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?Mp?t ?iKM?. HOUSE OF LORDS—FitiDAT. Earl GttfT moved a series of resolutions condemning the policy pursued by her Majesty's Ministers in their negotiations with Japan. On a division, the resolutions were negatived. I HOUSE OF COMMONS-FRIDAY. The business in the House of Commons was of a mis- cellaneous aud not very important c haracter, except an explanation given by Lord Palmerston relative to the propMat of arbitration made by Earl Russell at the Conference. ft HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. THE LATE CONFERENCE. The Earl of MAUJESBURY gave notice that on Friday next he would move a resolution to the effect that this house regretted the failure of the Conference, and that in their Opinion the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern- ment, with reference to Denmark, had lowered this coun- try in the estimation of Europe, and thereby endangered the continuance of peace. Several bills were advanced a stage, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-M()Xllky. The house met at four o'clock. Col. TA VLOU moved for a new writ for East Gloucestershire, iu the room of Sir W. Codringtou, de- Ceased. Mr. DISKARLI, OIL entering the house, was received with enthusiastic cheers from the Opposition. Sir G. OttKV, in reply to Sir L. Palk, stated that the Government had not received any information from the Allied Powers, declaring that they no longer considered themselves ullulI,1 to thd Conventions made by themselves in the Conference. Mr. I.U'Aitn, iu reply to a further question, said Go- vernment w.M not aware that the Allied Powers WM-e about to attack the Danish IsI.uKh. THE VOTE OF CENSURE. Mr. DISIUKLI then rose to move his resolution. In moving a vote of censure on the Government., he said that nearly all the great wars of Europe had been wars of succession, and unfortunately, the war going on be- tween Denmark and Germany came under this category. Unfortunately, the efforts of the Great Powers to avoid this result, and the celebrated treaty of 1852, had proved abortive. This was not the first time that the territory of Denmark had been occupied by the forces of Germany. This was the case in 1846, but the result then was nothing, owing to the revolutionary movement in 184K, which shock every throne in Germany. At that time, the whole of the continental possessions of Denmark were in the occupation of Germany, but Prussia interfered, and saved Denmark. No doubt the King of Denmark then entered into certain engagements partly to remedy the evils complained of, and partly to an honourable excuse to the Germans for withdrawing their forces. Those engagements, when lh« pressure was withdrawn, were not fulfilled. In 1 Ho2, when tran- quility was entirely restored, the treaty of London was negotiated, and in that treaty there was not the slightest reference to those engagements; but the King of Den- mark, as Duke of Holstein, was a German prince, and a question arose between him and the Federal Diet with respect to them. Those engagements were not European or international, but local and municipal; since that the question had slumbered until shortly after the Govern- ment entered office, when it suddenly assumed a new character. Her Majesty's Minister thought fit to inter- fere in that local dispute, and whether they were wise in so doing, the house would decide but for his own part he thought they would have done better to let it work itself out. Her Majesty's Ministers felt it their duty to interfere with great activity, all was shown by the enor- mous mass of correspondence laid on the table—a testi- mony to the assiduity and extreme ingenuity of the Foreign Secretary, who found a congenial employment in drawing up constitutions for other countries; but what was most remarkable was, that the other Powers did not interfere at all. He might also remark that this pragmatical correspondence was conducted amidst com- plete ignorance on the part of the people of this country, until a celebrated despatch of the Foreign Secretary ap- peared in the autumn of 1862, which created great ex- citement in Germany, and called the attention of the people of England to what was going on. Some anxiety began to be felt, and at last, in the session of 1863, ques- tions were put to the noble lord, the First Minister, who replied witn his usual perspicuity. The noble lord, in conclusion, said that "lie concurred with all reasonable men in Europe, including France and Russia, in hoping that the independence and integrity of Denmark might be maintained; and if any attempt was made to over- throw that independence, or violate those rights, those who made the attempt would find that they had not Denmark alone to contend with." Cheers.) That was a wise and statesmanlike declaration. The Foreign Se- cretary followed up by a series of despatches to all the Governments of Europe, warning the German Powers that they must take the consequences of vioating the rights of Denmark. This showed that the declaration of the noble lord, who knew what he was about, was then sincere He would n6w show that it was a wise