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HOUSE OF LORDS. -Tll U ITSDAY,…
HOUSE OF LORDS. -Tll U ITSDAY, JCSE 25. THE CORN BILL. The Earl of Ripon moved the third reading of the corn importation bill. the Earl of Wicklow desired to call their lordships' attentioiA) two points, upon which no information had been given in the course of these proceedings. The first was the promise made by the Prime Minister of certain equivalents or compensations which were to accompany this measure, respecting which, however, nothing had been communicated to parliament. The other point was of infinitely more importance, to which allusion had been made, but no information had been given. Their lord- ships and the country had a right to insist that, before these measures were passed, her Majesty's government should state their expectations as to the future income of the country—whether it was their intention to renew the income-tax. If they did not intend to renew that tax, they were bound to show the sources of revenue to which they proposed to resort in order to supply the deficiency and if they did, they were bound to announce their inten- tion; though he believed that no future parliament would sanction such a tax as a permanent tax, at all events at its present amount. The Earl of Ripon replied, that with regard to the measures which the noble lord had said were to accom- pany the corn hill, he did not apprehend that they were to be considered as equivalents, but as measures which, being right in themselves, would, as far as they went, tend to diminish the cost of production. Some of these measures did not require legislative enactments; but one, an important and proper measure, quite independent of the corn law—namely a bill for the removal of paupers —had been brought into the other house. With regard to the continuation of the property tax, no government could be expected to give an answer that would amount to a pledge he must, therefore, decline to answer that question. The noble earl then proceeded to show, from official returns, the encouraging aspect of the customs duties, which had progressively increased in amount, notwithstanding the repeal and reduction of duties in the last four years. The amount of the custom duties in 1842 was f 19,661,000; in 1345 it was £ 19,829,000; whilst in the interval upwards of £ 4,000,000 of duties had been taken off. He had the strongest belief that, in Illimited number of years, the productiveness of the cus- ,toms duties would afford an ample resource but if not, 'parliament never would be unwilling to enable the coun- try to meet all its necessary demands. Lord Favcrsham entered his protest against this mea. sure, and went over some of the grounds of objection which had been urged by other peers. The Duke of Cleveland, in the course of his obser- vations, in which he reiterated his former objections to the measure, commented with some severity upon the use which had been made of the proxies upon the second reading of this bill, and which he thought was an abuse of that system of voting, the proxies of peers who were abient in distant parts of the world having been used in favour of the bill; amongst these was the proxy of the Marquis of Tweeddale, the Governor of Madras, whose engagements had probably kept him in ignorance of such a measure being before the house. The loss of confidence occasioned by this measure was one of its worst results. It was with the greatest pain that he felt obliged to con- fess that he could scarcely have any confidence in public men any longer and their lordships might easily con- ceive his feelings in thus having to stand aloof, after first belonging to one party in the state, and then to the other. But there was yet one in this country, of no mean talents, in whom he placed confidence-a noble lord who had just left his scat (Lord Stanley); to that noble lord he should always look up, not merely as his future guide, but his polar star; not from any favour received or expected, but, first, because of his talents, and also, what was still more essential in a statesman, the degree of honesty in his professions. That noble lord always spoke without any reservation or equivoca- tion there was never in his speeches any passage to which his opponents might point and say, Clever as he is, here is a loophole out of which one day or other he may escape." (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) Enter- taining these sentiments, he must protest against the principle and policy of thismcasure. It was an uncalled- for and impolitic measure, and had been brought forward through a breach of faith on the part of the government. Lord Dalhousie justified the use of the Marquis of Tweeddale's proxy, which had been intrusted to him. This question had been before the country seven months, and the communication with India occupied only six weeks; during the whole of the discussion he had cor- responded with his noble relative upon the question, and it was his conviction that, had the marquis been in this country, he would have voted for the second reading of the bill. He might, perhaps, have voted for a fixed duty, and if the house had divided upon that question, he (Lord Dalhousie) would have given his proxy in favour of the proposition. Lord Gage spoke against the bill, and urged at con- siderable length, and with much force, the social and political mischiefs which weuld, in his opinion, result from the undue concession made by this measure to the democracy of the country. Lord Stanhope characterized this measure as the off- spring of a strange, monstrous, and unnatural com- bination of political parties, conspiring together to destroy protection, which each had advocated, though in a different manner. The noble earl then insisted upon the injustice of applying the principle of free trade to a class which had to contend with land-tax, malt-tax, and hop- duty, whilst the manufacturer had no tax imposed upon his capital. He exposed the mistakes committed by two learned prelates as to the effect which this bill would produce in conjunction with the tithe commutation act, and re-urged the hardships it would inflict upon lessees and parties to contracts, whose relations it would totally aiter. In conclusion, the noble earl solemnly warned their lordships of the consequences of this measure, which would be nothing less than ruin and a revolution, and he cast upon the head of its authors all the calamities and convulsions of that revolution. The Earl of Selkirk did not believe that this was, as had been said, the last time this" question would come before their lordships or that, when this bill passed, the corn law would be no further heard of. If his anti- cipations were true,, he trusted that they would retrace Lieu-steps, and return to what he considered the most successful corn law. The Duke of Richmond said, as no noble lord had moved that this bill be read a third time this day six months, he should put that motion upon record. He at the same time asked whether the government were of opinion that the measures of compensation promised in the speech of Sir Robert Peel ought to be introduced ? It might happen that the present government would go "ut of office as soon as this bill passed, and they would have no pledge but speeches, which now-a-days were no pledges at all. His grace declared that he would per- suade the farmers of this country to be up and stirring, to try and regain protection, and to agitate till they got rid of the local burdens upon them. He trusted that the ministers were going to resign, because he thought their resignation would be of service to their country, and show future statesmen that they cannot break pledges with impunity. 0 The Earl of Ellenborough replied, that the opinions of (he ministers had undergone no change upon the subject referred to by the noble duke, and whatever might be the government of the country, he and his colleagues would consider themselves bound to endeavour to obtain every one of those meas-ares. The question was then put from the woolsack by the Lord Chancellor that the corn law repeal bill be read a third time, and the "contents" were declared to have it. '1 he next question was, "That the bill do pass," and again the decision was given that the "contents" had ir. SO THE CORN-LAW REPEAL BILL WAS PASSED. CUSTOMS BILL. I Lord Dalhousie then moved the third reading of the customs duties bill; upon which The Duke of Richmond moved its postponement for six months. This amendment, after a few words from Lords Ashburton, Dalhousie, and Stanley, was negatived; and the bill wa.s read a third time and passed. After sorue further business, their lordships adjourned. FRIDAY, JUNE 26. Their lordships met at half-past four o'clock, when the royal assent was given by commission to the fol- lowing bills :-The corn importation bill; the customs duties bill; the explosive substances bill; together with sixty-one private bills, principally railway bills. The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Buccleugh, the Earl of Haddington, and the Earl of Dalhousie. On the motion of the Marquis of Clanrirarde, an f,cidi-ess was agreed upon to her Majesty, complaining of the delay that had taken place in the completion of the r.ew House of Lords, in consequence of the obstacles created relative to ventilation, and praying a remedy. Lord Canning having referred to the commissioners' report on the subject, presented a petition from Dr. Ileid, praying to be heard at the bar of their lordships' house ;:1 favour of his system of ventilation. Some desultory conversation followed, and the subject then dropped. On themotioll of the Earl of Ripon, the order of the (by for receiving the reports on Yiscount Hardinge and Lord Gough's annuity bills were postponed. Lord Brougham laid upon the table a bill similar to that which he had introduced in 1842, for the purpose (f repressing crime in Ireland, by changing the venue in criminal prosecutions. The noble and learned lord said t1nt he vas induced to bring in the bill in consequence of the rejection of the coercion bill in the House of Commons. The Marquis of Westminster moved the second read- in of the summary juriscIictioll for juvenile offenders bill, the object of which was to extend the power of summary c-on victioii. The noble marquis having stated the details of the measure, The Lord Chancellor suggested the expediency of postponing the debate on the bill in the present state of the government. The Marquis of Westminster acquiesced in the sugges- tion, and the further consideration of the measure was adjourned to next Monday week. Adjourned. MONDAY, JUNK 29. The Lord Chancellor took his seat upon the Wool- sack a fcw minutes before five o'clock. The attendance of Peers was more numerous than ordinary, and there was also a considerable number of Peeresses in the Gallery. Lord Iirougham said that he had to put a question to the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with respect to some very favourable reports v. hich he had seen in the public prints, regarding our relations with America. These reports were most flat- tering, and he had no doubt of their truth. Lord Aberdeen said that he had been frequently asked questions by several Peers on the other side of the House, with regard to their policy with the United States, and he felt that those questions were always put with the best possible feeling. With respect to our relations with America, the President had sent a message to the Senate with a direct refusal to agree to the proposition of this country to refer the whole matter to arbitration. Since that proceeding on the part of the President, he (Lord Aberdeen) thought proper to adopt another course, which «■<« to draw up another proposal, and send it to the 'iritish Minister. He had that morning received a letter î .,iii Mr. Pakcnham, a portion of which he would read i" their Lordships. The letter stated, that in conformity ith what he had the honour to say in his dispatch of the 7th instant, lie had presented to the Senate the message j ith which he WIl charged, and after a few hours' debate I en Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the Senate by a | .