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(!)lJf WiVrarm abtt. ESSAY ON THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH GOVERN- I MENT AND CONSTITUTION, by Earl Russell. New edition, with an introduction by the author.—London Longmans and Co. Earl Russell has re-published a work which first saw the light 42 years back, being originally published in 1823. It excited some interest at the time; and many persons then thought there was not much accord in the opinions expressed in its pages with respect to small boroughs, and some speeches which the noble author had made in the house, in support of a movement that had become popular since the peace,—that of parlia- mentary reform. Eight years after the work on the Constitution appeared, the reform bill was carried; a measure which had been most carefully prepared to re- tain power in the hands of the oligarchical whigs. Soon after it was passed his lordship made a speech in favour of the permanency of the measure, and of its final character"—a speech which caused the soubriquet of Finality John to be attached to him for many years. And it will not be the noble Lord's fault if the actis not "final." He has introduced other measures, certainly, a trifle more in advance; but they were brought forward at periods when there was no chance of their being car- ried and we firmly believe, that he would be very glad if his advice to his Scotch hearers to Rest and be thankful," was received and acted upon; though he now explains that memorable phrase, by saying, that the words, for a time," should have been added. That is the explanation the noble Earl gives in an Introduction" to the new edition of the Essay on the Constitution." That Introduction" occupies about 100 pages and a liberal writer describes the object of it to be, to convince the public, that, as he was a Re- former and an advocate of progress in the opening of his career, he is determined to continue a Reformer and an advocate of progress to the close." Perhaps, adds this writer, "the kernel of the whole lies in the page which contains an apology for, or (to adopt a more courteous phrase) an explanation of, the famous advice to Rest and be thankful. That the Introduction" is intended to divert attention from that memorable declaration which migLt othcrwise divert votes from the whigs at the next election—is probable. His lordship's explana- tion, however, is not very satisfactory. He says-" It was sufficiently obvious, I thought, without my pointing it out, that neither the road-maker, nor the traveller, when he has got to the top of the hill, although he may rest his weary limbs and contemplate for a time, with gratitude and admiration, the space he has tra- versed and the prospect around him, thinks of making a perpetual bivouac on the summit he has reached." The comparison does not apply. Of course, the road- maker and the traveller, when they ascend the hill, have more work to do even when they have reached the top; they must then descend again. But, if the politician has gained the summit of the hill of Reform, it is his duty to "rest;" and he ought to "be thankful," be- cause he has gained all he wants and left nothing to achieve. If he had only climbed half way up, it would be a different thing. His lordship represents him, how- ever, as having got to the top;" and that must leave nothing more to be attained. His lordship, however, thinks that something more is wanted. He wants to see the sound morals and clear intelligence of the best of the working classes more fully represented;" and the suffrage extended on good old English principles, and in conformity with good old English notions of representation." But, making the occupation of a house at £ 6 a year rent the only quali- fication necessary for the franchise will not ensure the representation of the sound morals and clear intelli- gence of the best of the working classes," which we wish to see effected as earnestly as his lordship can do and in all old English notions of representation" he will find there was always a property qualification. If his lordship had not joined the unnatural combination" at Willis's Rooms in 1859, bu had tried his hand at get. ting a few (a very few would have sufficed) amendments introduced into the Reform Bill which Lord Derby's Government brought forward, such a representation as he declares he wiabes to see would have been now in progress. There is one thing satisfactory in his loi dship's de- clared opinions on reform. He does not agree with the men who "consider the right of voting as a personal privilege, possessed by every man of sound mind and years of discretion, as an inherent, inalienable right, be. longing to him as a member of a free country." He coincides with those who consider that the purpose to be attained is good government, the freedom of the people within the state, and their security from with- out and that the best mode of attaining these ends is the problem to be solved." To solve this problem, he admits qualifications are "necessary," which are quite as likely not to be found in, as to be possessed by, the occupier of a X6 house, who must have intelligence, in- dustry, honesty, and sobriety besides-with a thrifty economy, to obtain them. Before we dismiss the subject of Reform, we may re- mark that Earl Russell's friends always describe him as the author of the Reform Bill; and he leaves that im- pression on the mind of the reader in his Introduction." Since the new edition of the Essay on the Constitu- tion appeared, Mr. Robertson, a friend of the late Earl Durham, has written to the "Athenaeum," and detailed a conversation he had with that nobleman, who, he says, was astonished at the initiative of the Reform Bill be- ing claimed for Lord'John Russell; claiming for himself the honour of having drawn up the first sketch, or rough draft of the Bill," and of "the initiative, the au- thorship, and the chief role in preparing it." This is not the only instance in which the honour and credit due to others has been ascribed to Earl Russell. The "Introduction" is partly historical, and partly biographical, as well as political, and Earl Russell gives us his opinions on some other subjects as well as parlia- mentary reform. Approving the meliorating changes which have of late years been made in our criminal code, his lordship is now prepared to go farther, and would abolish capital punishment. He also descants on the policy of "non-interference," which naturally causes the late Danish war to be alluded to. Admitting that great powers should not permit one of their class to attack a small, weak, and feeble state, under any circumstance; he contends, that weak powers are not always right, and