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We (Times) understand the Admiralty have for some time past had under consideration the heavy expenies of the establishment of the island of Ascension, and that, owing to the reduction of the African squadron, it is very the Ascension establishment will, be- fore 101, be merely a depot for provisions and stores, with a small hospital establishment. TLIE M\NI'KAcruitE OF WATCHES AND CIOCKI. A most interesting and iustruetivo little work, describing briefly, but with great clearness, tne rise and progress of watch and clock making, has just been published by Mr J. W lJenson. of 2"). Old llond Street, 09, Westbourne Grove, and the City Steam Factory, 5H anll 60, Ludgate Hill. The book, which is profusely illustrated, gives a fun description of the various kinds of watches alld clocks, with their prices, aud no one should make a purchase with- out visiting the above establishments or consulting this truly valuable work. By its aid persous residing in any part of the United Kingdom, India, or the Colonies, are enaWld to select for themselves the watch best adapted for their use, and have it sent to thein with perfect safety. Sir Benson, who holds the appointment to the Prince of Wales, sends this pamphlet to any address on receipt of two postage stamps, and we cannot too strongly recom- mend it to the notice of intending purchaser. Ex rRACT OF IE T -o much having been written about cheau food for the people, It is scarcely necessary to draw atten- tion to th invaluable extract of meat by Luring s process, which first introduced as a medicinal agent, is now so extensively used in the kitchen We cannot imagine housekM.pers mking soup or beet ea by the old, tedious, and .xp.ns. method, while with tthinis s oe*xtur»acY t they can prepare SOUl e.pu ly nice and far lLor" ('i.etiull in a moment The genume extract h manufac- 3 lurea in nt ti orm O»Uu S iSies from cattle of nglish breed, on tfaee^Ub Uuaout ot&. looth *xi, o( )',lney, Australia, and h now so1d at a ras()nublo pril'e in jars with very convenient isnowsold atateasonah.e prlio j ) Tooth's eItract Sn^Wr^ .S!.manofno mea^ attainn.ents dccrlbe it as ex(iui3ite at the Såme time, it is aU approved by Dr W. II Miller, ot King's College, before being issued for sale. W. should recommend a trial of it. Messrs Coleman and Co., of lit. Mary-at-Hill, are the consignees, but It is sold in nearly every grocer's and chemist's «li p in town and country.-Tht Standard Sept, 2. 11 jF MINISTERS. I All ttiv ,.atera whose re-election was fixed for Mon- day were returned without opposition. The columns of the moruiug papers are tided with lengthy reports of the speeches delivered at the hustings. The election for the vacancy in the representation of the borough of Greenwich, created by Mr Gladstone's acceptance of the office of First Lord of the Treasury, was held on Thursday morning, on Blackheath, but owing to the extremely unfavourable aspect of the wea- ther, the attc-ndauce was comparatively Bcanty. No other candidate having been proposed, the returning officer at once declared the Right Hon. William Ewart Gladstone duly elected a burgess to serve in Parliament for the borough of Greenwich. M r Gladstone, who was loudly cheered on rising to return thanks, said :—Mr Returning Ufficer and Gentle- men,-It is usual for those who have received the high honour of being declared the representative of any por- tion of their countrymen, to discharge on the instant, as far as they are able, the duty of paying their acknow- ledgments to those who have returned them; and, in ordinary circumstances, gentlemen, that duty is not dif- ficult to discharge, because, after all, the representation of the people is not to be regarded so muctus unour conferred on the selected persons as it is to be looked on in the nature of a great trust to be exercised by the electors of this country for their own benefit, and for the benefit of the local community to which they belong, and above all, for the advantage of the country at large. (Cheers.) But in my case the circumstances are pecu- liar-I may say unexampled. You, in the first place, were pleased to adopt me as a candidate when it was totally impossible—I do not say to encourage you-but to pay you the slightest token of acknowledgment or respect by the utterance of a single word. You under- stood, gentlemen, that, engaged as I was elsewhere, if that contest were to be fought in earnest it would not be so fought except by devoting myself wholly to it, and by refusing to look at any other constituency, however great its claims, and however handsome and Belf-denying its conduct. (Cheers ) Yeu were pleased to prove to me that friend in need which, according to the old pro- verb, is the friend indeed — (laughter and cheers)—and your conduct on that occasion has made me and has left on my mind and heart an impression which can never be effaced. (Cheers) Now, the course taken by you at the last general election, and the course taken by the majority of the constituencies of this country, has had its results. You were appealed to, and the country was appealed to, on one of the clearest issues which ever was submitted to the people. It is true that thest issues were associated with the names of individuals, but those names were only symbols of the causes to which they were attached. You were asked a question which every- body could understand, and I believe, likewise, that everybody understands your reply, (tlear and laughter ) At auy rate the late Ministers of the Crown have shown that they thoroughly comprehend the nature of the an- swer they have received to the question which they thought proper to put, when in course of last session of Parliament the House of