policy. The noble lord knew that France was ready not only to co-operate with us in any way, but spontaneously offered to do so. (Hear, hear.) That was in July last. What were the causes of a change on the part of France ? There had been an insurrection in Poland which had en- gaged the serious consideration of the two Governments. Previous Governments had had to consider this question, and they had determined that they could not interefere to restore Poland, and that any interference without ac- tion would be derogatory to England. (Cheers.) In 1832, the Foreign Secretary of the Government, who came to this sound decision, was the present Prime Minister; and when the question was raised in 1853 at Vienna, the representative of England was the present Foreign Secretary. An insurrection iu Poland was regarded very differently in France to what it was in England. In France it went home to the heaits of the people, and the sagacious ruler of that country, feeling himself in a most delicate position, with with great reserve. In 18E5 lie had suggested to England to follow up the war with Russia for the sake of Poland. Our Foreign Se- cretary acted very differently. He called on all the Powers, great and small, to serve a notice of ejectment upon Russia. It was not, therefore, strange that these despatches of the noble lord had a great effect in France. Identical notes were sent to Russia, to which Russia re- plied with indignation and sarcasm. The French Go- vernment, having acted hitherto with great reserve. thought that there was only one course—that of action; but her Majesty's Government then fell back upon the traditional policy of the country; they placed the French Emperor in a false position, both as regards Po- land and his own subjects; and it was not surprising that he hesitated, in September, to place himself in a similar position as regard Germany. The French Minis- ter replied to this effects, but the Foreign Secretary reiterated more strongly than ever the value which the Government attached to the independence and iiitegrity of Deumark, to insist more forcibly than ever that the German Powers were bound to respect it, and to declare in the strongest possible terms that they would not re- cognise, and could not remain indifferent to the Federal execution in Holstein. In November, the Emperor of the French proposed a general Congress. As a general principle, it was not desirable to anticipate action by a Congress, and he had thought the Government had acted wisely in declining it; but whether that refusal was wise or not, there could not be two opinions as to the character of that refusal, which was offensive in the ex- treme. (Loud cheers.) It was a pity that some of that curt and rude frankness had not been administered to Denmark when her fortunes were at stake, (Cheers.) In November, also, the King of Denmark died, and the character of the whole question was changed. Again, the Foreign Secretary would have done well to have re- flected on his position, and considered his future course, lie did no such thing. His tone was not only unchanged, but was even more energetic and more minatory toward* the German Powers. There were two courses open to it, both intelligible, both honourable. The French Go- vernment at once informed Denmark that, if attacked by Germany, France would not assist. If England had done so, that would have been intelligible and honoura- ble, If the Government, however, thought that the M.Ø w. one which threatened the balance of power in .v Europe, they were justified in acting with vigour; but they had adopted a policy unheard of in the history of England. It was one of menaces never accomplished, and promises never fulfilled but there never was a mi- nister who wrote with such spirit, or displayed so promi- nently the phantom of proud courage. (Cheers.) A special envoy was sent to Copenhagen, and his instruc- tions were to insist upon the integrity of Denmark, the maintenance of the treaty of 1852, and the fulfilment of the engagements by Austria, Prussia, and Denmark. This was the policy of the Government. N otwithstand- ing all these efforts, all these menaces, the federal exe eution took place in Holstein; and that was a proof of the influence of the Government in Europe. Theu the Government went supplicating France in a state of com- plete panic. They said that they were willing to act with France. He had no doubt they were, He was not disputing their wisdom he was only showing their intense incapacity. To this plaintive appeal the I rench Government said that it agreed that, unless the two Go- vernments could act in concert, war was imminent. But it could say no more than it had previoi«sly done. After this rejection, the Foreign Secretary proceeded to indite the fiercest despatch be had yet written to the German Governments. He would now show how Government, bAd all this time acted with respect to Denmark. They I tfrgfcd Denmark to revoke the flllÜDt, giving Holstein a tepafMte constitution. The pat. Was revoked » coa- sequeftm, and in order to avoid t Federal executihfl; but that execution was completed, afcfcd Oe Danes were advised not to resist