-1" r" "1 nsajoritv of 38 to 12, adopted the resolutions proposed by her Majesty's Government, and advised the President to adopt the terms offered by her Majesty's Government. Mr. Buchanan had sent to him that morning, and had informed him that the conditions offered by her Majesty's Government had been aeceptcd by the Government of the United States without the addition or alteration of one single wor(I.-(Ilear, hear.) Gratifying as that intelligence was, he felt it an act of duty and justice, and it was a duty of as much pleasure as justice, to pay his tribute to the friendly and conciliatory course which had been adopted by the United States Minister in this country. He had long known him, and had had reason to respect him in an official capacity some fifteen or six- teen years ago. He was certaiu that by every means in his (the American Minister's) power, he had contributed to the present result. He was certain that there was no person in that House or this country who more cordially participated in the satisfaction which they might expe- rience than Mr. M'Lane, the American Minister. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. The Duke of Wellington—I have to announce to your Lordships that her Majesty's servants have tendered to her Majesty their resignation of the offices which they have held in her Majesty's service. In consequence of that, her Majesty has sent for a Noble Lord, with a view to form an early administration of the Government of this country. As the affairs of this country are now, my Lords, this information will probably induce your Lord- ships to think that it will be desirable to suspend the discussion of those measures which are likely to become measures of controversy in this House until those who have the honour of being her Majesty's servants shall have an opportunity of forming their arrangements, and shall be able to come down to this House to transact the public business. One question has been voted for the consideration of this House on Thursday next. My Noble Friend near me has given notice of his intention to move the second reading of the Bangor and St. Asaph Bishopric Bill on Thursday, and I snbmit to my Noble Friend the necessity of postponing the second reading until her Majesty's servants can come down to this House to attend to the discussion upon it, as her Majesty is interested in this measure. There are other measures which will require your Lordships immediate attention, and one of them may be laid upon the table this day—I mean the short sugar Bill for the continuation of the duties on sugar for one month from the 5th of July next, and which it is desirable should pass this House without delay, whoever may be her Majesty's servants. It is desirable that, under these circumstances, I should pro- pose to your Lordships not to adjourn, but to continue sitting from day to day for the consideration and the passing of this measu-e but the consideration of those measures which must be matter of controversy, should be postponed until the new Government shall be in a position to attend to them. Lord Brougham signified his readiness to postpone his motion. The Earl of Powjs also signified a similar intention. The Marquis of Lansdowne entirely subscribed to the propriety of the course proposed by the Noble Duke, of postponing for the present all business likely to involve public discussion, and he thought that the Parliament was indebted to her Majesty's Government for keeping in office till the measure respecting the sugar duties be passed. He would suggest also to the Noble Duke the propriety of dispensing with the standing orders for the purpose of expediting the passing of the measure. I METROPOLITAN TERMINI. The Report of the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Termini was laid on the table. SUGAR DUTIES BILL. After some delay, the Bill for continuing the Sugar Duties for one month longer was brought up and read a first time. The Duke of Buccleuch gave notice that he should move to-morrow the suspension of the standing orders, in order that the Bill may be read a second time. Their Lordships then adjourned.
IHOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY,…
HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY, JUXK 25. IRISH COERCION BILL. The adjourned debate on the second reading of this bill was resumed bv Mr. Stafford O'Brien, who said that whatever might be thought of this as a curfew bill, there were reasons for conclu d iii, t for concluding that it would be a welcome curfew to the existing administration. It would extinguish lights in a domestic hearth, from which confidence was entirely exciiidecl and those who voted against it would only be enacting the part of a friendly Iris,— Qua: luctantem animam sociosque resolveret artm." In the county in which he resided in Ireland, he could not as a magistrate recommend the enforcement of the clause which punished men for being out of their houses between sunset and sunrise for the peasantry, who travelled with their wares from Galway to Limerick, were obliged to be on the road all night in order to reach Limerick market early in the morning. Mr. Vescy supported the bill on the ground that it was absolutely necessary for the preservation of life in Ire- land. If any of the peasants travelling by night from Galway to Limerick market were seized under this, they must be instantly released, for they would be travelling on their lawful occasions." Besides, they might easily obtain from the magistrates in the neighbourhood a pass which would protect them even from a temporary stop- page. He recommended this bill to his agricultural friends in that house, on the ground that it would be a safeguard to the poor farmers and labourers of Ireland, whom it would enable to resist the bloody mandates of the midnight legislators. Mr. Hume congratulated the house on the great change of opinion which had taken place of late years with regard to coercion bills for in former times the oppo- nents to them had never mustered more than eighty-nine upon any division. Considering the conciliatory exi»?s- sions used by the members of the government, lt ses- sion, in every debate relating to Ireland, he could not conceive the reasons which had induced them to have recourse to measures of coercion during the present session. He attributed the disturbances of Ireland to the existence of the penal laws, which, though nominally, had not been practically repealed. The misrule of England had been the cause of the misery of Ireland, and the misery of Ireland was the fertile source of its offences and crimes. Ireland would be a stumbling block to every administration until the axe was laid to its tree of discontent," and nothing nourished that tree of discontent so much as the sinecures in the esta- blished chu: c11. Lord Newport opposed the bill; and Lord C. Hamilton, in opposing it, charged Lord G. Bentinck with having prompted the speech of the noble lord who had preceded him in the debate. (Lord Newport indignantly repelled this imputation.) Mr. C. Buller made several observations on the accu- sations recently preferred from the protection benches against Sir Robert Peel, contending that those odious charges, instead of sinking him in public estimation had only allied the feeling of the country strongly in his favour. Next to the injustice of making those accusa- tions at all, was the injustice of making them without even a shadow of proof to sustain them. He hoped, however, that out of the state of feeling exhibited on the protection benches, there might arise a better spirit of legislation for Ireland. Adverting to the bill before the house, he observed, that he would not vote for any exceptional law against liberty, except he was convinced of its necessity. Now, no proof of the necessity of the bill had been made out by the government. Then, as a measure of coercion, it was exceedingly paltry, and not calculated to deal with the disorders of Ireland. He recommended the house to take the same measures for the repression of those disorders which had been taken by Lord Normanby, whilst he was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland: and, if they did, they might depend on meeting with the same results. The main cause of those dis- orders was the existing tenure of land in that country. On that point he did not hesitate to quote the opinion of a writer who was in bad odour with the gentlemen near him, because he fancied that there were certain bad qualities inherent in the Irish race. He alluded to the Times' Commissioner, whose work deserved the most attentive perusal, on account of the boldness of his views and the laborious nature of his investigations. This gentleman gave a history of the outrages in the counties of Cavan and Longford, which he traced to the ejectment from land in the first instance. Indeed, the .Ice. Iiifi ce d the testimony of every writer, every traveller, every speaker, and every committee and commission on the state of Ireland, proved that the cause of all the outrages of the poor in that country was the outrages committed on the poor and he was convinced that we should never reach the root of the evil, if we only legislated against one party—the poor. That coercive measures would not remedy the evils of Ireland, had been proved over and over again, by the experience of more than 50 years. If we wished to remove them, we must give its labouring population the guarantee of a Poor Law, and that right of relief which was the palladium of the English peasant in all difficulties and hardships. Such a measure might, it was true, amount to a confiscation of the landed property of Ireland. Therefore he was inclined to modify his opinion on the subject of the Poor Law, and to say that we should not be justified in introducing the English Poor Law into Ireland without providing a large fund of employment for the population of that country. He was convinced that the house would not scruple to grant a very considerable sum of money for the relief of this state of things, which was at once the scandal and terror of England for such a grant would only be an act of justice towards a people to whom we had behaved worse even than we had behaved to the poor Africans. He then commented on the policy of the present government towards Ireland; observed that a great part of that policy had been founded on erroneous principles, and insisted that several even of their best measures had lost their benefit and efficacy by the mode in which they had been bronght forward refusing, however, to dwell any longer on that topic, he next explained the regret which he felt at being compelled to give a vote upon