Commons—then elected cer- taiuly under guarantees for its perfect moderation— gave utterance to most intelligible sentiments on the sabj,-ct of Ireland, I he late Ministers of the Crown, in the exercise of their discretion, which I am not here to challenge, represented that that Parliament was not the true representative of the national mind and senti- ment, and they expressed everywhere a confident belief that on an appeal to the couutry the verdict given by the last elections of the kingdom would be summarily and signally reversed. Gentlemen, it is true that by that election the complexion of Parliament has been altered. But how has it been altered That com- plexion has, as far as a judgment can be formed—shown from the sentiments and declarations of candidates made to their constituents, and by whom they have now been returned-tllat complexion has been so altered that instead of the majority in the late House of Com- mons having been converted into minority, it has been returned twice as large as it was before. (Cheers.) In the face of such a manifestation, it was not unnatural—though I believe it is the one single case on record—that the Ministers then in power should have melted away before the ghost which they called into existeuce without looking that ghost in the face- without asking the judgment which they had under- taken to challenge. They melted, according to the words of our greatest national poet, like a mockery king of snow." (Great cheering.) The consequence is, gentle- men, that I have been called to undertake a task for which I profoundly feel myself inadequate. (No, no.) A task, perhaps, as arduous and formidable as has ever fallen to the lot of any minister. (Cheers.) But if you ask me why it is that, sensible as I am of my own per. sonal defects, I am still ready and forward to make this great attempt, I assure you that I am sustained by the consciousness of a sound and a just cause. (Cheers.) I am sustained by the belief that in conducting this great question before us we shall receive from ourcouutrymen the most considerate and indulgent treatment—that allowances will be made for all the difficulties which must necessarily attend this legislative settlement-that men will be prepared to abate somewhat of their own particular views and opinions provided only that the great principles on which we proceed shall be faithfully observed, and provided that we attain the noble ends which we have in view—the strengthening of the insti tutions of this great country and the establishment of the unity, the harmony, and the concord of all classes of the community and all parts of the empire-(loud cheers)—and, gentlemen, I am bound especially to ren- der thanks to you for this. It has happened to men in former times, who held the same or a similar position to that which I now fill, to solicit the votes of great consti- tuencies and to fail in obtaiuing their object, but that which, as far as í know, never happened before is this, that having failed in the solicitation of the suffrages of one great constituency, they should have found another great constituency ready—spontaneously and unsolicited —to make them the object of their choice. (Cheers.) Such a ruiuister has been compelled to take refuge in some petty borough from the defeat which he had sus- tained and I am bound to observe to you, in all can- dour, that I should not have been at all surprised if you had been unwilling to choose me as your member- (cries of No, no )—and my reason is this, that I am aware, you are aware, the cares and responsibilities of the office, to xvhich I have been called will not leave me free either in time of mind to give that degree of atten- tion to those local interests which you are entitled to demand from your representative. But I have the con- solation of recollecting that my hon. and trusted friend, Alderman Salomons, and whom I now rejoice to call my colleague, possessed as he is of your confidence, and beiug your senior memher-I cordially accept for myself the second honours of junior—he will readily lend his effectual aid, and in his hands, which I will do cheerfully and readily all that circumstances will permit, I trust even at the worst your interests will be safe. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, there is some advantage in this, that instead of my being in the case of a \I iuister, who, de- feated in a great constituency, is compelled to fall back upon a fractional portion of the people, you now enable me to go to Parliament, and to speak with the authority and the weight which necessarily and properly attaches to the men who speak on behalf of a powerful, and intel- ligent, and an advancing community. Now let me has- tily refer to those matters which require our immediate attention. I shall only cursorily refer to them, but in such a manner as to show that we are not insensible to the great duty which appertains to us. We have won a great party triumph, but that man's mind must be small indeed who can see in recent occurrences a party tri- umph and nothing more. The triumph of party de- rives all its weight and value from its being regarded as a triumph of principle, and as such the country will pass its verdict upon our future conduct. If at anothei election Wb are found unfaithful to our trust I hope you will dismiss us summarily from that trust as you have lately done somebody else. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, gentlemeu, a very few words on the great subject of parliamentary reform. