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HOUSE OF _LOKDS—FRIDAY, April…

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HOUSE OF LOKDS—FRIDAY, April 16. Lord Houghton called attention to the question of emigration in connection with the state of pauperism now existing in this couutry, which, ID his opinion, demanded the interference ot IWliameut. Statistics showed that, notwithstanding the great increase ot wealth, pauperism had iucreaoed at a still greater r.*tiof and the opinion that emigration was the only elhcieut remedy had now impressed the public mind with pecu- liar force and great efforts were being made by indi- viduals, and by the aid of associations, to relieve, the distress now prevailing m mauy parts of the country. These attempts, he said, were mere palliatives ot the evil, and after poiutmg out the great demand which existed iu the colonies tor labour, he urged the adoption of oWt) System of cmigratlon upon au extensive scale, and expressed the opiniou that inquiry by a royat com- mission would be ot great beuebt. He 1")PdLi, However, that some immediate steps would be takeu. Karl Grauviile said that the Uoveiument n^ad the greatest sympathy with the distress which existed in so many places, aud would do all they could to iclieve ll. There could be no doubt that emigration was a valliaulu means of relieving the pressure which, existed on the poor rates but it was very uoubtful how far that was applicable iu the present state of things, when the wants and relJuirem<lutll of tue colonies were takeu into consideration. The colonies were eager to welcome the stout, active man with a small capital, able to start h iui- seli but they weie nut so ready to receive an iuais- criminate immigration on anything like a large soaie. Still, lie had no doubt that a well-directed system 01 emigration would do great good but uuless it was wed and carefully directed, it would dn inoie harm than good. The noble lord would agree on consideration that for many reasous it was not desirable to ewpJu) the imperial funds in promoting emigration. It tnry did, they could not couline it to Kuglaud and Scotland, But in Ireland there had beeu for many years a vast emigration merdy couducted by private Wei1110, allll a noble trait in the Irish character which reJoewed.t from other failings—he meant the rnauuer in WlI1cU those whu had goue before had assisted their relatives to follow them. Government aid would at once stop this emigration in Ireland. The noble lord aduded to assistance from local fuudo, bu t the colonies, especiauy the Australian, were extremely jealous of what they called pauper emigration. They required—and for tiiia purpose most of them voted considerable luudô-to the emigration of active outdoor labouiers aud skilled woik- men, such as bricklayers and similar classes, but they were precisely the classes of labour in request hej-e,, and their emigration would do little to meet the evils which, as the noble lord described, undoubtedly existed. Tuo United States already had in force moat stuugeut ie- guUtions to stop what might be considered an undesir- able ilamigi-ittiou and there was little doubt that the colonies, if they had au idea that all iudiscnmuiaie emigration uf paupers or other classes not suitable tor their wants, or nut likely to do well themselves, was about to be organised, would adopt an equally vigjrous policy. In puiutlug out these ciitticiuties he muse not be understood to iudicate that the Uoveruuieut was in- different to the state uf things prevailing iu wauy locali- ties. Uu the contrary, it was quite reallY to do all that it legitimately could do to assist ill relieving it. HOUSE OF COMMONS—FRIDAY, April 16. On the order of the day fur going into Committee uf Supply, Sir Uevre Jenkinson asked whether as the Government had granted to Scotlaud the inquiry which they had deuied to the ratepayers ot KugUnd and Wales un the subject of local taxation, they would undertake to legislate at once ou the subject, so that a remedy for the unequal and unjust mode ui levying poor-rates under the existing system might take etiecc during the present session of l'aduuneut, oi-, if not, whether he would grant a Select Committee to inquire into the subject uf the unequal Incldeuce oi the puur, rates in kuglaud and Wales, with a view to facilitate a remedy being provided by legislation at the earliest avaÜaule o¡>purtunity. Mr Gladstone stated that an inquiry similar to that now takiug place with regard to Scotland, took place a few years ago iu reference to Eugiand. It was not therefore the luteutiou of the Goverumeut to asseut to the appointment of a Select Committee, aud it was out of their power to legislate at once upou the suoject of local taxatiou. Mr Newdegate was glad that Sir George Jenkin80n had Dot yielded to the leanest of the Uuvernweut iaat night, tu. postjioue his uutice, aud thu. give up tlio rights of iutlepeudeut lutuiilwru in order to facilitate the Consideration of the Irish Church bill. He wished to reuiiud the Uoveruiueut, that although they were iu a tnajority iu that house, yet the Opposition represented the majority of the Knglish people. IV Ith regard to the questiou of local taxatiou, he tuought it was a subject quite as important as the disestablisUiiieut of the insu Church aud he complained of the uudue haute with which the Government were endeavouring to push fur- ward their measure. Mr W. Johnston called attention to the benefit of promoting the short 8ea passage between Ireland and Scotland, and the importance of maintaining Port- patrick harbour in a satisfactory state. He moved for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into and report upon the subject. Lord UarÜ. seconcteJ the motion. Sir J. Hay thought it was a pity that a harbour which had cost the country a million of money should be allowed to gotoiuin for the want of expending £1,6Ùj in repairs on it. Admiral Seymour was of opinion that the money would be well expended if only in securing the safety of the lives of our seamen, but he doubted the wisdom of keeping up the harbour of Port patrick fur the sake of the passage thus provided betweeu England and Irelau<i. Mr Ayrton said the harbour in by-gone days had no doubt entailed considerable expense ou the country, but having answered its purpose, there was no further necessity of keeping it up or for continuing the line ot communication affurded by it to Irelaud. Tne Govern- ment were perfectly willing to hand over the harbour to auybody who would turn it to account. It had already been ottered to the Commissioners of Supply, who