this bill which might be fatal to the present government. lie felt the ungraciousness of selecting this moment, when ministers had done such signal service to their country, and at such sacrifice on their parts, to join with a set of gentlemen in rejecting this bill, who, in rejecting it, only wished to punish them for rendering that signal service. He could not, however, trifle with this question, lie had opposed a bill similar to this bill in 1833, al- though it was proposed by Earl Grey, immediately after he had passed the Reform Bill and he must oppose this bill now, although it was proposed by Sir Robert Peel, the propounder of the repeal of the Corn-laws. His regret, however, in giving his present vote, was dimi- nished by this fact, that this vote would mark an im- portant period in British legislation for Ireland. It was the first time that the House of Commons had ever re- jected a coercion bill recommended by the executive government, and he hoped that the establishment of such a precedent would prevent such a demand from ever being made again with success. The regular course of the debate was here interrupted by a message from the Lords, communicating to the House of Commons the information that, among other bills, they had assented to the Corn Importation Bill and the Customs Bill without amendment. This announce- ment was received with the loudest cheers. Mr. Bankes observed that ministers had not the slightest hope that they could carry the second reading of this bill, or, if they did carry that stage, that they could carry it any further. It was unwise to use any circumlocution at that moment. Everybody knew that the cabinet was now perishing by the process of self- combustion, and that it had not three days to last. The members of the cabinet also knew that the ministers who would shortly succeed them were pledged not to carry this bill one 1Id.g. further, and that they would repudiate it altogether. What, then, would he the effect of forcing a division on this stage of the bill ?—and in what condition would government place the Protestant members of Ireland if such a step were taken ? He could not conceive how anv government would be jus- tifie(I in placing Parliament and individual members of Parliament in so painful a position. lie had entertained a sincere intention to give to the government the most cordial support in carrying this measure, which they stated to be essential to the tranquility of Ireland, if he had found them to be sincere; but, after the manner in j which Lord George Bentinck's spirited remonstrance was received, he began to suspect that it was merely an instrument with which they intended to play their game between two contending parties—a game in which he was reluctant to lend them any assistance. This was a case to be tried upon the evidence of its necessity; and the first witness whom he should call to prove that no necessity existed, were the ministers themselves, who ."iiiisters tlienie l ves, Nv l lo never could have allowed an imminen t necessity to remain dormant for more than five months. The next witnesses whom he should call were the representatives of the five Irish counties to be affected bv this bill and when he found that they were one and all determined to vote against it, he thought that this evidence was irresis- tible. He insisted that the danger impending over the tranquillity of Ireland had been magnified by the mi- nistry, just as the famine and disease of that country had been magnified for mere party purposes. He was prepared to agree to a vote of no confidence in the go- ment; and being so prepared he could not be induced to place in their hands a measure of unconstitutional rigour, which ought to be reposed in the hands of no minister, but one entitled to the most unlimited con- fidence. Mi-. Spooner did not rest his support of this bill upon any confidence which he reposed in ministers but upon the statements which had been laid upon the table. In common with her Majesty's ministers, he dreaded the consequences of rejecting this measure. The dismay which the idea of its rejection had already created among the friends of order in Ireland was not to be described. He called on those members of the Conservative party, who were prepared to vote against this bill in order to throw out the present ministers, to recollect that they were going to restore an Administration which was pledged to reform the church of Ireland, and to carry the appropriation clause—measures against which they had hitherto struggled successfully, but which might still be carried if they would not sacrifice their individual prejudices to a sense of public duty. Mr. Shiel remarked that necessity was sometimes the plea of a good government, but of a bad government it was the worst pretence. That in the present case it was a pretence, and not an argument, he undertook to prove. He also undertook to show that the criminalities of Ire- land were the result of that moral distemperament which arose from its inisgovernnient; and in that part of his task he should have to animadvert on the policy which Sir R. Peel had pursued towards Ireland. He had often made such animadversions; but in so doing he hoped that he had never forgotten that it was to Sir R. Peel he owed the privilege of pronouncing that condemnation in parliament; and as, when he was in his high and palmy state as the head of the Conservative party, he had endeavoured to avoid the use of wantonly offensive expressions, so now, when his fortune appeared to have undergone some temporary change, it should be his (Mr. Shiel's) care that the language of strong animadversion should be entirely dissociated from personal disrespect. For he hoped that the premier, who had just displayed the courageous virtue of dashing the sliding scale to pieces, would yet have the felicity of making a recan- tation of the Irish heresies. He believed that when the Catholic question was adjusted, it was the determination of Sir Robert Peel to carry out its principles, had he remained in office but during the time in which he had been in opposition, he had done his worst to obstruct the Whigs in carrying out Catholic emancipation and in ameliorating the condition of Ireland. Witness his conduct on the two questions of municipal reform and of the Irish registration. Sir R. Peel had lately declared his intention to amend the acts which he had formerly obstructed but what a satire was that on the previous proceedings ? As soon as he came into power, he flung aside those instruments of molestation; but he had nevertheless left the law on both questions in a state of ambiguity and now that the country was on the eve of a general election, he proffered it a coercion instead of a registration bill. Having come into power, he found himself surrounded by difficulties of his own creation. There was the expression about "aliens" used by Lord Lyndhurst, respecting which he would not say a word at present, as he understood that Lord Lyndhust had relapsed into Serjeant Copley. Then there was the fatal step of raising the most violent partisans of orange politics in parliament to scats on the judicial bench. Sir R. Peel had endeavoured, by his sayings, to counteract his doings yet, between his sayings and doings, there was an antithesis amounting to contradiction and thus, whilst he weakened the attachment of his friends, he did not succeed in gaining the affection of his opponents. The consequence was that the whole of Ireland went into opposition. Agitation recommenced with redoubled force. The repeal magistrates were dismissed. Then followed the monster meetings, the monster indictment, and the monster trial, wherein the world beheld with amazement the liberator of Catholic Ireland tried by Protestant grocers and Protestant tallow-chandlers, under the auspices of the man who had introduced a most admirable jury act for the people of England. All this, too, crowned by the decision of the Lord Chief Justice of England, who gave back the liberator to the embraces of his grateful countrymen, and converted the portal of his prison into an arch of triumph. How could they wonder, then, that when justice had thus committed suicide, the events to which he had been referring should have affected all classes in Ireland from the highest to the lowest, and, when the atmosphere was full of con- figion, the hut of the peasant had not escaped infection. ,t was not a change of the constitution which was ne- cessary to save the commonwealth but to save the con- stitution and the commonwealth along with it, a change of policy was imperatively required. With Normanby, Morpeth, Drummond, Wolfe, and O'Loghlin, in the go- vernment of Ireland, the administration was in sympathy with the people and the result was peace, social and political. The amount of crime decreased, and the number of prcedial outrages regularly diminished, and the result would be the same now, if their policy were adopted. Turning, then, to the merits of the bill before the house, he called upon the government to explain why, if they considered it to be indispensable, and were of opinion that murder could not be arrested without it, they had not convened parliament early in November, especially as they were then aware that two other great questions must be introduced simultaneously with it ? He then proceeded to contend that no case had been either for this bill, which was to last for three years, or for the original bill, which was to have been perpetual. That bill ministers had been obliged to abandon but their animus had been displayed, and the guilt of volition was in that case almost as great as that of perpetration. In conclusion, he argued that this bill was not fitted for a nation of readers like that of Ireland, and that it sti- mulated that agitation which ministers dreaded so much, but which they had done so little to repress. The alter- ation which the repeal of the corn laws would produce in the condition of Ireland ought to render them particu- larly cautious in the measures which they adopted, for, though the repeal of the corn laws would undoubtedly be beneficial to that country in the long run, its first effect would be to expel many a Cromwellian from his mortgaged estate, and they ought to take every means in their power to prevent such men, who had hitherto been their allies, from swelling the ranks of the partisans of repeal. The Solicitor-General contended that neither life nor property in Ireland had that security which every loyal subject had a right to expect, and that it would be dis- graceful to the executive Government to sit down in des- pair of finding a remedy for such a frightful state of things. He then entered into a lengthened defence of the bill, amid repeated clamours of the house for the division. The Marquis of Chandos could not concur with the party with which he had been recently acting, in op- posing this bill on the contrary he felt himself called upon to support it, as It was necessary to the repression of crime and the maintenance of law and justice. His belief was that, but for the repeal of the corn law, this bill would have been carried by the very parties who were now so anxious to defeat it. Major Beresford contended that this bill was not adequate to the purposes for which it was introduced, and was unjust and irritating to Ireland. No govern- ment would dare to introduce a bill like this to repress disturbances in England. Mr. Adderley