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We have attained to a stage I of advanoemeut m regard to popular suffrage that forms an epoch in the history of the country. It would be premature. on my part, in the situation which I hold, were I W attempt to describe the measures which may be necessary to give full effect to that reform. (Cheeirs.) But I have no doubt that, at a latter period, at least two points—two improvements—two anomalies attaching to the recent reform bill will require careful review. At the same time, we shall admit that a general view is not the business of the hour, because every sensible and practical man must strive to address himself to the sub- jects of public interest in the order which their import- ance, and even their importance for the time, may pre- scribe. (Cheers.) There are, however, two objects in connection with the representation of the people that cannot be overlooked—one of them is the securities afforded by the present system for perfect freedom in the giving of the vote (loud cheers)—in the giving of that vote which has not only been conferred as a favour, but has been imposed as a duty by the legislature upon the members of the community. (Loud cheers.) Upon that subiect, gentlemen, I will only say that, in my opinion, the occurrences which have marked the recent elections, especially in some portions of che country, and most of all, perhaps, in the large borough of Blackburn, situated in the county with which I have the honour to have some sort of connection—those occurrences, I say, ought to form, in the hands probably of independent members of Parliament, or rather those of the Govern- ment, representing a party—ought to form the subject of a searching and impartial inquiry. (Loud cheers.) I have at all times given my vote in favour of the method of open voting, but I have done so before, and do so now, with this important reservation, that whether by open voting, or by whatever means, free voting must be secured. (Cheers.) The second point, in connection with the representation of the people, that calls for immediate attention is the position of actual grievance and suffering in which a large number of persons, known as compound householders, have been placed, by being compelled practically to alter the tenure on which they held their dwellings as the condition of exercising that vote which—I must again observe -has been given to them not as a personal favour, but as a public trust and duty and if that vote WM to be conferred at all, I hold it ought to be conferred in a way which shall not entail suffering and grievance. (Cheers.) My belief is that these inconveniences have been most needlessly-l will not say wantonly—inflicted on the people and un- doubtedly it will be the duty of a Liberal Government forthwith to set about the means of discovering, in the best, and simplest, and most inoffensive form, a remedy for these pressing evils. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, there are some great questions that are much in arrear. There is the question of bankruptcy, in which the whole commercial communityisprofoundlyinterested. (Cheers.) There is the question of education—(cheers)—great in all its brauches; great in ita higher branch, which touches the universities-(cbeers) -great in the inter- mediate domain of the subject, which embraces the grammar schools and the great middle class--(great cheering) —and, greatest of all, in the branch of primary education, which concerns the children of the people. (Loud cheers.) It is not possible, gentlemen, for any Government, with whatever intentions—nay, I might even add, with whatever ability enlisted in its service- to deal at once with all the great public objects that demand its attention; but I hope it will not be supposed if we exercise a choice—if we endeavour first to present to the public and to Parliament that which is most urgent, the most weighty—it will not be supposed that we have forgotten, or that we are inclined unduly to postpone the rest. (Cheers.) With those questions are more or less related those discussions on the relations of capital and labour with which many of you are more or less familiar in the characters either of employers or of workmen. (Cheers.) I will only now refer to them so far as to say that I am convinced that those questions are perfectly capable of a friendly and satisfactory solution. 1 believe that the difficulties that have arisen have simply beea incidents necessarily attaching to a period of transition—a period of advancement which involves great changes in the relations of labour and capital-and I believe all these difficulties will be solved, and solved not so much by the compulsory action of Parliament as by the good sense of both parties concerned, and with general satisfaction and concurrence. (Loud cheers.) Well, gentlemen, I must not pass over, without a word, the subject of the public expendi- ture. (Cheers.) I am myself responsible, in no small degree, for having taken, as I avow that I did, the earliest opportunity in my power of directing the public mind to that subject at the opening stage of the proceedings connected with the late election. (Cheers) For I am quite certain that, though there may be times when the public mind may become comparatively relaxed in regard to the general principles of economy and thrift, it is the special duty of public men to watch every beginning of evil in that depart- ment. (Cheers.) It is a very easy thing to notice these misohiefs when they have grown to a gigantic size; but it commonly happens when the financial excess has risen to these dimensions the case has become too aggravated for remedy. (Hear, hear.) That is not the case now; and I rejuice to thiuk that the attention of the country has been effectually directed during the recent elections to the subject of retrenchment of the public expenditure. I deeply regret, gentlemen, that the two years—or the two and a half years -that have