it on the ground that if Schleswig was attacked they would be in a better fomtion to de- mand the aid of the other great powers. Alt through the Foreign Secretary was most obtrusive vfith his ad- vice, and allowed Denmark to do nothing without his- counsel. Denmark was warned on more than one oeva- sion that unless this advice was taken she would be left to encounter the hostility of Germany, and when it was taken, she was finally told that the responsibility of commencing hostilities now rested with Germany, Well, Scblepwig was invaded, and the Foreign Secretary now warned the German Powers that the question had become international, and he redoubled the vigour and urgency of menaces. What did the Government then do ? They again hurried to Paris; but, to their appeal, the French Government replied that it did not wfch to provoke a reply from Austria of the character of that received from Russia, to be treated with the same in- difference. On this, the Foreign Minister made up his mind to offer to go to war on behalf of Denmark, if France would; but the French Minister pointed out that, iterance interfered, she would become an object of general suspicion, and that the war would involve all the Continent, and the Emperor must, for the present, decline to accept any engagement. One word with respect to the Conference, the only result of which had been six weeks wasted. In that Conference Govern- ment had made two propositions of importance One was to guarantee Denmark, and make it the scene of the same unhappiness and rivalry as Turkey; the other was a compromise, after rejecting the treaty of London and every other stipulation which the Foreign Secretary had'initiated upon in his despatches; but in spite of all these concessions the Conference was a failure The result Was, that the policy of Government had failed, the influence of the country was lowered, and the securities for peace diminished, The influence of Kngland rested on the behalf that thtr resources of Kuglaiid were great, and its policy moderate and steadfast. But what were the consequences of the policy of Government? Twice within twelve months it bad been reputed at St. I eteis- "mg. and twice it had vainly supplicated at Paris. It hid menaced Austria, but Austria regarded ib menaces with indifferent*; it had threatened t'ruMM, but Prus- sia had received its threats with contempt, and its des- pitches had pissed over the federal Diet like the wind. There was only one touch wanting to the picture aud the noble lord the First Minister had supplied that when he deplored the vices of his victim and reproached Den- mark with her obstinacy in rejecting the arbitration, for which she could get no guaruntee that the nuiitr.il. Powers would enforce that arbitration if it were were in her favour. Thf result was that Kussia was alienated, and France estranged, and the country on the brink of a war with Germany; but Government had not felt ashamed to pursue a policy which had lowered the dig- nity of the cotintry; and then come to Parliament and Say England could not act because she had no anie. (Cheers.) On a former occasion, the noble lord the First Minister had asked tauntingly, what is your policy? It was no business of Parliament nor of the Opposition to suggest a foreign policy to the Government, but he would tell the noble lord what his policy would have been, and he trusted that by it the honour of England would not have been stained by pledges and expectations which ought never to have been made by prudent or wise statesmen; but whilst the honour of Kugland and the peace of Europe had been stained by the noble lord, his policy could not have been one of incessant interfer- ence. of menaces never intended to be accomplished, or of expectations never meant to be fulfilled j and he trusted that he should never have to come to Parliament and announce that the country could not act because it had no allies. (Cheers.* He trusted that, however, even in such a strait as this, Kugland would, if ueces- sary, rise iu the magnitude of her strength to conquer triumphantly the objects for which men lived and na- tions existed but he for one would never consent to a war to extricate a mi-iistry from the consequences of its mismanagement, and in that spirit he had drawn up his resolutions in the spirit of the address to the Crown at the beginning of the session, and in interests of peace. (Enthusiastic cheers.) The right hon. gentleman, in conclusion, moved the resolutions, which have already been Duhliehed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he could assure the house that the Government had no desire to shrink from any responsibility that attached to it. He was not astonished that hon. mernoorslike Mr. Nedegate and Mr. Kinglake, who were mindful of the honour of the house, had desired to substitute resolutions for reso- lution of the right hon. gentleman, which had no policy at all. The gravaman of the charges of the right hon. gentleman were that France, which, at one time, was dis- posed to act cordially with us with respect to Denmark had been alienated and changed her policy. Again, the right honourable gentleman