strong ones wrong; and argues, that England was not called upon to aid Denmark, because, "if the latter had taken the advice our government tendered her, the war would have been avoided." In this portion ef the In- troduction," Lord Russell refers to Lord Castlereagh, of whose policy he takes the same view in 18C5 as he did in 1823; when he represented that noble lord as the friend of the Holy Alliauce, and of "intervention," to put down Liberty: a policy directly opposed to Mr. Canning's. Documents published since the noble earl wrote his Essay," and which he ought to have been acquainted with at the time, prove that this is a most erroneous view. lord Castlereagh was as truly an English minister as ever existed. He never encouraged the Holy Alliance;" he did not support interven- tion" to suppress nationalities. On the contrary, in the instructions drawn up by his lordship for the Duke of Wellington, when it was intended, in 1821, to send his grace to the Congress of Verona, true liberal principles, and the doctrine of non-intervention, are clearly de- fined, and prescribed as the guide of the negotiator. These instructions were adopted by Mr. Canning, with- out the slightest ilteritioii just as the Whigs and Li- berals, who, in 18.38 and 1859, attacked the foreign policy of Lord Malmesbury, implicitly followed that policy, after the "unnatural combination" of Willis's Rooms, had defeated the Derby administration and made it their boast, in parliament,, that they had done so.— But we must bring our notice to a conclusion, and can only add, that this work ought to be in every library, as a work of political reference, though many opinions of the writer may be dissented from. THE ART STUDET, for March. London Hall, Smart, and Allen. This periodical,—though first commenced in January, 1864, has not couie under our observation, till the pre- sent month. It is, as the title shews, intended more especially for the tyros who are studying art, and its objects, besides instruction and laying down rules of art, may be gathered from its mottos :— It is a law in the Arts, a law imposed by their com- munity of origin and end, that they mutually assist and support each other." And, Ours are the plans of Peace, To live like brothers, and conjunctive all, Embellish life." How these objects are carried out, it is impossible for us to say, confidently, from the inspection of a single number; but, the papers "On Contrast," Greek Sculpture," and Decorative Art," induce us to believe that the Student" will find a truthful guide in this periodical. Amusement is not altogether neglected. There are in this number, two chapters of a tale, entitled, "He would be a Painter; a Story of Artist Life and Character; which appears intended to trace on aspir- ing artist's career; a fertile subject, if well and properly handled. THE MARQUrl OF DALHOUSIE'* I ADMINISTRATION or BMTKa INDIA 2 vob. By Edwin Arnold, M.A. London: Sau. ere, Otley, ani Co. The first volume of this work has been before the public for some time,—the second is just published; the two contain an excellent and elaborate history of the events in British India, from 1848 to 1856,-when the late Marquis of Dalhousie was the Governor-Gene- ral. Of the merits of that administration, there are va- rious opinions. Mr. Arnold is right, we think, in prais. ing the general policy of the noble Marquis; but his rage for annexation deserves severe censure. It had fatal effects. Whoever," says our author, can totally disconnect the conduct ofilord Dalhousie towards Sat- tara and the Mahrattas, towards the Nizam and Nana Sahib, towards Jhansi, Naypore, and Oude, from the great mutiny, must be either very blindly devoted to the good name of this statesman, or imperfectly ac- quainted with the particulars of each case; and the ef. fect which each had, and could not fail to have, on the only part of Hindoo society that attends to such things. In three of these instances, Sattara, Nagpore, and Jhansi, the Governor-General not only terrified the na- tive governing class throughout India, with the spectre of a restless centralization, but struck at the root of Hindoo religion, and cut out of Hindoo law, its highest and gentlest enactments." He, in fact, "deliberately conceived the homogeneous Indian peninsula, with the British sovereign for sole seigneur, the native princes for pensioned peers, and the native Simindars, officers, public servants, as employes, replaced by young geutle- men from Haileybury." A pleasant idea, no doubt, but one that was not likely to be pacifically developed; and the terrible consequences which result from the attempt to realize it will never be forgotten. However,—there was great good in Lord Dalhousie's administration which must not be overlooked. "In matters of trade and commerce; says Mr. Arnold, "in the nice adjust- ment of local governments and councils; in a review of re-establishment of the Civil Service in purging official ranks of their old morality and manners; in new rules of promotion, new openings to talent other than heredit- ary at the India House; in prison discipline; in the education of young India females as well as males in weaving over the land, the first meshes of the railway net; in training along it the first pathways of the tamed errands now faster and further than Ariel; in vast postal reforms; in far-seeing preparation of India, by commercial and maritime legislation, for the new part she has to play in trade; in encouraging the growth of cotton, tea, and other novel products in exploring mi. neral resources; projecting and surveying roads, opening rivers and canals in Titanic works of irrigation (a branch of labour which is alone a boon to Eastern lands, and has made dynasties endure there); and, finally, in dealing with the said superstitions and cruelties of the East-iti human sacrifices, its bloody religious rites, Thuggee, Suttee, and the rest-in a manner that may have hastened the rebellion, but certainly brought nearer the abolition of them by each and all of these, and by many acts besides, the Marquis of Dalhousie has left his name engraved on the face of India.He has indeed; and it will never be effacel.-In the two volumes on which Mr. Arnold has bestowed so much research and labour, he has traced the gradual progress of that policy, by which the noble marquis effected such numerous and beneficial effects and a more comprehensive, or a more able history of British India during the few years when that noble lord reigned in Calcutta, is not likely to be produced. Books and Periodicals for Review to be sent to W. C. Stafford, Esq., No. 21, Neville Terrace, Hornsey Road, London.

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