elapsed since the Go- vernmeut that had been that of Lord Palmerston, and was then under Lord ltussell, left office, have seen a large and, in my opinion, an unnecessary addition made to the public charges. (Loud cheers.) I do not mean the ad- dition which relates to the casualty of the Abyssinian war, but I do mean the addition which has been made on the standing charges of the country-in the ordinary steadily increasing annual estimates that are preseuted to Parliament. (Cheers.) £ 3,000,0 JO had been added to the public expenditure irrespective of the Abyssinian war during the two years the late Government had been in power. It was easy to put it on but not so easy to take it off, for a number of new relations, new interests, and new claims were created; and there was nothing more creditable to the legislation of this country than that even in the case of public retrenchment personal and individual rights had always been studiously observed. The work of retrenchment must therefore be gradual, and it had been his care to place at the head of the great spending department men of tried abiLty and experience wlio were ali eady at work, and he should be deeply dis- appointed if the result of their labours was not mani- fested in the estimates in February next. Proceeding to the question of the state of Ireland, he insisted that it was most preposterous and pharisaical to complain in such a womanish manner—which was a different thing fiom womanly manner—of the state of Ireland being made a party question What was the use of party organisation if it was not to promote the settlement of great questions. All great questions had been dealt with as party questions. The state of Ireland was be- come a party question because it had made itself felt in England by painful and hourly manifestations to such a degree as to force itself on the consideration of every party. Lord Stanley had truly declared it the question of the day, and the late Government had so dealt with it when, through Lord Mayo, they announced their policy for Ireland. That policy was a system of indis- criminate endowment, and he and his friends believing that such a policy was past and gone, and feeling that Ireland could not be dealt with in this way, declined to accept the policy, and offered one of their own in place of it. (Hear, hear.) The whole circumstances of Ireland made church establishments wholly unsuitable, and a source of discord instead of a messenger of peace. The Liberal party would be unworthy of its name and of the position of English statesmen if they now held back, and although the tenure of land and education were equally important subjects, they must now first deal with the question of religious equality in that country. There was no analogy between the case of the Church in Ireland and the Church in England. Although he did not alto- gether admire the conduct of some of the clergy during the late elections, he gave them credit for being zealous and earnest in whatever they undertook, and the Church of England might well be content to take her ehance in the vicissitudes of the coming times as long as her clergy strove with might and main to do their duty. The Church of England, for the most part, was ministering ecclesiastically to the great bulk of the people, although not so much so in the great centres of population as in other districts. He denied that there was any fear of Koman Catholic ascendency. Their object was to put down ascendency altogether, and it was absurd to sup- pose that the people of England and Scotland, having put down a Protestant ascendency, wouldallow a Romau Catholic one in its place. The right hon. gentleman concluded an eloquent peroration, setting forth the duties and obligations of the Liberal party, by again thanking the electors for their confidence. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was returned for London University, but ia his address, beyond craving indulgence for himself in his office, made scarcely any allusion to great political questions. Mr Childers, First Lord of the Admiralty, was re- elected at Pontefract. In returning thanks the right hon. gentleman said that the nation might rest satis- fied that the promises of economy would be fulfilled. He would not depreciate the navy, but at the dame time would lop from it all excrescences. With regard to Irish questions he was in favour of a just and concilia- tory policy, which would now be pursued. The R ght Hon. John Bright, President of the Board of Trade, was re-elected at Birmingham without opposition. After stating that his private reasons for not accepting office yielded to the public service, the right hon. geutle- man said he could assure his constitueuts that, though he now stood before them iu a new character, he had not the smallest intention of getting rid of his old one. (Loud cheers.) He appealed to them to give his con- duct in office a lenient consideration. Mr Bright then spoke at length on public questions. He declared that th, disorder which prevailed at the recent general elec- tion. and the intimidation which had been exercised in M""iy boroughs and counties, bad conhrmed tbe argu- ments in favour of the ballot, and made many eminent convertf in its favour. He thought that public nomi- nations might be dispensed with, and that it would be desirable to have all public-houses closed on the days of polling. The question of education was one which no doubt Parliament would consider, and which no govern- ment could altogether leave out of its catalogue of mat- ters to be dealt with. He denounced in strong terms the gross and scandalous expenditure of the country, and said that no government was deserving of the confidence and support of the people of this country which