, who would buy ? There were enormous numbers of gentlemen who were always ready to buy any quantity of land so tkat they might settle in. this country, and to say that it should be divided amongst peasant proprietors was a very difficult problem to carry out. Whether agriculture would gain by it or not he was hardly prepared to say, but he rather doubted it. If they compared spade cultivation with steam ploughs, he thought they would say the steam plough had the best of it. He considered that that was a question they could scarcely deal with, but still the subject of the acquisition of land was one which undoubtedly would be considered and discussed in the House of Commons very freely. There was one other question which would certainly always remain as the standard question for every Govern- ment and every House of Commons, and that was economy. Theie was no doubt that there were enormous economies to be made in every department of the Government—not economies made by merely substituting wooden matches for wax matches and steel pens for quill pens, but larger economies. (Hear, hear.) Every member of the Government who had spoken this year had told them the same, but he fully believed and trusted that those larger economies would be carried out in time. In the meantime he asked to be permitted to congratulate them on the result of the revenue as compared with the last two years. If our expenditure was enor- mous, our revenue was enormous. (Hear, hear.) He had added up the receipts from all sources of the revenue in the year ending September, 1871, and it amounted to JB71,300,000, and in the year 1872 it amounted to ^677,000,000. Not that that was an argument for expenditure, but it was an argument that the country was prosperous, and that it was doing well under a Liberal Government. That was the main point he wished to impress upon them that evening, because he now asked them not to with- draw that confidence which they had hitherto given to a Liberal Government. He had endeavoured to prove to them, though he may have failed, that the Liberal Government had done for them more than any other Government could have done for them; that the Liberal Government had been opposed at every point and in every form by the Conservatives, but that it still had succeeded in carrying those great measures; that progress had been the watch. word of the party, and that the word progress would ever remain its watchword. (Loud applause.) Sir Robert Cunliffe, after thanking the company for the kind and warm reception they had accorded him, said he endorsed every word that Lord Richard had said of the committee, and of the banquet that they had given them that evening. He thought, as his noble colleague had referred to the Conservative reaction, he might begin by saying that if the wave had submerged some parts of the country, at least it had not reached the heights of Mold, and they stood there free from the floods, in the clear and bracing air of Liberalism. (Applause.) Lord Richard had gone over many topics on which he might have wished to say a word, but which had been put so ably and forcibly that if he alluded to them very briefly they would understand that it was because he considered the ground had been already very well worked. He thought he might say the Liberal party possessed the confidence of the country, and it inherited that confidence for a long time past, because what was the history of the Liberal party and what were its claims to the con. tidence of the country ? There was hardly a great measure which marked the course of English history for the last 40 years that had not been carried by the vigour and earnestness of the Liberal party against the strenuous epposition of its political op- ponents. That had been the history of the Liberal party up to the present. In referring to the mea- sures passed by the present Parliament, there were two that stood out as exceptional. First of all there were the great measures connected with Ireland, and he thought that hereafter history would say that that was the greatest session of this Parliament. Every just grievance of Ireland had been removed, and they might leave it to time and to the effect of these remedial measures to make Ireland happy and contented, and therefore one of the most pros- perous countries in the world. With regard to the Alabama question, Lord Richard had shown very ably what was the state of the case. He assumed that when Parliament met they would hear a cer- tain amount of adverse criticism, and pos- sibly they would hear persons talk about the humiliation af England, but he thought many would agree with him, and the general good sense of the country would agree with him, that England had not been humiliated, and so far from that being the case, that neither the honour nor the dignity of England had been really compromised. On the contrary we had set an example which he believed 11,. 'I 18. would be very truitrut or gooa in tne tuture. tie did not believe, and he did not think they believed. that we would now enter on a naillenium period; and he did not think that because this great example of arbitration had been given that wars would cease, and that they would begin at once to put down their armies. He was afraid that they could not believe that that would result from the settlement; and that point had been well put in a story which possibly they might not have heard before. A good man, conversing on the question, was very sanguine ou the subject of putting down armaments and entering on a btate of peace and goodwill, when the lion and the lamb would lie down together. His friend replied, That may be done; the lion and the lamb may lie dewn together, but I guess the lamb will be inside the lion." (Laughter.) He (Sir Robert) was afraid that that would be its true in the