commented with some severity on the conduct of the members on the protection benches, who opposed this measure merely for the sake of obtaining revenge on the Government which had carried the repeal of the corn laws. After a short speech from Capt. Jones in support of the bill, and from Lord Ingestre, who declared his in- tention of not voting at all upon it, Mr. Cobden wished to say a few words as to the spirit of the vote which he was about to give. He believed that lie should that evening go into the lobby with a num- ber of the gentlemen below the gangway. He would not put one word of construction on their motives; but as the combination was odd and somewhat suspicious, he wished to clear himself by showing that the construction which had been put on this vote by Lord G. Bentinck was not the construction which he had put upon it. Lord G. Bentinck had said that every honest man ought to join to do summary justice upon the traitor, however much he might love the treason. Then, this was not a vote on the coercion bill, but a vote of no confidence in the Government. Now, he repudiated such an unjust con- struction on the vote he was about to give. He should be acting against popular opinion if he gave any such a vote for the measure which Sir R. Peel had intro- duced was the most popular that any minister could hava proposed. Sir It. Peel had stated that he would stand or fall by the bill. With that determination he had nothing to do but he would not, like the noble lord, stultify himself by voting black to be white to serve a particular purpose. It would be hopeless to keep Sir R. Peel in by a single vote, for it was quite evi- dent that the house would soon be put to the test again by the noble lord and his friends. But before long the state of parties in that house would receive a solution from out of doors. We could not go on with three par- ties in the house—we must only have two; and there was nothing he should regret more than to see Sir n. Peel forced back to the rearward party on the gangway. There was no distinction in the country now between those who followed Lord J. Russell and those who gave in their adherence to the right lion. baronet. If that fusion had taken place out of doors, and if the rank and file had already fraternized, the battle between the chiefs must be abandoned, and a fusion must take place in that house. If Sir R. Peel should now retire from office, he would carry with him the esteem and gratitude of a greater number of the population of this empire than had ever followed the retirement of any other minister. He tendered his own thanks to Sir R. Peel for the great ability and the unswervirtfc firmness with which he had conducted during the last six months one of the most magnificent reforms which had ever been accomplished. The house then divided, when there appcarcrl- .ForthRseeondreading 219 I Aga.instit .?. 292 Majority against the Government 73 1 The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and I the house adjourned. FRIDAY, JUNE 26. I The house met as usual, and shortly afterwards Sir I Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the bar and summoned the house to the House of I Lords, to hear the Royal assent given by commission to several bills. The Speaker, on his return, having among other bills announced the corn importation bill as having received the Royal assent, the announcement was received with loud cheers. The discussion of private bills engaged the house the rest of the evening. Adjourned to Monday. MONDAY, JUNE 23. The Speaker took the Chair at Four o'clock, when theie was a very large attendance of Members. The Peers' Gallery and the Strangers' Gallery were very full. SUGAR DUTIES. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it would proba- bly meet the convenience of the House, if the order of the day for the third reading of the Sugar Duties Bill were then moved. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. I RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS. Sir R. Peel said, that he felt it to be his duty to avail himself of the earliest opportunity of notifying to the hfyise that, in consequence of the position in which Her Majesty's Government was now placed, and more especially of the vote to which the house had come on the night of Thursday last, by which it had refused to grant to Ministers those powers which they deemed necessary for the repression of outrage and for the protection of life in Ireland, Her Majesty's servants had deemed it their duty to tender their resignation to a gracious Sovereign. If he had had any complaint to make respecting the course taken by the house, the present was not an occasion for making it; and lie should therefore abstain from uttering a single syllable which might provoke either irritation or controversy. Hoping, therefore, that no expression would escape from him calculated to provoke that controversy which he deprecated, he informed the house that Her Majesty had accepted the tender of resignation made by Ministers, and that his colleagues and himself only held office until their successors were appointed. He assured it, that he had not proposed the measure connected with our commercial policy without foreseeing the probability that, whether they were made law or not, they would cause the dissolution of the Government. He therefore rather rejoiced that Government had been relieved from any doubt upon the point, by the early decision of the house as to the course which Ministers ou'mt to pursue, for he would not, even if the vote of Thursday nióht had been in his favour, have consented to hold office by sufferance, or by the evasion of any great and important public question. It was not for the public interest that any Government should remain in power which was not able to carry into effect the measures which it deemed necessary for the public welfare and in the position of the present Government, by the withdrawal-the natural withdrawal perhaps,—of those who had heretofore supported it, he did not think it probable that it could have been enabled, with credit to itself and advantage to the country, to continue in the administration of public affairs. lIe had, therefore, advised Her Majesty to accept the resignation of their services without having recourse to the exercise of the pre- rogative possessed by the Crown to dissolve the Par- liament. Speaking with a frankness which ought to offend no one, he did not hesitate to declare that if Her Majesty's Government had failed to carry in all their inte- grity the measures of commercial policy which it had recommended, there was no exertion which he would not have made to insure for them ultimately the most complete success. In such a case he should have ad vised the dissolution of Parliament by the Crown; for the continuance of doubt on such a subject lie should have deemed a greater evil than the recurrence to a dissolu- tion. Those measures, however, had now become the law of the land and he therefore could not consent to advise for the mere existence of the Government the exercise of that Royal prerogative. He then proceeded to notice the defeat which the Government had received on a question connected with Ireland. He should lament that defeat indeed if it could be thought that the mea- sure which his Government had proposed was an indi- cation that it held different opinions as to the policy to be pursued towards Ireland from those which he had disclosed at the close of last session. To the opinions which he then professed and to which practical effect had been given by the passing of the Charitable Trusts Act, and of the Irish Colleges Bill, he now, on leaving office, most cordially subscribed. He had brought for- ward the Protection of Life Bill, not under the idea that it was a measure calculated to improve the permanent condition of Ireland, but because he thought that the vigorous repression of crime was necessary to give effect to the useful legislation of the house on other subjects connected with that country. It would be unjust to infer from that bill, that his policy with respect to Ire- land had undergone any change. He still contended that there ought to be established a complete equality of civil, municipal, and political rights between Great Bri- tain and Ireland; so that no one, on comparing Ireland and its franchises, with Great Britain and its franchises, should be at liberty to say that a ditferent rule was es- tablished in the two countries. Then, with regard to the executive administration in Ireland, he thought that the favour of the Crown should be bestowed without reference to religious distinctions, and he assured those who were about to succeed him, that if they acted upon that principle they should hear no complaints from him. Then with respect to the spirit in which legislation should be conducted; he was prepared, retaining all the opinions which he had expressed on Irish policy, to co-operate with those who felt that the tenure of land and the rela- tion of landlord and tenant in Ireland required immediate consideration. He had reason to believe that Lord John Russell had been commanded to repair to Her Ma- jesty's presence, in order to render assistance in the formation of a new Government. He had no doubt that the general principles of that Government, so far as the commercial policy of the country was concerned, would be developed in the continued application of those principles which would give us a more free commercial intercourse with other countries. If such should be the policy of the new Government, he should feel it to be his duty to give to that Government in pursuit of that policy his most cordial support. He admitted that the surplus of the revenue for the coming year was less than he could have wished it to be and therefore, while he recommended to his successors the application of the principles of commercial policy adopted during the present session, he would not urge them to that simultaneous adoption of them which would either be injurious to interests which had long been accustomed to protection, or would create a derangement in either the revenue or currency of the country. He was now speaking of his own intentions rather than of the inten- tions of others but he could not doubt that thoge who had supported him would give the same Support to similar measures proposed by others. He did not think it necessary that he should make any other observations but he could not surrender the power, which he had now wielded during five years, without expressing a hope that, during that time, neither the interests nor the ho- nour of the country had been compromised. He thought that he could say, with truth, that in that time the bur- dens of taxation had been equalized—that many re- strictions on commerce affecting trade injuriously had been removed—and that, without interfering at all with legitimate speculation, stability had been given to our monetary system by measures passed for the regulation of the Bank of England, the joint-stock banks, and the private banks of the country in 18-1;3-measures which had met the general support of all parties. He trusted, also, that the stability of our Indian empire had not been effected by the policy of the Government, and that the glory of the British arms by sea and land had been main- tained in every part of the globe by the devoted attach- ment of our soldiers and sailors. Although there had