charged his noble friend with having declined the proposal for a general Congress in a curt and offensive manner. He then proceeded to show that Mr. Disreali had not fairly quoted the des- patches, and had striven to mislead the house. The right honourable gentleman had charged the Government with having urged the Danes to concessions, and then abandoned her when she made them. The answer was that no concession was urged on Denmark, but in com- mon with the other Powers; and, again, that the con- cessions were made so late that they were no longer available. It was too much that, for the sake of wound- ing the Government, imputations should be fixed on England which she ought not to bear. The word of England was her bond, whatever Government was ill office, The truth of the case was, that, as soon as it was passed, England had urged the Danes to recall the patent of November, which she refused to do until at the eleventh hour, when the Federal troops were on the point of entering the duchy. This Government con- ceived that England had no direct or special interests in the independence of Denmark. France had from traditional ties, as also had Russia. Why, then, did Go. vernment interfere ? They interfered to prevent the shedding of blood. The right hon. gentleman, with incontestable logic, laid down that with France, Russia, and England united, war was impossible in Europe. Why, the whole of the efforts of Government had been directed to obtain the unity France, Russia, and Eng- land on the question. The Government still believed that if the treaty of 1852 could have been supported the present difficulties would have been obviated. The right hon. gentleman had charged the Government with having betrayed Denmark in the Conference. England could not go single-handed into war on behalf of the treaty of 1852 without having fully ascertained the in- tentions of the other parties to it. Now, what were the 'resolutions of the right hon. gentleman! They were the result of a week's incubation by the right hon. gen- tleman and all the talent of his party. It was clear that their first object was to put an end to the existence of the Government, but the house was entitled to ask what would be the policy of those who desired to be installed in their places. It would be disingenuous to deny that the feelings and the pride of the country had received a blow at the failure of their efforts. But he did not be- lieve that the influence of the country was lowered. The resolutions were nothing better than a repetition of the almost ribald language of a few )bsctire German papers. It was astonishing that the right honourable gentleman should import such trash and recommend it to the House of Commons as a guide for the foreign policy of the country. Instead of a simple issue of want of confidence, the right hon. gentleman had drawn up a resolution, which might be sufficient for its object, but which, whilst transfixing Government, would also trans- fix the heart of the country. He trusted that the house would reject the resolution. Mr. NEWDEOATE moved—"That in the opinion of this house, the independence and possession of Denmark on the terms proposed by the neutral Powers ought to be guaranteed." Mr. H. GonE LANQTOH seconded the amendment. Mr. KINGLAKE objected to the amendment on the ground that it must lead to a war. General PEEL, in a very forcible speech, denounced the policy of the Government. The Lord Advocate defended the Government. Lord STANLEY contended that the imputation thrown out that the treaty of 1852 was concluded by the Government of Lord Derby was perfectly unwarrantable. He denied that the resolution advocated a war policy. The Chancellor of the Exchequer would have done better if he had confined himself to the defence ot the Govern- ment, without attacking the Opposition. It was easy to denounce the form of a vote of censure, but not so easy to make it agreeable to the objects of it. The re- solution* meant that the Government had mis-managed the negotiations from beginning to end, and, for so do- ing, deserved the censure of the house. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that they could not wound the Government without transfixing the heart of the coun- try; but that doctrine was perfectly monstrous. He believed that a war for the sake of the Duclues would be an act of insanity but the noble lord, at the head of the Government, threatened them conditionally with a war. It was all very well to talk of the trash of foreign newspapers, but the rtcord of the Congress gave com- plete proof of the consideration in which the Govern- ment was held, and there never had been in the hwtory of the country an occasion in which the policy of the Government had been commented on in such terms as it now was all over Europe. The Danes would have been able to have made better terms than they would now obtain if they had been left in the first instance to decide for themselves without the interference of her Majesty's Government. They were threatened with an spinal to the country. They were ready to meet it. But the Government had nothing to show for its donieg- tic policy