future as in the past, although it was quite possible that the principle might be laid down in the steppes of Russia, when the Khiva lamb might resolve to lie down with the Russian lion. He was glad to see that the other day, Mr Henry Richard--(applause)-argued with a great deal of ability in favour of a high court of arbitration, to be appointed at the request of our Government, and put forward one argument which he thought had a good deal of weight, that the immense pressure of these enormous military arma- ments must lead the governments and the populations of the different countries in Europe to be in favour of a board something in the way of a court of arbitration but they must not expect too much, although they might fairly say they had advanced one step in civilization. There, had been one important measure passed by the present Government in which ha personally had taken a good deal of interest, on which he would say a few words—the question of army organisation. He had had the honour of holding a commission for a few years in Her Majesty's service; and he thought the measure he referred to was one that reflected great credit on the Government. He thought the Ministry deserved the gratitude of the country for having passed such a measure-in the teeth of a strong opposition. If there had been one lesson taught to us more than another by that terrible war which had raged between Germany and France, it was that war had become more and more a scientific matter. It would not do for officers to be ever so brave and ever so devoted, and English officers had never been found J wanting in bravery and self-devotion, for they would have to meet scientinc warfare bv acientinc warfare. He saw the other day that a Conservative speaker objected to this measure, because he thought the English officers ought to hold a social status in the country. He contended that that argument _was entirely beside the question. He had no objection to officers holding a social status in the country; a great many of them did, and a great many would, possess such a standing, but the question was how to get really good officers, and that they could not get under the old system to the extent that they would in future. It was not that the English officer was not equal to the officers in continental armies, but the former had not had the opportunities given them for learning their profession as they would have in the future. With regard to the abolition of purchase, the posi- tion of the force was clearly this, that a career was now open to any man of talent, without wait- ing to see whether he had £ 5,000 in his pocket. There was only another measure passed in the Iasi session to which he would refer for a moment, and would congratulate them unon. 8nd that w? th. Ballot Bill. (Applause.) That measure he knew had been long desired in Wales, and he thought the Liberals need not fear the working of that Act. Henceforth, every man could vote without fear or favour, and he considered that they as a party could desire nothing better. He had gone over a few measures carried in the past, and he would now take a glance at the future. It was generally understood that the two great measures of the forthcoming session to be introduced by the Government were the Local Taxation Bill and the Irish University Education Bill., h With regard to the question of local taxation it had often been asserted that the land had been unduly taxed. He thought that those who referred to the very able report to which Lord Richard had alluded, drawn up by Mr Goachen, might look back at the state of taxation in 1840. As they were aware a great number of new taxes were put on the country, but if they compared the taxation of that date with the present, they would see the increase of the burdens of the land had not been so great as had been frequently stated. He would give them two or three statistics. If they contrasted the rates in 1841 with those of 1868, excluding the new rates, they would find that the difference was soma frac- tion of a penny in favour of '68, showing that there had been no increase at all, but rather a nominal decrease. The local taxation in '40 and '41 amounted to about eight or nine millions, and now it was between sixteen and seventeen millions. Five millions were new rates, such as borough sates, general district rates, efce., which fell, as they were aware, entirely upon the resi- dents in urban or town districts. Unfortunately, in addition to that, there were two millions of poor-rate, and another million was made up of the expenses of police and other miscellaneous matters. In 1868 the land produced 9500,000 in excess of what was paid in 1852, and 21,300,000 less than paid in 1826. If they took in view a considerable period of time t -ey would find that the general result wae that the burdens put upon land on account of local taxation had not increased to a greater proportion than the increase of the value of land, but on the contrary considerably less. There- fore in any revision of the incidence of local taxa- tion, it was only fair and equitable that the burden should in future be more equally re-distributed over the various classes, and thus relieve not only the owners in towns, but more especially the occupiers | ia urban districts. In reference to the Irish University bill, he would not trouble them at any length. TLey were not aware what the Govern- ment was going to do, but he had been very glad to see it stated in the papers that Mr Miall had said he had good reason to believe that the Government measure would be by no means a denominational one, but that it would be founded on the principle of religious equality—(applause)—and that as far as possible it would endeavour to establish freedom of teaching thoughout Ireland. If the Government brought forward a