been great reductions in the public burdens, yet he had great satisfaction in saying that the national defences had been improved by sea and land, and that the army and the navy were now in a most efficient state. He hoped also that he might congratulate the house upon the tact that the finances of the country were in a buoyant state. He then recounted to the house how, within two days after the British Government had received from the Pre- sident of the United States the notice that the existing convention about the Oregon territory was to terminate at the close of twelve months, accompanied with a decla- ration that the notice was given in the hope that it might lead to an amicable termination of all disputes, Her Ma- jesty's Government had not hesitated, although its offer of arbitration had been refused, to specify frankly, and at once, the terms on which it would consent to the partition of that territory. The President of the United States, on receiving our terms, had referred them at once to the Senate, and the Senate, acting in the same spirit of patriotism as the President, immediately advised that they should be accepted. He then stated the two main articles in the convention to be, first, that the line of boundary between the British and American territory should be continued along the 49th parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island, and thence southerly to the Pacific Ocean, leaving the navigation of the channel and Straits of Fuca south of that latitude open to both parties and, secondly, that the navigation of the great northern branch of the Columbia should be free and open to all British subjects. That very day, on returning from the Isle of Wight, he had had the satisfaction of receiving from Mr. Pakenham an official letter, dated Washington, the 13th of June, informing him that the conditions offered by Her Majesty's Go- vovernment had he en accepted by the Government of the United States without the addition or alter- ation of a single word. Thus the Governments of two great nations, both impelled by public opinion, had by their moderation and spirit of mutual con- ciliation averted a war, which was in danger of break- ing out between them, in spite of their common blood and common language, and which, if it had broken out, would not have lasted long without involving Europe in its desolation. Mentioning, as he passed along, that the Earl of Aberdeen had intimated to the United States his desire of employing our good offices to mediate i l' It. Peel coiielii d e( I this between them and Mexico, Sir li. Peel concluded this part of his subject by rejoicing that, before lie surren- dered his power at the feet of the house, lie could assure it that every chance of war with the United States was terminated with honour to this country. He had now executed the task which public duty required from him and in so doing he trusted that he had said nothing which could lead to the probability of controversy. He could say with truth, that Her Majesty's Government, in proposing the commercial measures which had disen- titled them to the support of a portion of their former supporters, had been influenced by no other desire than that of serving their country. In bringing those mea- sures forward he had no wish to rob others of the merit of them. A combination of parties and of other circum- stances had led to their success. Yet the name which ought to be associated with that success, was not the name of John Russell or of Robert Peel, but the name of a man, who, acting from pure and disinterested motives, had with untiring energy and with appeals to reason enforced his cause by an eloquence the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned the name to which he alluded was that of Richard Cob- den. He then closed his address, thanking the house for the favour with which it had listened to him. Within a few hours that power which he had wielded would be surrendered into the hands of others. Without com- plaining or repining, but with lively gratitude for the support which he had received, he should leave office with a name severely censured by many who, not inter- ested by personal motives, deeply regretted the severance of party ties—with a name severely censured by many who had conscientiously adhered to the principles of pro- tection—with a name execrated by every monopolist who, from less honourable motives, maintained protection for his own personal interests—but with a name to be re- membered sometimes in the humble dwellings of men whose lot it was to labour, and to earn their subsistence by the sweat of their brow, with expressions of good will, when they were recruiting their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because it was no longer eaten with a sense of injustice. The right hon. baronet, who had been throughout most loudly cheered, then sat down amid loud applause from all sides of the house; but shoitly after rose and proposed the ad- journment of the house till Friday next. Lord Palmerston said, that if he abstained from follow- ing Sir It. Peel into the defence of his administration, he must not be supposed to have either abandoned or re- tracted any opinion which lie had formerly expressed upon it. The silence of his friends and himself must not be construed into any acquiescence in the huge com- mendations which the right hon. baronet had just passed upon his own merits. He was glad tohear him announce the principles on which he thought that the government of Ireland ought to be conducted in future. Declining to follow him into lUany of his other observations, he re- marked, that he could not pass by one of the topics of his speech without expressing the deep pleasure which he (Lord Palmerston) had received from Sir R. Peel's announcement that the unfortunate differences which had existed for some time past between England and -iii d ?til d the United States had been brought to a termination which was equally honourable to all parties. Sir R. Peel had well said that the success of the great measure just passed was not so much due to the Whigs on one side of the house and to the Tories on the other, as to the talents, perseverance, and eloquence of Richard Cobden. In the language which he had used Sir R. Peel had paid a deserved compliment to his hon. friend but the house and the country would look beyond that complimcnt, and would see, in Mr. Cobden, not only a great improver of our commercial code, but also a great result of Parlia- mentary reform,—that reform, which was the source of Sir R. Peel's recent power, and which had enabled him, though he had opposed it, to pride himself on having carried his present policy through the House of Commons. Mr. IIume observed, that Sir 11. Peel had done more than any of his predecessors who had been Prime Minis- ters for the benefit of his country. It was, therefore, with unfeigned regret that he saw him quit the helm of power; still, he must know that he quitted it amid the respect and sympathy of admiring millions. He felt, individually, great gratitude to Sir R. Peel for the course which lie had taken, and for the unswerving firmness with which he had persevered in it. After a few observations from Sir R. Inglis, Mr. La- bouchere, Sir G. Clerk, Mr. Greene and Mr. Goulburn, respecting the injury which might accrue to parties in- terested in private bills, owing to the proposed adjourn- ment until Friday next, the motion to that effect was agreed to, and the house adjourned until that day.
I DREADFUL DEPRECIATION OF…
I DREADFUL DEPRECIATION OF LANDED PROPERTY! The following very clever article on Land and Lord Craven we copy from the Sitssex Advertiser and Surrey Gazette. A few weeks ago we took occasion to comment upon a remark made by Mr. George Robins, that both the landed interest and the agricultural community had been more frightened than hurt Mr. Robins's assertion has been fully borne out by the result of a sale which took place last week under his own auspices, as we learn from a paragraph in the Times, which runs as follows "The great Willenhall estate, in Warwickshire, with a rental of £ 1,550 a year, was sold by Mr. Robins, at the Auction Mart, on Tuesday, for 48,100 guineas. Lord Craven is the purchaser. Mr. Jones Loyd and Mr. Mellor (one of the tenants) were the highest of the unsuccessful competitors. This sum, it will be seen, is 331- years' purchase, and upon a rack rental. So much for the supposed decrease in the value of land through Sir Robert Peel's corn measure. The noble purchaser of the Willenhall estate has re- cently been giving utterance to some vehement protec- tionist auguries, in which the" setting of the sun of England's glory the annihilation of rents and the de- struction of tenant-farmers were duly prominent. The Country will rejoice to perceive that his Lordship has recovered from this alarm, and that, although a Craven by name, he has proved far otherwise in his biddings at the Auction Mart last week. There could have existed no doubt in his Lordship's mind as to the passing of the Corn Bill on Tuesday last; and we can, therefore, only conclude that the destruction of the landed interest —the conversion of fertile fields into barren wastes-the pauperisation of the entire race of labourers, and such like results, are not matters causing any real alarm in Lord Craven's mind, but are simply dreaded in a Par- liamentary sense." It is by no means an uncommon, though not very successful practice, for persons who are anxious to be buyers at an tiuction, to endeavour to run down the value of the property to be sold. Per- haps Lord Craven may have had a hankering for the Willenhall domain for some time past, and upon that assumption, it is not impossible that his Lordship may have deemed it good policy to magnify the evil effects of free trade upon landed property, with an eye to getting a cheap bargain on the present occasion. Be that as it may, his Lordship's purchase entirely knocks on the head his lordship's prophecies. His purse and his pre- dictions run directly counter to each other. The former should needs be full, but the latter are evidently empty enough. What with Lord George Bcntinck seeking to dig land out of the ocean, and Lord Craven buying an estate at 33j years' purchase, the Protectionists who are sincere in their apprehensious of free-trade must feel themselves sorely puzzled. To clear their mind, we would suggest a regular course of George Robins. Three days a week at the Auction Mart, with Doctor Robins as physician, and we have no doubt that the nervousness, tremulousness, lowness of spirits," with those" other distressing symptoms" recently observable in Protectionist patients will be speedily dissipated. The scenes now enacted in George Robins's auction-room remind us of the old song yclept the Bay of Biscay— not on account of the evidences of wreck therein exhibited, but because, in the room, as in the song, the moment a sale in sight appears," it is hailed if not with three cheers," at least with alacrity equal to that of the unfortunate tars, whose fears of a watery pillow imbued them with such a natural longing for "land." We earnestly trust that the future course of the Protectionists may be as cheering as the final career of the mariners we have mentioned, and that Now we shall sail With a fresh gale" from the bay of Protection, which has so well nigh proved fatal to the crew of the good ship Agriculture.— Sun.