but its financial measures, of which he should always speak with respect; but as regarded its foreigu policy it could no4 be very noxious to go to the consti- tuenciea with the watchwords of "Raima offended, "France insulted," "Denmark ahandoned," and "Poland encouraged to revolt and deserted." (*tile iiiotioodof Mr. Cobdes, the debate wm ad- joornmi until the tuWowk^f day. The house adjtnWMd At twelve minutes past one o'clock. I HOUSED Off lORTiS^TWAT. I Lord STRATFORD Dt REMAP?Z &fen-ed the question of which he had given notice; to dye fawonred revival of the so-called Holy Alliante, fifi fridtty, the 15th inst. tor(I SHAFTFCSBURT asked if the (fctfermaent had re- ceiyeg amy information confirming the report that the Prussiafr troops had refused quarter to a the Swedish volunteers found in the Danish ranks when; the island of Alsen was taken. From the previous conduct of the Prussians, he believed they were quite capable of eom- mitting the inhuman act attributed to them. Lord RussKtt, had received no official information of such an occurrence, but would make the requisite in- quires. In answer to a question by Lord CBANWORTH. Lord BKOUOHAM stated he should not proceed further with the Bribery Bill in the present Session. The Bill giving facilities for the performance of Divine service in collegiate schools passed through Committee. In Committee on the Publichouses Bill, Lord KaBliTOM of VATTON moved the omission of the words giving power to towit councils to adopt the pro- visions the Act if they think fit. Lord UriASvu.t.s opposed to the amendment, and on a division it was negatived by a majority of 7, the num- bet-s being—for the amendment, 24 against, 31. Their Lordships adjourned at 20 minutes to 7. HOUSE OF COMMONS—TUKSDAY. I Mr. COBDKN observed that Mr. DISRAELI and Mr NEWDKOATF. had enlarged the scope of the discussion- The latter had raised the issue of peace or war the former had proposed a declaration that the policy of the Government had lowered the just influence of this country iii the ei)t%nAels'of Europe. Whether this wai 80 would depend upon our future conduct. He did not say that we stood in a very satisfactory position towards other countries; but that this would diminish the se- curities for peace was a question upon which he joined issue with Mr. Disraeli. Experience of the utter futility of our foreign policy, and the break down of our diplo- macy, afforded, in his opinion, the best guarantee of peace. He had been struck with the want of sagacity of our Foreign Minister, which had expose I him to re- bulls and this country to humiliation iu all parts of the world. Hut there waa a question beyond this. There had grown out of this debate a question of principle, connected with our external r,olicy --namely, the dynas- tic engagements of our Foreign-oiffce. What was this Treaty of 1852, of which so much was heard ? A few gentlemen sat around a table and decreed the destinies of nations wbich were not consulted in the matter. After a short notice of the causes of the present war in Denmark, which he traced to the pressure put upon the Sovereigns of Austria and Prussia by the German population, he asked what we should have done when the two j'owera invaded Schleswig- H olstein ? We ought, he said, to have mediated But what had we done ? When we set up for the office of mediator we could not draw the line between mediator and partisan. There was, he observed, a party of menace in this country. O ir power, it was true, was almost (omnipotent at home; but, great as it was, we had no means of bringing it effectually to bear upon Germany. It would be childish to conceal from ourselves this fact; yet our Government, within the last six months, had proposed to other Powers to go to war with Germany, and we were saved from war, not by the discretion of our own Government, but by the wisdom of the Emperor of the French. ( ould this be terined policy I He put it to both fides of the House whether it was not high time that the Govern- ment should know its wishes on these ambiguous ques- tions. After speaking in terms of contempt of the ob- solete theory of the balance of power, and of the Treaty of Vienna, and deprecating our championship of weak States, he expressed a hope that something might grow out of these discussions that would improve our foreign relations, this country having, throughits foreign policy, lost credit with other nations. Lord R. CECIL reviewed the course of policy pursued by Earl Russell, who, he insisted, had neglected means of healing the quarrel by arbitration or mediation before the death of the late Kittg of Denmark, which took place before the Earl could make up his dilatory mind. He dwelt upon his menacing language, amounting in more than one instance, he said, to a distinct threat in the subsequent correspondence, and to the evidence it afford- ed that the Government meditated resisting the Germans by England alone. The language of Lord Palmerston in July last, he contended, must be understood as a threat. If the considerations were sufficient to prevent England fromjMguging in war, they should have pre- vented threats;mue non-f ulfilment