could not carry on the administration of its affairs in a manner consistent with the dignity and security of England on a smaller Bum than seventy millions a-year. It was the duty of the government in the present session of Parlia- ment to settle finally, if it were possible, the great ques- tion of Ireland and the Irish Church, which was referred to the people at the recent general election, and it should not encumber itself with work that it could not Ho Mr Rriffht concluded a speech which occupied nearly an hour in delivery by appealing to the people of Birmingham for their sympathy and support in behalf of the present government. In the evening Mr Bright spoke at two meetings. He reviewed the progress of Liberal principles during the last thirty years, observing that it seemed as if mountains bad been removed but he hoped that future advances would be less painful, because he could see a gradual fusion of the two sections of the Liberal party, and a wonderful change in the feelings of iufluential classes in the country. Radical opinions were becoming the political creed of the w hole Liberal party. He hoped the notion of class repre- sentation would be got rid of, and that the nation would be considered as one people, with one common interest. Mr Goschen, President of the Poor Law Board, in thanking the electors of the City of London for his re- election on Monday, said that the policy of Mr Gladstone in office would be the same as in opposition. He then referred to the Poor Laws, showing than it would be his business to deal with ever-increasing rates, and pauper. ism, end millions spent, without giving satisfaction to any one and what was worse, millions of human beings whose very name implied degradation even in their own eyes, as recipients of parochial relief. He did not expect that the Poor Laws would ever give satis- faction the best thing that could be hoped for was to make the best of a bad job. He believed much could be done by grappling with that which was a growing evil, that within two years the pauperism of the metro- polis had increased twenty per cent., and no less than 30, IJOO paupers had been added to those who were clo- sing in upon the industrious portion of certain districts of London, till the ratepayer of to-day became the pau- per of to-morrow. Great iwprovements, both legisla- tive and administrative, were possible. The proposal that the government should give work to all who re- quired it, and take care of the aged and infirm, he treated as an impossibility. The difficulty was how to discriminate and classify the different kinds of paupers, and it took time to carry this into effect. In conclu- sion, he spoke in favour of greater supervision in raising and distributing the poor rates, and said that in this matter as great care ought to be exercised as in Imperial finance. Mr Layard, First Commissioner of Works, who was re-elected for Southwark, blamed Lord Stauley for his speech at Lynn in November, which he said was one of the causes of the disturbed relations between Turkey and Greece. Mr W. E. Forster, Vice-President of the Council, after his re-election at Bradford, said it was the study of his life to bring education home to the child of the poor man. At a luncheon in the evening, Mr Forster said the government were determined to effect other reforms in addition to removing the Irish Church. The Third Lord of the Treasury, Mr Stansfield, was returned without opposition at Halifax. The hon. gentleman, who met with a hearty reception, gave an outline of the duties of the new office which he had been selected to fill, and said that the ruling idea was there should be some person at the Treasury able and willing to take a comprehensive view of the policy and finance of administration and of economy in the State. He had accepted that honourable post. The Attorney-General, Sir R. P. Collier, who was re- elected for Plymouth, dwelt principally in his speech up"n the Irish Church question, which, he said, was sufficient to occupy most of the session. The Solicitor- General, Sir J. D Coleridge, having beeu declared elected for Exeter, explained his motives for accepting office, and assured the electors that other great.mea- sures would follow after the Irish Church. The remaining members of the government elected were Lord John Ilay, one of the Lords of the Admi- ralty, who was returned for Ripon without opposition, and Captain the Hon. J. C. Vivian, the new War Lord of the Treasury, who was also returned unopposed for Truro. The last of the Ministerial re-elections, that of Mr Cardwell for the city of Oxford, took place on Tuesday. In his speech returning thanks, Mr Cardwell alluded to his acceptance of office, and said that although it had been impossible for him to examine the question of ex- penditure, it might be satisfactory for him to tell them that in the estimates of the ensuing year they would find evidences of a substantial reduction. There was one question, he said, which overshadowed every other in importance, and that was the question of our connection with Ireland. The mission of the Government and of Parliament was, he trusted, to reconsider that alienated people, to promote concord, and to exhibit to other nations a spectacle of a united people. Referriug to the ballot, and in answer to an inquiry, Mr Cardwell said he wished to have free voting, whatever happened, but he would like to think that in this free country every man could give his vote and fear nobody in doing so. This remark called forth cries of "Woodstock." After alluding to the fact that he had been returned for Ox- ford nine times in sixteen years, the right hon. gentle- man sat down amidst much applause.


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