measure containing in some degree such principles as these, he thought they might be well satisfied that they had at last dealt with so extremely difficult, thorny, and complicated a question. With regard to the question of Church and State—(applause)—he had only two words to say, because as they were well aware he bad the honour of addressing a Liberal meeting in that room not many weeks ago, when he gave them his views and feelings on the subject, and they would not expect him to add much to what he had then said. He had told them then that he would not in any way pledge himself with regard to Mr Miall's motion of next session, but at the same time he had said he should be willing to vote for Mr Miall's motion of last session for papers aud returns in con- nection with the establishment. He held that this question was one of great importance to the country, and they must not attempt to prejudge. It was onethat might at no distant period occupy in a high degree the attention of Parliament and the country, and the more light that was thrown upon it in the meantime by public discussion, and the more the matter was fully brought before the mind of the public and discussed in all its various bearings, the better they could arrive at a right conclusion. His vote would be given not in the interest of any particular denomination, but for that course which might best conduce to the advantage of the Christian community at large. (Applause.) And this brought him to the question of the Elementary Education Act. Lord Richard had already referred to it, and he agreed in a great deal of what he had said but they mast bear in mind that the Elementary Education Act was an attempt to establish a basis for a great system of national education. It was an enormous and very difficult task, and in going from one system to another, the Government were glad to make use of the organisations they found already existing; and although many of them might be disposed to blame the Government for the 25th clause-which he thought ought to be modified, and which, if it could not be modified in a satisfactory manner, must, in his opinion, be repealed—he thought they had done their best in treating a most difficult question, and in dealing with it in a fair and equitable manner. He confessed that in the face bf the many denominations which existed in this country, and the difficulties connected with them, if we were to have a system of national education it must end in the establishment of united secular and religious schools. (Applause.) Lord Richard had referred to the questions of the future, and he (Sir Robert) begged leave to endorse what he bad said with regard to land. He did not believe the land question could be dealt with by the present Parliament, but it was one that must very shortly come before the country. It seemed to him that they must endeavour to make the sale and transfer of land more easy, so that it should be possible to transfer land from one person to another, without the immense expense connected with it. (Applause.) Before sitting down there was one other question on which he would like to say a word, and it was intimately connected with the welfare of the country. He was glad to see that his hon. colleague had spoken very wisely on this question some weeks ago in Dorsetshire. He alluded to the agricultural labourers. He remembered that Lord Richard had said that he recommended the farmers and the labourers in discussing their grievances to show moderation on both sides, at the same time stating that it was right for the labourers to com- bine for their own ends. (Applause.) He himself felt strongly that the right was not only theirs, but that no one had any business to deny it to them, and he confessed that he was very glad the agitation had taken place. It was very easy to apply the term agitators" to men because they brought a question forward and tried to ventilate it, but they would not have obtained a good healthy public opinion without the agitation still he would counsel them if he could to use moderation. Although it was not a question which particularly affected this part of the eountry, because in conse- quence of the mining wealth aroond them, the wages received by labourers were much better than those received in the southern and western portions of the kingdom, yet he maintained that 1 i __1" il • 11 i a • cne iuiure weuare us we agricultural labourer was a question which affected the whole of the country, and in which they must all feel a deep interest. He sincerely hoped the agitation would lead to good fruit in the future, and that the agricultural labourer would be paid all over the eountry better wages than at present, and paid too in good money and not in wretched perquisites. (Applause.) In conclusion the hon. baronet rejoiced that the Principality of Wales sent so many Liberals to Parliament. He did not believe the number of those Liberals would be diminished in the future, and he sinoerely hoped that Wales like Scotland would continue always to stand in the foremost ranks of a policy of true and wise progress, (ftoud ap- plause.) The Chairman then gave Her Majesty's Ministers." Mr W. H. Gladstone said, in returning thanks on behalf of Her Majesty's Ministers for the very kind manner in which they had drank their healths, he could not but feel that he had undertaken a re- sponsibility which he would gladly have avoided at the same time he wished to say that he was glad of having an opportunity, as a humble member of the Government, of making an acknowledgment to the people of Wales for the great and material sup- port which they had rendered to the Government at the last election. (Applause.) He only hoped that the line of policy and measures which had been passed by the Liberal party had not been such as to make those present