of which produced a loss of actual power that could be recovered only by future bloodshed. As to the future, if they could not save Denmark, they could rescue England from the risk of suffering similar dishonour. Mr. W. E. FOSTER observed that Lord ROBERT had not told the House what should have been the policy of the Government, and what the Opposition would do Mr. Ilisraeli had dealt only in vague generalities. He would, he had said, secure the honour af England and the peacc of Europe; but the House should know by what means. The motion was a vote of censure, and it was necessary that the I louse should make up its mind whether it had confidence in the Oppositin or not. A vote of censure for the past was a vote of confidence for the future. In the consequences of the treaty of 1852, and in the Schleswig-Holstein question, we had, he thought, received a great lesson,—that it was our busi- ness to make the rule of non-intervention the guide of our foreign policy. The time had come to replace that meddling, dishonest system of apparent intervention, but real non-intervention, by an honest, a dignified, and an open system of non-intervention. Mr. B. JOHNSTONE, after replying to the speeches of the CHNCELLORof the EXCHEQUER and the Lord Advo- cate on the previous evening, complained of the mystery in which the policy of The Government had been enve- loped during the late transactions. He did not defend the conduct of the German Powers, he said, which had been marked by overbearing violence; but what the Go- vernment ought to have done two years ago was to come to a distinct conclusion as to whether this country should interfere or not. Instead of that they had adopted a mysterious policy, marked by a tissue of blunders, and the House, he thought, wai bound to record a solemn protest against the manner in which our foreign policy had been conducted. Lord H. VANE observered that the Goverment had been blamed for recommending certain concessions to be made to Denmark, whereas he was of opinion that those concessions would have placed her in a better position. He could find no proof of any hopes of assistance to Denmark held out from this country. Our office had been that of a mediator, and after the refusal of France, which was not unnatural, all we could do was to re- monstrate. He did not blame the Opposition for their motion, but they had not declared what would be their policy. The Government had done all they were called upon to do, and, although they had not been successful, he did not see that we had suffered any humiliation. Mr. LIDDRLL, in suppjrting the motion, observed that the great argument of the other side was that the Op. position had no policy; but it had been auserced by them, on another occasion, that it was not the function of an Opposition to declare their policy. That the policy of the Government was that of interference was, he consi- pointed out the dered, proved by the papers, and he pointed out the evils which had been caused by foreign interference in tko Dano-Germanic quarrel, which, while it irritated Germany, had rendered Denmark obstinate and more determined to resist. Mischief, he said, had resulted from foreign interference in the Conference, where the question of the frontier would have been settled but for the interference of the neutral Powers. Lord R. MQNTAGU maintained that the motion did not recommend a war policy. The policy of the Opposition was one of non-interference'; that of the Government was a policy of meddling with the affairs of our nations, and this was the reason why the name of England was execrated, as he knew it was, abroad. Mr. WHALLEY, in opposing the motion, Bucceded in infusing a little mirth into the debate by allusions to the apparently incongruous topic of Papal usurpations. Mr. ROEBUCK said he felt almost terror in approaching this subject. The Conference had met; a great cere- mony had been performed, and every man seemed to have worn a mask, there appearing to be desire among them to avoid the real matter in hand. He could un- derstand the motion,—to get the Ministers out Hut he asked whether the real question bad been put before, and he proceeded to suggest and discuss five subject- matters involved in the question—namely, Denmark, the people of the small German States, the princes of those States, Prussia, and Austria. The people of the small States, of Germany had, he said, gone mad on. the question of nationality, and that showed the futility of this notion; it was a farce, he observed, and a mischiev- ous farce, ending in tragedy. Each nationality should endeavour to become one, and it was the duty and in- tei-obt of England to maintain an adherence to this prin- ciple. The question was the manner of doing it. He pronounced a severe condemnation upon the Foreign Department; he biameil much that the Government had done and omitted to do; but, with all their faults, he would rather, he confessed, have them than those whIt sought their places. Mr. HORSMAN observed that the motion contained two propositions—one, that the policy of the Govern- ment had failed; the second, that the failure had been so injurious to our