[No title]
APPEARANCE OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF THE HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT ON MONDAY.—RECEPTION OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND SIR IIOBKHT PEEL.-This evening, shortly before five o'clock, Par- liament-street was crowded by well-dressed persons, anxious to express their sympathy with the Free-trade Ministers. From the residence of Sir Robert Peel, in Whitehall-gardens, to the entrance to the Houses of Parliament, the streets on each side were crowded, leaving merely a clear gangway for the passage of horses and carriages. The Duke of Wellington rode down Parliament-street shortly before five o'clock. His Grace was greeted with enthusiastic cheering along the whole line, which he acknowledged by his usual military salute. At 20 minutes past five the Duke returned from the House of Lords on horseback, to the surprise of the public. The fact was he said only a few words in the House, announcing the resignation of Ministers, and then left. The public were anxiously waiting for Sir Robert Peel, who did not make his appearance till half-past five o'clock. The Right Honourable Baronet came down in his state carriage, and the moment he was recognized the most enthusiastic plaudits burst forth all along the line until he reached the doorway of the House of of Commons. At that moment the crowd pressed forward with raptures of applause, and his feelings were deeply affected. The sight altogether was very Interesting, and the feeling intense. BRISTOL COURT OF BANKRUPTCY. Re Philip Vaughan, of Brecon, scrivener.—On Thursday the bank- rupt came up for his final examination. Mr. Clark, of the firm of Slavery, Clark, and Co., appeared for the assignees, and Mr. Carlisle as attorney to Sir Charles Morgan, Bart., of Tredegar-park, who claimed to he a creditor for near £ 10,000. The bankrupt's liabilities secured were stated at £ o2,000, ar.d those unsecured at £ 23,640. His Honour (no one appeared to oppose the bankrupt's passing) called attention to the importance of the case, and the necessity for having some detailed accounts of various transactions. A lengthened con- versation ensued, principally in relation to a sum of E9000 odd, which had formed part of the expenses of the last election for the borough of Brecon. The bank- rupt had debited Sir Chas. Morgan with them, whereas it was contended, on the part of Sir C. Morgan, that the credit had been given to him, that he had passed the accounts, and that a balance of more than £10,000 remained due to him from the bankrupt. His Honour asked various questions of the bankrupt in relation to the accounts, but without the balance-sheet they would not be intelligible. The examination was ultimately adjourned till the 4th of July, the bankrupt, in the meantime, to furnish detailed accounts of his transactions with the Morgan family. TIlE LATE STIUKE.—The strike in the building trades is now fast drawing to a close. In the large towns in Lancashire, as well as in the town and neigh- bourhood of Birmingham, the men have mostly gone in at the terms proposed by the masters. The present wages of joiners and carpenters, it has been agreed, shall not exceed 2Gs. in Birkenhead, 27s. in Liverpool. The hours to be sixty per week, which is the same amount as before, only differently arranged. The men commence work now at six instead of seven on Monday morning breakfast from 8 20 to 9 a. m. dinner, one to two ceasing work at six on Saturday, at four o'clock. In Birkenhead they are paying the best joiners 26s.; bricklayers chiefly 27s.; plasterers 24s. and a few 25s., and even 26s. A great number of bricklayers arc leaving the Trades' Union, in conse- quence of the oppressive treatment they have met with, and are about to establish a new society, to the rules of which they ask the approbation of their masters. JOSEPH ADY.-This notorious individual surrendered at the Central Criminal Court, last week, to take his trial on the charge of having obtained a sovereign from Mr. liornsby, with intent to cheat and defraud him thereof. Mr. Ballantine, on behalf of the prisoner, thought the indictment must fall to the ground, as at the bottom of every receipt were the words, "If no benefit is deiived by the parties from the information, the money should be returned if applied for." The prosecutor had not applied for the money therefore the charge of fraud had not been proved. The Common Sergeant coincided in this view of the case, and directed the jury to acquit the prisoner. After he was liberated, Joseph demanded the deliverance" of his money holden by the officer. The Common Sergeant said, in cases of this sort, it was usual to give the money to the prosecutor. He (Ady) might bring his action." NATIONAL TESTIMONIAL TO SIR R. PEEL.—A Correspondent of the Morning Advertiser recommends that a statue of Sir R. Peel should be raised in the Royal Exchange, and that it should be erected by the result of subscriptions small enough to come within the reach of the poorest class." GUAND REVIEW OF THE HOUSEHOLD TltOOPS IN HYDE-PARK.—On Monday there was a grand field-day in Hyde-park; the respective regiments of household troops at present stationed in London assembling therein for the purpose of being inspected by his Highness Ibrahim Pacha REPRESENTATION OF NEWCASTLE-UNDF.R-LYME.— Mr. George Granville Francis Egerton, the eldest son of Lord Francis Egerton, and nephew of the Duke of Sutherland, has announced himself as a candidate for the representation of this borough. CORN AND CUSTOMS DeTIES BII,LS.-Tlicse bills having now passed both Houses, and become the law of the land, by the Royal assent given on Friday evening last, it may not be uninteresting or inappropriate to show (by the following extract from the 35th report of the Select Committee on Public Petitions) the total numbers of the petitions and of the petitioners which have been this session presented to the House of Commons for and against those important measures — 1'eti-I ;Q ?Mture<. Corn Importation Bill-tgiiiist. 4 528 Corn Laws, &c.—against repeal 1,958 145,855 — for repeal. 407 1,414,303 complaining of mode of circulating petitions. 3 50G Corn Laws-for immediate repeal and Timber Duties-for immediate reduction. 2 1,934 Corn, Sugar, &c.—for alteration of duties 2 230 Customs-in favour of proposed mea- pro p ose d sure 1 6 Customs & Corn Importation—against proposed measures 863 53,046 -in favour of proposed measures. 102 69,488 for a speedy adjust- ment 9 1,855 Customs Duties Bill and Corn Impor- tation Bill-in favour 1 2 91 1 NORMAL SCHOOLS FOR THE ARMY.—The announce ment, that amongst other improvements in the army about to be introduced would be the establishment of a boy's school at Chelsea, for the training of regimental school-masters, has been since confirmed by an official notice. It appears that the school will consist of a chaplain and head-master, with a salary of E350 per annum, in addition to board and residence, &c. valued at £IG2; an assistant-master, upper-master, and three other masters, with salaries commensurate to the duties intended to be performed. The instruction will embrace the several subjects of English and other history, geography, and the use of the globes, elements of me- chanics and surveying, the theory of the steam-engine, and the first rudiments of military constructions, &c. FEMALE SAILORS AT LIVERPOOL.—Much curiosity was excited in Liverpool on Monday last, by the discovery that two girls from Hull, named Harriet Palmer and Caroline Sarah Abbey, aged 17 and 18, had dressed themselves in sailors attire, and offered to enter the royal navy. It appears that the girls were servants at the Blue Bell Inn, Hull, and had heard such descriptions of a seafaring life from their sweethearts, who were sailors, as to concei ve a strong desire to go to sea. They consequently laid aside their female attire, purchased seamen's dresses, and left Hull on Thursday by the railway train for Manchester. On their arrival here, their funds were exhausted, and they were force d to walk to Liverpool, where they arrived on Friday morning. They applied at several shipping offices for berths on board a merchant vessel, but without success and they then offered to enter as boys on board a man-of-war, at the naval office. Their o ffer was accepted, and they were handed over to the surgeon for medical examination, when it was discovered that they were girls in masque- rade. They still, however, pressed their services but as they were of course inadmissible, they were taken to the parish office, and have since been clothed in the usual habiliments of their sex, and sent back to Hull. PROSECUTION OF TIIE "NATION" DUBLIN NEWS- PAPER.—The prosecution instituted by the government against the Nation newspaper, for the publication of a seditions libel, has failed, as the jury were unable to agree upon a verdict, and were consequently discharged on Thursday last. The alleged libel consisted of an article published in the Xation, pointing out methods by which troops transported upon railways might be successfully attacked by insurgent peasants. STEAM Powi.,R.-Above one hundred thousand men were ern played for twenty years in erecting the great pyramid of Egypt. From a computation by AI. Dapin, it appears that the steam-engines of England would equal the whole product of this immense application of human labour, in lifting stones, within the short space of eighteen hours. THE BANKRUPT-LAW.—" Sambo, what your 'pinion ob dat bankrupt-law 11 Tink him fuss-rate, Pompey I imply for the application myself." "Just explain him principles." Why, you see now; just lend me dat half-dollar you got for whitewashing." (Pompey hands him the money, and Sambo deliberately puts it into his pocket.) Dere, den," says Sambo, "now I owes de shoemaker tree shillings, and you half a dollar, besides de grocer's bill now dis half-dollar is all de property I got I diwides him according to my debts." Poinpey —" I take dat half dollar back." Sambo (with amaze- nient) -11 Do you tink dis child green ? I'm a bank- rupt; you gets your share wid de other creditors." Another disaster has fallen upon Smyrna. In the night of the 30th ult. a fire broke out there which consumed in a very short space of time nearly 400 small shops. It was only by the greatest exertion that the niorl, important buildings were preserved. Twenty Years' Loss of Hair, and I Church-street, Whitby, Oct. 19, 1841. Gentlemen,—Of the last supply of OLDRIDGE'S BALM OF COLUMBIA, every bottle was sold imme- diately on receipt, and I have many more bespoke, only waiting for a further supply, which I hope you will send without the least delay. Orders have poured in more than ever since the powerful effects of the Balm have been so decisively demonstrated in the cases of several credible and respectable inhabitants of the town. One instance, among others which have attracted particular attention, is the case of a gentleman who had had little or no hair for twenty years he had tried numerous preparations in vain, and ultimately had his head shaved, and wore a wig. At my recommendation he tried the Balm; and after using it according to the directions for a short time, the young hair appeared, and lie has now as fine a head of hair as any person in Whitby. Yours, &c. JOHN KILVINGTON. To Messrs. Kennaby, Brothers, 10, Westmorland-buildings, Aldersgate-st. London. OLDRIDGE'S BALM causes Whiskers, and Eve- brows, to grow, prevents the Hair from turning grey, and the first application causes it to curl beautifully, frees it from scurf, and stops it from falling off. Abun- dance of Certificates of the first respectability are shown by the Proprietors, C. & A. OLDRIDGE, 1, Welling- ton-street, Strand, where the Balm is sold, and by most of the respectable Perfumers and Medicine Venders. Price 3s 6d., 6s., and lis. per Bottle. No other prices are genuine. Ask for OLDRIDGE'S BALM OF COLUMBIA, 1, WELLINGTON-STREET, STRAND, LONDON.