regret the confidence they so liberally bestowed on Her Majesty's Govern- ment. (Loud applause.) The labours of the Government had indeed been increasing, and each year those efforts had borne good substantial fruit. (Hear, hear, and applause.) He believed that when the history of time came to be written it would be said that the measures which had been passed in importance and in number were such as were with- out a parallel. (Applause.) He asked the com- pany to bear with him for a very few moments, while he mentioned very briefly a few of the principal measures that had been passed, although in doing so he waa treading, he was afraid, upon ground which had already been gone over in a manner to which he was sure he could not add anything. First, they had been reminded by Lord Richard Grosvenor of the re- duction of expenditure that had been effected, and this, they must bear in mind, waa one of the most diflicult things that a Government could aa- complish, especially because in the very midst of the efforts of the Government in that direction they were met by the universal panic which was caused by the war upon the Continent. Bat in spite of the reduction which had been effectedx there had been, which he believed their opponents would ai- mit, no loss of efficiency in either of the grebi military or naval services of the country. He would go back to the met measure which occupied the attention of the present PMliMMnCt'tT? say, the diseataMisbmontof the Irish 6htirch, was sure he need not say much under 9 It had been an institution which nobod7 S B on principle, and its maintenance wj more or less than a standing insult to tk  of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) It was 10110 el¡ they remembered, by the Irish LandA? thought he might briefly and fairly ""i H Act as having had the eSectof red-.? '<) people of Ireland from a situation of 9^1 pendence for their livelihood upon the ;íi unfortunately very often upon the caprice of' 1\ landlords. Then they would recollect ? '^1 tion of purchase in the army, by which VH^li was removed which prevented all f* ?? ing the opportunity of becoming 3 the army who were not able t? large sums of money for the privilege f? ¡t, topic-the Ballot Bill-had already drat their approbation; and although that acth? 01* just began to work, yet he believed that the of it had been such as even, already at th? stage, to convert Bot a few of its former e into its friends, and be thought it waa "?' ? much to say that the effect of the haUot. to confer upon them a new principle or!,4^ freedom. (H ar, hear.) The At?ma was one upon which they had a??'! addreaaed. In spite of the caviUings .,Li,? ??  been heard as to the incapacity of thearhit cavilhnga which he thought w-ere neither 9 very decorous—he stared to say that tb?"? hardly a man who did not feel sincere ? that the one cloud not bigger than a m.?, h S which obscured the atmosphere between Er? and America had now, as had been quoted f;n 9 the eloquent words of President Grant, 1 dIsappeared. There was one mea80r(' > I disappeared. There was one measure, ? seemed by some carious accident to have  any mention that evening; bat it was one 2 he was not afraid to mention, and that wj' Licensing Act (Applause.) Hethon?t?. be admitted that although the Govemme?p?? not have been able to go so far a. many er3o4 would have wished, yet they had done sufficient show their determination to grapple with the monit* abuse that devastattd onr country-the abaaa1 1 hquor-(applause)-and if it were true, as it  said, that the Government by the course they ? taken had earned the distrust of the publicans alH <i could say was that that showed that wM ? ) felt that there was an impression in the countn that the present Government were very iBn? more in earnest upon the matter than ttai. J» opponents would be likely to be. (Applause.) ji By the Education Act the Government had pro. vided the country with a scheme, the intra. tion of which was to bring home civilisation and enlightenment to the door of every house in the kingdom and he thought, although there had i been great complaints among some Soncon. formists, yet he was of opinion that there were two great principles in the Act with which it was very difficult to find fault. These were, that it was so framed as te interfere as little as possible with the existing machinery; and secondly, that it showed the utmost possible consideration for the pockets of the ratepayer. There were many other "rej| questions which still btood for settlement; many questions not less important than and perhaps 9!11 of them as difficult as those which had been already disposed of; and he trusted that the efforts 01 the Government, aimed as they bad been at the moral and material elevation of the people, voalj secure at their hands a not less favourable con. sideration in the future than they had already reo ceived. (Applause.) The Chairman next proposed the II LIberal Party." Y i » » a « mr. J. nodert-i said ne wished to exprest the m great satisfaction he experienced at being present It at that great demonstration and being privileged to join with the Liberal electors of Flintshire in doing honour to their worthy representatives. (Applause.) The Liberal creed was so comprehensive in its cha- racter, that that party was almost of a uecemitl 9 divided into sections, and he believed those aectioat tj acted and reacted upon one another to their own I advantage; but they did not toast that Dih; My 9! one section, but the great party which embraced them all. (Applause.) They wished to do henom J1 to the party which moved on very slowly and cau- *j tiously in times past, but which in our d?ya and 1 netably under the gnidance of their great leader, i the distinguished father of the hon. member who had last addressed them—(applause)—had