national influence that the Govern- I meut ought to be blamed. The first was admitted; the facts, in his opinion, did not juatfy the second.. The House, he eontended, had acquiesced in the polity of A* Government; it had even directed that policy. He in- sisted that, according to constitutional principles, it W$S the duty of the House to berutinize our foreign policy M much as a Bill upon a domestic subject By holding their peace the Opposition incurred a complicity in evtry act of the Government, and a responsibility for the con- sequences. The policy of the Government WM for only ministerial, and if the country had been dishonoured tt was not by the Ministry, but by Parliament. After al- luding to the conduct of the Opposition upon the fotatt question, he discussed the doctrine of non-iritervennoo, which meant, in his opinion, non-interference to tte domestic government and the internal arrangements of other nations, and to this construction ef the phrase he gave his full and unqualified assent. But M r, CobdeD definition went a great deal farther, and he (Mr. Mors- man) could not consent to place this country in a of isolation and seclusion. He then considered the pOtt- tion of this sountry in relation to the Dauish quesUoi4 and condemned the policy adopted by the Government as an injudicious and dangerous policy, which bad plung- ed them into difficulties. The Treaty of 1852 wam » bad measure, but the Government could not have repu- diated it.- They ought, however, to have proposed to the contracting Powers to annul it, and substitute a de- claration binding the parties to defend Denmark. Un- fortunately, they took their stand upon the treaty, aDd rashly plunged headlong into all the embarrassments of the question our diplomacy was unskilful, and a stroke or Lord Russell's pen let loose an army of German filflk buaters upon Denmark. He pursued the history of these transactions, pointing out, as he proceeded, what he regarded as the errors of our policy, but for which, he thought, the free soil of Denmark would never haw been polluted by the German trOOp8. Then it wa.1 the Conference had been a failure. Did not the Oppo#- tion know it would be a. failure ? Would it not h*M been better then to have denounced it at the tun* 1 But Mr Disraeli not only did not originate a diseiuwon upon the subject, but he would not allow of a discussion, but threatened to strangle a motion to raise a discusawn by the previoiifc question." The Government, he ob- served, had made mistakes, but their Opponents had In- dorsed them; so the parties were pretty nitteh upon aD equality. The motion bore upon the face of It two ob- jectg,to condemn the Government as much as possible, and to compliment their opponents as little as possible. It affirmed uo principle, it enunciated no policy. Hu was afraid the Government had established no claim to con- fidence but for the mistakes of a Government there wo always an excuse. The opposition, had howe\er, done nothing to prevent or remedy t he.se mistakes, but end- voured to use them as a .tepping"tolle to power. Pub- lie policy did not require that at that critical moment the present Government should be displaced in order to make way for those who had ahowu more weakness and less courage. Mr. 8. FITZC-F.R,ti,i), after expositng some errors of date on the part of Mr. Horaman, observed that this Wall. oil tile 1);trt of qnektion tit ""ufillenee in the fmeign policy of the Go- vernment, and the independent members who had spoken had avowed a want uf such confidence, and yet were go- ing to give a vote against the motion and expressive of confidence. He then replied to some criticisms of the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon the speech of Mr. Disraeli, in which he had, he said, totally misrepresent- ed him. He charged Mr. Gladstone likewise with mis- takes in regard to transactions in the Conference. He defended the Resolution against the charge of its being unpatriotic; those who opposed the Resolution, he maid. were more open to that charge. The motion separated the-Parliament from the conduct of the Government He objected that it did not point out a policy had been sufficiently answered. It was impossible for an Opposi- tion to indicate a policy He contended that thejMMra justified in challenging the opinion of the House conduct of the Government. On the motion of Mr. LAYABD, the debate was again, adjourned. The other orders of the day were then proceeded witk and the House adjourned at 1 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY. The House assembled at noon and went into com- mitte on the Trespass (Ireland) Bill Mr. BAOWELL opposed the ineitgtire, as he thought it. would virtually extend the game laws of England to. Ireland. The opposition. however, was unsuccessful, and the clauses of the bill, with various amendmelit4 were agreed to. The Puuishment of the Rape Bill WM rejected on the motion for going into committee, it being succemfudy contended that, as the crime in question had not recent- ly increased, further legislation was unnecessary. The Municipal Corporations Bill and the Fisherim (Fresh Water) Bill were withdrawn.