de. clined to have anything to do with it, and tne Govern- ment considered that they were not justified in putting the country to further expense in maintaining it. The motion was withdrawn, and the house went into Committee of Supply, but shortly afterwards resumed. THE IRISH CHURCH BILL. The house then went into committee on the Irish Church bill. Mr Disraeli moved the omission of the second clause, which disestablishes the Irish Cburcb, and .aid his ob. ject was to provide that the union created by act of Parliament between the churches of England and Ireland ahould not be dissolved, but should be maintained and preserved. By the act of uuion it was provided thaf. there should be identity of doctrine, worship, discipline, and government between the two churches, and hiispro- position would continue these great privileges and bless- ings to them. He thought Mr Gladstone as a statesman must feel the danger of altering the act of union without any real necessity, and no real necessity as yet had been shown. There were other grave reaSOUS for leaving out the second clause. It dissolved the uuion between the two churches and trenched upon the supremacy of the Crown. It was, however, a matter of importance not to alter lightly the relations between the civil power and the religions of a portion of the people. Another impor- taut reason was that the policy of the Government was asserted to be to establish religious equality, but that equality already existed. There appeared to be some confusion to the principles of establishment and en, dowment. Mr Newdegate last night pointed out that the policy of the Government would tend to the estab- lishment of the Koman Cathulic"religion iu Ireland, but the Roman Catholic religion was already estabhshed ill Ireland as strongly as human and divine means could establish it. If they wanted to put both churches on an equality, why was the Protestant Church to be deprived of a supreme head, while the Homan Catholic Church enjoyed that privilege ? The second clause destroyed the supremacy of the Queen, and would therefore place the Irish Church at a disadvantage. The Attorney-General conteuded that the second clause was essential to the disestablishment of the Irish Church. If it was right to disestablish the church the clause ought to stand, aud if wrong then the amendment ought to be adopted. When a church was disestablished it ought Dot to retain the privileges connected with establishment. He urged further that the bill did not affect the supremacy of the Crown. The causes now tried by the Ecclesiastical Courts, would henceforward be tried by temporal courts, and the Queen would still retain her supremacy. Dr Ball supported the amendweut, which he said was not in antagonism to the object of the bill, because the olause, if it passed, would not establish equality, but inequality. Sir R Palmer totally dissented from the interpreta- tion of the doctrine of supremacy as laid down by Mr Disraeli, and said that if their views were adopted, they would prove the most cruel friends the Irish Church oould have. The supremacy of the Crown was the ab o- lute independence of the Sovereign from all foreign power and jurisdiction. The Attorney-General for Ireland urged that if they disendowed the church without disestablishing it every evil grievance and objection to it would still remain. Mr Graves objected to disestablishment on the ground that it was unwise to leave any part of the kingdom des- i titute of a state religion. Mr Caudlish opposed the amendment, which was sup- ported by Mr Cross, who, speaking on behalf of the peo- pie of Lancashire, said they did not care much for the proposal to take away the munej of the church, but they did object tu the proposal to dissever the ulliou between the Irish and English Churches, as a national institu- tion. lie believed that since the general election a great reaction had taken place iu the country, and that if another electiou were to take place the verdict would be very dilleient from the last. He also believed that Par- liament, although it might disendow the Irish Church, could never destroy it. Mr Ueutinck strongly condemned the policy of the Government, which, he said, would destroy the Irish Church, and substitute for it an increased force of soldiery to preserve peace aud order. Mr Gladstone denied that the Roman Catholic Church was established in Ireland and pointed out that the supiemacy of the Crown was not destroyed by the bill, but that it would continue to exist although not exactly in the same form. Mr Disraeli had recom- mended his amendment on the ground that the rejec- ti, of the clause was compatible with the Ill,lin object of the bill, but it was a significant circumstance that many of those who desired to see the clause expunged, were animated with the hope that if eucces81nl in this attempt they would drStroy the bill. He bel¡eve,1 that the sympathies which now uuited the church in Ireland with that iu England would, after the passing of this bill, coutinue and grow, but Parliament must not -,it. tempt to apply to the Protestants of Ireland the hand of force, but must recoguise their absolute title to per- fect freedom iu all matters ecclesiastical, if they wished the connection between the two churches to be benefi- cial, or to continue and endure. Mr Disraeli admitted that his object in proposing the omission of the clause was to aim a mortal biow at the progress of a bill which he had no hesitation in pro- nouncing the most pernicious measure which had ever been introduced in his time—at the same time he re- peated that the accept nice of his amendment would not in the slightest degree interfere with the policy of the Goveruuient. who would still be at liberty to rob and plunder the Irish Church, but would simply allow that church still to enjoy the supremacy of their own sove- reign. The supremacy, however, to which he referred was not the supremacy of the sovereign in her court, but her supremacy in matters ecclesi astical all well as temporal, lie warned the house that any attempt to tamper with the act of union would lead ultimately to disastrous results. The committee divided, and the numbers were—for the amendment, 221; against, 344 majority, 123. The announcement of the numbers was received with cheers from the Ministerial benches

HOUSE OF LORDS,—MONDAY. April…

HOUSE OF LORDS.—TDESDAY, April…

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY,…

THE DIVISIONS ON THE IRISH…

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THE WELSH HA..¡'.

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