advanced with greatly accelerated steps in the path of Liberal j progress. They wished success to the party tt which they owed the great and important measure I the passing of which would make the present Par. liament for ever memorable in their political annals, the party to which they still looked forward to with hope and with confidence in the future. But although the diversity of opinion which existed in and around the Liberal party might be some advantage to it, he could quite understand that tlie diversity might very often place their representa- tives in a very awkward position. They could not hope to please all parties. He trusted that they ia North Wa!es would consider this so that they would be prepared to consider their members' con. duct in a generous manner, aad whilst firmly requi- ring their adherence to the principles which the majority of the electors held, they would not allow every petty subject to be elevated into a test ques- tion. (Applause.) Lord Richard Grosvenor aDd Sir Robert Cunliffe would probably deem the middle course to be the sa er one. They might fear that if they moved on too quickly they might leate behind them some good triends who would perhaps fall a prey to the Conservatives, who toiled wearily ia their rear-(! aughter)-w hilst they would know that if they lagged too much behind, they would altogether lose sight of their most faithful and most zealous supporters. He would not trespass on the bounds of moderation, J3 which bad been laid down by the chairman, bm he a hoped he would be excused in expressing the opinion 1 that !or them the onward eourse was the safer ouo6 1 (Applause.) If they pressed boidly forward ai » party, and resolved calmly, and endeavoured justly to settle the great questions which lay before them, as they moved on, the difficulties which they now ap- prehended would many of them vanish, and they would see the prophets of every kind disappointed; and they would find not only that their timid friends, but even their opponents, admitting that not very much harm had been done, and unwilling whilat IJAe able to attempt a reversal of the policy which they had formerly opposed. (Applause.) The toast to which he had to respond would naturally lead his to speak of the work that had been done, and of the important work still urgently required to be done by the Liberal party, but there were other speakers to follow. However, before be sat down, he wosld congratulate them upon the position and prospects of the Liberal party, not only in that important county, but throughout the Principality. He wal happy to say that the result of tho last general elec- tion, putting aside for a moment par ty consideration, had raised Wales politically and socially. (Applause.) They returned then to Parliament gentlemtn who had made the voice of Wales heard in the council* of the nation gentlemen who had earned a good re- putation for themselves and who reflected credit upon their constituents. He hoped that in future years they would seek to maintain and still further to im, prove their position. Liberalism they were happy to think—geod, sound Liberalism-had become 30 deeply rooted in Wales, that if it were, as they con* sid9red it was, a virtue, it was a virtue they might hope would never .die amongst them; and if it were as their opponents thought, a disease, it was a dis- ease which no political nostrum of theirs (the Cos* servatives) could ever eradicate. (Applause.) He trusted that in their repective positions, whether as leaders, or as humble followers, they would each, in their own circles, to the utmost el their abilities, eudeavour by enforcing Liberal principles and hj perfecting Liberal organisation, to contribute to the success of the great Liberal party, and thus promote the fulfilment of the wishes cherished by the Welsh people, andlat the same time the truest interests of thia.*gr eat nation. (Loud applause.) Mr E. G. Salisbury said he rose with some uu- willingness, as a good deal of what he need have said in responding to the toast of the Liberal party had been very well said by Mr Roberts, who had preceded him. Of course, Mr Roberts was not 30 old a man as he waa--(Iaughter)-tberefore he had not &een what he had seen in connection with the Liberal party. It had been said by a gentleman of whom they did not entertain a very high opinion, although he entertained a very high opinion 01 him* self, that the Liberal party had ceased to be. Now, before that gentleman was thought of, he (Mr Salisbury) had had the advantage ol being a very young Liberal he would admit, but still a Liberal is the county of Flint; therefore, he knew something of the history of the Liberal party in that county for forty odd years. He well recollected the last time that the late Sir Thomas Mostyn came to Flint as a candidate to represent the county in Parliament; and he well recollected the time wheu the present Lord Mostya came there for the first time as a candidate. He well recollected the time when upon the passing of the Reform Bill there waa a grand procession from Flint to Holywell, headed by three men whose names ought always to be mentioned in the county of Flint with respect and with honour. He meant the late Colonel Morgan, of Golden Grove; the late Major Jones, of Wepre; and his good old friend, Thomas Mather, of Holy- well. (Applaase.) That period of rest the Liberal party had begun a long time ago, "d tfe had ceased to exist, it had done a great deal of good during the time that it existed. Whtn they bore In mind the short period he had been apt!aking of- short in the history of a country though a long period in a man's life-they would remember that they had seen all the great measures carried, some of which had been mentioned that night.' A great long roll of them might be unfolded, begiuning wwft