WEEKLY CALENDAR.I
WEEKLY CALENDAR. I THE Monk's CH.Nnns.—I''uU Moon, on the Sth of July, at llh. 11m. after. The Moon rises, July 4.— 3h 25m. P.M. I July 7. 6h. 41m.A.?. 5.- 4h. 34m.  7h. 33m. 5. 411. 6.— 5h. 41m. I 9. 8\1. lím,- The Sun rises. Clock before SILII. 1 The Sun sets. July 4. 3h. 51m 3m. 59 sec. 8h. 17m. 9. 3h. 55m. 4m. 48 sec. 8h. 14m. July 5.-Dividends on several descriptions of stock become due. Annual licence to be taken out by Pawn- brokers, and Appraisers who are not Auctioneers. July 6.—Length of day, 16h.o 24m.; day's decrease from the longest day, Oh. 10m. No real Night, but con- stant Twilight. Old Midsummer Day. July 7.-Oxforcl Act and Camb. Corn. July 8.—Fire Insurance due at Midsummer must be paid on or before this day, or the policy becomes void. July 10.—Cambridge Easter Term ends. HIGH WATER AT THE FOLLOWING PLACES. FOR THE ENSUING WEEK. f Carmar- Cardigan Tenby DAYS. then Bar. and and Abcryst- Llanelly Bristol. Milford ?yth. I -:¡ i- M -71 H. ii. M. Saturday. 41 0 57 ¡ 3 48 2 48 4 18 Sunday 51 2 1 4 6 3 36 5 6 Monday. Cl 3 8 5 24 4 21 5 54 Tuesday. 7i 4 12 6 12 1 5 12 6 42 Wednesday. ? 5 7 7 0 6 0 7 30 Thursday. 9! 5 ?S 7 4S 0 48 8 18 Friday 10? G 49 8 36 7 3G 9 6
LONDON GAZETTE.
LONDON GAZETTE. BA-, KRUP,r,( Friday, .Tunc 26.)-D. Andrew Morel, Langham-place, Marylebone, dentiit.-Eli Soul, Taber- nacle-walk, Finsbury, bookseller.—T. Knight, Minories, City, draper.—R. H. Beart, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, wine merchant.—F. Hobbs, Romford, Essex, baker. S. R. Evans, Coppice-row, Clerkenwell, beer shopkeeper.— J. Sugden, Stecton, Yorkshire, worsted manufacturer,- E. Dibb, Idle, Yorkshire, grocer.-Il. T. Marcus and J. Naylor, Leeds, share brokers.—W. Loncrgnn, Liverpool, wine merchant.—J. S. Lyddon, Birkenhead, Cheshire, chemist.—C. II. Stonehouse, Newport, Monmouthshire, ship broker.—J. lioltaiii, otherwise Holtham, f,ocklianit)- ton, Gloucestershire, groeer.-T. P. Derhani, Westbury- upon- Trym, Bristol, linen draper.—James Philip, Bristol, stationer. BANKRUPTS.—(Tuesday, June 30.J—J. Wood, Luton, Bedfordshire, plumber.—W. Molyncux, Sandwich, Kent, inkceper.—W. H. Plounsfield, Cardiff, Glamorganshire, draper.—T. D. Weaver, Liverpool, ship-broker.—J. Charke, Plymouth, innkeeper.— W. J. Geach, Cornwall, auctioneer.—J. Waterhouse, Salford, and R. Sutton, Cheetham, Lancashire, calico-printers.—R. M'Kim, for- merly of Liverpool, but now of Bombay, merchant.—J. Wright, Manchester, victualler.—J. Astley, Manchester, fustian-manufacturer.—G. Bury, Handsworth, Stafford- shire, surgeon-dentist.—J. Evans, Heywood Lodge, Plerefordshire, cattle-dealer.—I. Sansome, Coventry, ribbon-manufacturers.—T. Joel, N ewe astle-upon-Tyne jeweller. T. Melton, Lincoln, victualler.
AGRICULTURE, MARKETS, &c.
AGRICULTURE, MARKETS, &c. (From the Mark Lane Express" of Mondavi. The Corn Importation Bill passed the House of Lords on Thursday, received the royal assent on Friday by commission, and is now the law of the land. That this measure would be carried by the Peel cabinet before it* breaking up has for some time been regarded as certain, and the effects have, therefore, in a great measure been anticipated still we are inclined to think that the libera- tion of so large a quantity of Wheat as that now in bond in the kingdom must, at least for a time, have some effect on prices of free. Whether the reduction will be very great will in some measure depend on the degree of firmness, holders—merchants as well as farmers —may display. That the millers are totally out of stock is a perfectly well-known fact; their necessities have lately been so pressing that even the certainty of the new Corn Bill coming into immediate operation, com- bined with very favourable weather, has been inadequate to check an upward tendency in prices; if, therefore, no particular eagerness should be shown to press sales, it is very probable that comparatively little effect may be produced on the value of Wheat by the new order of things. The change in the weather has unquestionably been very beneficial for the spring-sown crops, and the apprehensions which were beginning to be felt in conse- quence of the drought have, in a great measure, sub- sided whether, however, the late sown Barley and Oats will wholly recover from the injurious effects of so early and severe a drought as that experienced (scarcely anv rain having fallen from the 21st of May to the 21st of June) is doubtful, and it is certain that Beans and Peas have been irretrievably damaged by the extreme heat during the period named. There has. nevertheless, been a want of activity in the demand for all these articles, and the upward tendency of priccs has been completely checked. Barley has come sparingly to hand. The operations in Malt have been of so little importance as hardly to require any comment. The arrival of English Oats has been tolerably good. S. S. a. g. Wheat, Engl., red 47 to 57 Oats, English feed 24 —26 White 50 — 62 Potatoc 29—31 Norfolk & Suffolk 4;3 53 Youghall Black. 2:3 2.5 Do white 47 — 60 Scotch feed 27—29 Barley, Malting 3) 32 Irish Galway. 21—22 Chevalier. 30 -3-1 Dublin 24-26 Grinding 24 — 25 Londonderry. 24 2(1 Irisli Waterford white 23—25 Scotch .2.5-26 Clonmel 24 — 26 Beans, Tick new.. 35-38 SEED, Rape 24 £ 26s. Harrow 36 — 39 Irish -1. —I. per last Peas Boiling 40-41 Linseed, Baltic. 40 — 44 Odessa 4.5-47 Mustard, white 10 — 12 Maple. 33-36 Brown.. -perbusli. Malt, Browii 43-50 Flour, Town-made Chevalier. 61-62 and best country Kingston & Ware. 5g -61 marks 45 49 Suffolk & Norfolk 51-56 Stockton 37 39 Rye, new 30 32 Norf. & Suffolk.. 38 -40 Indian Corn 32 40 Irish GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF CORN. Week ending June 26.—Imperial—General Weekly Average,—Wheat, 52s. Od Barley, 27s. Id Oats, 23s. 8d; Rye, 323. 4d Beans, 35s. 8d; Peas, 34s. 9d. Aggregate Average of six weeks which governs Duty. —Wheat, 53s. 8d.; Barley, 28s. Id. Oats, 23s. 7d.; Rye, 33s. Id. Beans, 35s. 8d.; Peas, 34s. 3d. Duty on Foreign Corn.