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MR DISRAELI, THE GOVERNMENT,…

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MR DISRAELI, THE GOVERNMENT, AND I THE OPPOSITION. (From the iscotsman,) # I WHEN in January the Quarterly Eeview rusned to the attack on Government—like Apollo descend- the attack on (' ini direful on the Achaean host, with laden quiver clanging as he came—the harmlessness of the equipment of the Conservative quiver was shown by the loudness with which its slender contents were rattled. The sole weapons of the Opposi. tion were the questions of the cession of the Ion- ian Islands, and of the policy of Government in Italy. The former as we sought to show at the time, was quite useless—the fulminations of the Quarterly having been founded on very imperfect information, and a quiet and almost unnoticed question and answer in the House of Commons early in the session having disposed of the only fragment of possiblility there was for using this as a weapon of offence-tbe insufficiency 0 of the cession without the vote of Parliament. The ques- tion of Italy was thus the sole remainder of the Tory armament. On Friday night, the shaft was shot by Mr Hennessey, a gentleman who religious- ly contrives to unite zeal for Poland with Italy It was a bad beginning, and, though help came from the effective speech of Lord Henry Lennox, the end was worse Mr Disraeli having made a most self-damaging speech, and having given Mr Gladstone the opportunity to conclude the discus- sion with a fervid and slashing reply. In all likeli- hood, we have heard the last of Italy, and it is pro- bable that, since parties are pretty well at one on everything else-as indeed on this, had It suited Mr Disraeli and some of his followers to it-we have also heard the last for this session of her Majesty's Opposition, as such. The debate was the first worthy of that name this session. The Op- position benches cheered vigorously and indis- criminately-the Ministerial, discreet cordially. The unwilling, but unmistakable, disclaimer of real difference with Government on the question was wruno, from the followers of Mr Disraeli by Mr Layanl's adroit accusation that gentlemen on the other side were opposed to Italian liberty." Lord H. Lennox, the great card of the Conservatives, disclosed the undeniable abuses of the prisons of JSJapbs, not as arguing against the present Go- vernment of Italy, but as a friend and admirer of that Government, desiring to see its abuses cor. reeled and its prosperity established. The singulir unfitness of Mr Disraeli to be the leader of any English political party has not been so flagrantly manifested anywhere as in his treat- ment of Italian questions from the beginning until now. He has expended on the subject much of his best rhetoric, only with the result of producing the impression that be holds, though he hesitates plainly to expres?, opinions and wishes which are much more French than either English or Italian Three or four years ago he sneered at that party of which Cavour was the head, and which h is saved Italy both from despotism and anarchy, as the Italian Whigs;" last year he ridiculed moral in- fluence," condemned the Palmerston Government for not having acquiesced in the policy of the French Emperor, arguing that our want of acquies- cence necessitated our bloated armaments;" and this year, with one marked exception, he says the same things, only more vaguely, and points to the present condition of Italy, which everybody sees to be one of rapid restoration and progress, as one so deplorable as not to be described even by five of the strongest epithets in the English language The point on which Mr Disraeli now chiefly differs from his former self is the character of Ca- vour—who is now represented as a wise statesman and true patriot, whose death plunged Italy into miseries from which even Mr Disraeli sees no way of extrication. As long as Cavour lived, Mr Disraeli- was in the habit of speaking alike with contempt of his ability and disapproval of his designs. On the subject, however, of the duty of this country to think the same as France, Mr Dis- raeli is of the same opinion still-our Government has, he says, by announcing themselves as the patrons of Italian unity, placed themselves in col- lision with France and Rome." The British Minis- ters, like the British people, being of opinion that, s ince Italy desired to be joined, no man had a right to keep her asunder, have, in the judgment of Air Disraeli, committed a fully and offence in giving that opinion publicity—whatever they thought, they ought to have said otherwise, and that for the single but sufficing reason that the Pope and the French Emperor thought otherwise. This idea about the course becoming a British Government is not one that the English people of any party will be apt to approve or understand. None the less, however, is Mr Disraeli of opinion that the neglect of the British Government to give up its own ideas of right in obedience to the Pope and Louis Na- poleon has been utterly ruinous to Italy. What," he asks, -1 has become of the state of Italy ?" The answer to that, if proceding upon facts, would be, that the state of Italy is one of rapid progress from disunion and despotism to nationality and freedom Mr Disraeli's answer is-It A state of dismember- ment, of confusion, of vexation, embarrassment, disgrace, and humiliation!" The colours are here laid on very thick-.but only with the effect of rendering the picture more ridiculously unlike the truth. And, whilst Mr Disraeli is thus so extra- vagant in his expenditure of words without follow- ing them by deeds. His speech, which was dim- ness throughout, ended with this choking piece of mist" The amelioration of Italy can only be secured by adopting the causes which have led to it namely, relinquishing that policy of the Eng- lish Government, which was a policy of words, not ot deeds, by promoting the natural consolidation of her Government and the natural development of her resources, and by obtaining that liberty in practice which at present she possesses only in t heory." Never was there a better exempli- fication of the truth that ''truth no-meaning puzzles more than witand it would be useless to look in this and similar passes of Mr Disraeli's speech for what is not there. But there is one pbrate here which has a meaning, though what that meaning is is as yet hidden 0 When Mr Disraeli accuses the Ministers of a policy of words, not of deed, lie must mean either that they should resort to deeds, or that they should not have employed words. It would be iiiteresiing to know which 01 these two quite opposite meanings is the speaker's, especially as he has used the same phrase a hundred times without ever bringing us an inch nearer to the understanding of it. But, of course, we can guess. Looking at the doctrines he holds about the duty of always agr eei g with the Pope and the French Eru- peror, he can scarcely mean that our Government ought to resort to such deeds" as sending an army to expel the French from Rome and there- fore his meaning must be that the British Govern- ment should have meekly kept silence, and left the Italian people as much in the dark as to its opin- ions as ail people are about Mr Disraeli's—that the British Government has no right to speak, except wben it intends also to strike. There is here seen in all its nakedness one of the several fundamental mistakes which are at the root of Mr Disraeli's ideas, and render all his flourishing fruitless. He does not know that, even in this imperfect world, a great deal is done merely by speaking in truth and sincerity—more than is done even by force, very much more than is done by even the best of heart- less and purposeless rhetoric.

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