—Wheat, ISs. Od; Barley, 95. Od; Oats, 5s. Od; Rye, 9s. 6d; Beans, 7s. 6d; Peas, 8s. 6d. LONDON AVERAGES. £ s.   s. d. Wheat. 4,340 qrs.2 ? li Rye. 99qr? 13 ?) Wheat. 689  8 7 I Beans.. 621 1 14 6 Oats.l4,M8 } 1 3 8 Peas.. 131 1 IS 3 SMITHFIELD MARKET. Since Monday last the arrivals of foreign stock into London have been moderately extensive, viz., 12 Oxen from Prussia, 20 ditto from Hamburgh, 120 Cows, 50 Oxen, 150 Lambs, and 8 Calves from Holland, in, com- paratively speaking, good condition. At Hull, nearly 400 head of Beasts and Sheep have come to hand from Rotterdam, and at Plymouth 40 Oxen from Spain. To-day we had on offer about 2.50 foreign Beasts, 300 ditto of Sheep, 80 ditto of Lambs, and 6 ditto of Calves, with which the trade was tolerably steady, at fully previous quotations. Fresh up from our own grazing districts the arrivals of Beasts were but moderate, though fully adequate to meet the wants of the buyers, whose attend- ance was rather numerous. The numbers of Sheep were somewhat less than those exhibited on this day se'nnight, yet they were seasonably large. Prime old Downs moved off steadily at full prices, but all other breeds were heavy, at barely stationary prices. Lambs, the supply of which was moderately extensive, were a slow sale, at late rates. Calves and Pigs met a very dull inquiry, and in some in- stances, the prices had a downward tendency. A STATEMENT and COMPARISON of the PRICES of FAT STOCK, exhibited and sold in SmTHPIELD CATTLE MARKET, on Monday, June 30; 1845, and Monday, June 29, 1848. Per Sibs. to sink the offal. June :30, 1845. June 29, 1846. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Coarse & inferior Beasts. 3 4 to 3 S 2 6to 2 .8 Second quality do 3 10 4 0 2 1) 3 2 Prime large Oxen 4 04 2..34 3 8 Prime Scots, &e 4 2 4 4 3 10 4 0 Coarse & inferior Sheep.. 3 84 0..32 36 Second quality do 424 6..36 38 Prime coarse woolled do.. 4(34831040 Prime Southdown do. 41050424-1 Lambs 5 0 6 0..5 0 6 0 Large coarse Calves. 3 8 4 2.. 3 4 3 10 Prime small do. 4 2 4 8..4 0 4 4 Large Hogs 3 0 3 6 3 8 4 6 Neat small Porkers 3 8 4 2.. 4 8 4 10 BUTT15II, 11 AC OX, CIIEESE, AND IIAMS. Irish Butter, new cwt.s s. r Cheese, percwt. s. fl. Carlow, 82 — Double Gloucester.. 62 64 Sligo 72 — Single ditto 48 5U Banbridge. — Cheshire 56 76 Cork,  SO _I Derbv. 58 66 Cork, 1st SO — Derby 58 66 Watcrford. 78 — American. ?2 M. English Butter, Edam and Gooda.. '46 56 Dorset, per cwt. 46 Bacon, new 56- Foreign Buttcr, cwt Middle — — Prime Friesland. 82 Hams, Irish. 64 70 Do. Kid. 78 — Westmoreland. 70 — Fresh Butter, lis per doz. York 70 80 PRICE OF TALLOW, &c. I' 1842. 1813. 1841. 1815. 1846. Stockfhis day 18,806..19,053..17,264..14,477.. 10,691 Price of Y.C.. 48,0,l.. -11s. Dd..40s.01..405.01..4Js.Od. to to to to to Deliver .last week 738.. 1,015.. 1,198.. 652.. 248 Do.from 1st June 3,864.. 4,031.. 4,922.. 4,671.. 1,572 Arriv. last week 863.. 1,383.. 10.. 772.. 1,066 Do. from I st June 3,430.. 3,995.. 3,203.. 3,176.. 1,640 Price of Town. 49s.0d—43s.6d—43s.6d—42s.0d—42s.0d. METALS. £ s. d.Es. d. IRON—bar Wales per ton 0 0 0 to 8 0 0 London. 0 0 0 to 9 0 0 Nail rods. 0 0 0 to 10 0 0 Hoops (Staf.) 11 0 0 to 11 5 0 Sheets 0 0 0 to 12 5 0 Bars 10 10 0 to 11 0 0 Welsh cold-blast foundry pig 4 5 0 to 5 0 0 Scotch RaikjLpf ig, Clyde 3 7 6 to 3 10 0 9 10 0 to 10 0 0 RussSn, c, c?. 0 0 0 to 0 0 0 psi. 0 0 0 to 0 0 0 Gourle.y 14 5 0 to 14 10 0 Archangel. 00 0 to 13 12 6 Swedish, on the spot. 0 0 0 to 11 10 0 Steel, fagt. 0 0 Oto 15 5 0 kegs 0 0 0 to 14 10 0 COPPrn-Til( 0 0 0 to 92 0 0 Tough cake 0 0 0 to 93 0 0 Rost selected. 0 0 0 to 96 0 0 Ordinary Sheets .lb. 0 0 0 to 0 0 10 bottoms. 00 0 to 0 0 Hj Trx-Com.1)10eks.cwt 0 0 0 to 4 7 01 bars 0 0 0 to 4 8 6 Penned. 0 0 0 to 4 10 0 Straits. 4 0 Oto 4 1 0 Banea 0 0 Oto 4 4 0 TIN PLATES—Ch., IC box 1 10 0 to 1 12 0 "IX 1 16 Oto 1 18 0 Coke, TC 1 4 6 to 1 5 0 IX. 1 10 6 to 1 11 0 LEAD-Shoct.ton 19 15 0 to 20 0 0 l'ig reriierl 0 0 0 to 21 0 0 eommon. 0 0 0 to 18 15 0 Spanish, in bd 18 0 0 to 18 10 0 American 0 0 0 to 0 0 0 SPELT1:n.(Cake). 0 0 0 to 18 10 0 QUICKSILVER lb 0 0 0 to 0 4 6
Advertising
ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECEIVED BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS :— LONDON: Mr. Barker, 33, Fleet-street,; Messrs New- ton & Co., Warwick-square Mr. G. Reynell. 42. Chan- eerv-lane; Mr. Deacon, 3, Walbrook, near the Mansion House; Mr. Hammond, 27, Lombard-street; YV. Daw- son and Son, 74, Cannon-street, Mr.C. Mitchell, Red I/ion Court, Fleet-street: Messrs. Lewis and Lowe, 3, Castle-Court, Cornhill; Mr. W.Thomas, Catherine- street, Strand, London. AP.KIIYSTWYTII • • • .Mr. Jenkins, Printer, Great Dark- • Gate Street. ABEROAVENNY .Nlr. C. R. Phillips, Auctioneer. BRECON .Jr. William Evans, Ship-street. Mr. David Jenkins. BRISTOL Messrs. Philp&Evans,29,Clare-st. CARDIFF Mr. Bird, Post Office. CARDIC.VN Alr. Isaac Thomas, Printer. DUPLIN J. K. Johnstone&Co., Eden qiiay ..Mr. Henry Davies,Victoria Place. LI.XDII 0 ?r. D. M. Thomas, Printer, &c I r.. c'. lI)1naS, un er, II P I-, T I-. It .Ir. Rees, Druggist. LLAXEI.I.Y \Jr. Gawlcr. MILFORD .Ir. Gwyther, Custom-Housc. MERTIIYR Mr. David Jones, Bookseller, High-street. NEWCASTLE-EMLYN Mr. William Jones, Printer. N EATII Mr. Whittington, 11 Mr. D. W. Yigor. SWANSEA Mr. Grove, Stationer, IV, ilia-St. Miss Jenkins, Library. TENUY .Mr. Walkintou, Chemist. And all Postmasters and Clerks of the roads. THIS PAPER IS REGULARLY FILED by all the above agents and also in London, at Peel's Cotfee-House, No 177, and 178, Fleet-street.—Deacon's Coffee-House, Wal- brook, and the Auction Mart. Printed and Published in Guildhall Square, in the Parish of St. Peter, in the County of the Borough of Carmarthen, by the Proprietor, JOSEPH IIEGINBOTTOM, of Pictoa TerraC2. in Carmarthen aforesaid. FRIDAY, JULY 3, 1316.