The Welshman

1m SPECIAL KNOWLEDGE. 1 J?y }?? Windham case, which branched out into so a l$eù1l'e1evant lines of inquiry, and suggested so many of P.e Tlems °f social life? must have drawn the  of a consider:lble section of the public to one *ti0ua COns^erri^)le section of the public to one t e ost ris subjects that can be discussed—viz., ? ?1 v? l ? special knowledge. Great mad doctors t 111(2 for\? On one side and deposed that Mr. Wind- h 1*1 ^vas a ??d as a March hare and great mad doc- tq CaOiG oward on the other side, and deposed that he ? t?rel ? ??Gadstrong boy whose education had been ls c°nflief he Seneral public set down both halves of t IS (!o 11 flictill 9 testimony as equally worthless; and ]us 0 ad Dever bestowed an hour's thought on c] ?'?t?t ? ?? insanity arrived at the rapid con- ? tha they not only as good judges of iiia d thatch were n°t only as good judges of mad- t? ? ?? ?ad r! "'???? ?e, but were much better judges, laa thatt?, ucir superiority might be measured by the degr Of P-O"'Pleteness to which their want of aH know- I edge and thought on the subj ect had been carried. Calmer observers were obliged to confess that mad doc- tors could not be trusted to decide on a particular case of alleged madness, although they were alive to the seeming absurdity of saying that the less a man knew about a point the better he could judge of it. And yet, if we examine popular language, we find the same de- preciatory estimate of special knowledge with regard to a thousand other subjects besides questions of bodily or mental health. It is not only that in courts of justice the evidence of skilled witnesess, as they are termed, is habitually slighted, but in many non-legal questions people who have thought and read on the subject are currently held to have no advantage over the ignorant. For example, in theology there are many circles where biblical points of great difficulty are confidently discussed with great solemnity, and on set occasions and yet no one of the'disputants has any knowledge of the languages in which the sacred book were written, or of the writings of great men upon the points at issue, or of the light which church history throws on most questions that can interest a theologian. In art, again, people do not hesi- tate to say that they differ from the opinion of eminent living painters, take no pleasure in their works, and think them wholly on a wrong tack; and yet these judges would feel no hesitation or shame in owning that they were ignorant of the first principles of perspective, had never troubled themselves about the harmony of colours, and had never looked at the same portion of a landscape for ten consecutive minutes. In politics, and especially in disquisitions on foreign politics, special knowledge of the country touched on is not allowed to overpower our general judgment as to its position and conduct Mr. Roebuck probably knows more facts about Austria than nine-tenths of the people who favour the Hungarians and many of the advocates of French Im- perialism know the French people much more intimately than those who criticize adversely the career of Louis Na- poleon. And yet in many things we defer to special knowledge at once. We trust an experienced fisherman as to the proper fly to use we bow to the censure of a first-rate whist player; we let a really good scholar in- terpret for us a difficult passage in a Greek play. There must be some reason why, in some cases, special know- ledge is at once received as having at least a prima facie weight, while in others it receives hardly any considera- tion at all from the mass of mankind. A large portion of the contempt showered down on special knowledge is merely the overflowing of the inso- lent vanity of ignorance. Knowledge is despised because the ignorant do not even know what knowledge means. Popular theology dispenses with special know- ledge as a key to difficulties, because it does not see the difficulties at all. A sufficient number of assumptions has been gradually stored up to cover over all flaws in argument. An Englishman is content to pass a judgment about Italy or Austria which it is easy and pleasant to form, simply because it has given no trouble. It is the habit of passing such judgments that at once astonishes and repels the Continentals. They are at a loss to under- stand how an Englishman who does not know whether the Assembly at Pesth was composed of Magyars or Slaves, who has never heard of the Pragmatic Sanction and who does not know the name of any other Hunga- rian but Kossuth, can be as sure of the rightfulness of the claims of the Hungarians as he is of the accuracy of the first proposition of Euclid. In art, again, the popular judgment is often entirely based on the fact that those who pronounce it have never had their artistic capabilities educated. They like one thing, and a good musician likes another, for the same reason that a landlubber likes a calm, and a blue-jacket likes a nice breeze. They have not learnt to stand good music. People are also greatly encouraged in their contempt of special knowledge by the ease and satisfaction with which they revive exploded errors. A metaphysician, for example, starts a proposition; the general reader thinks over it, sees an objection to it, and laughs at it. The objection is so obvious that he has a great triumph in thinking that he hits on it at once, while the learned man failed to see it during his years of toil. The meta- physician could probably inform him that this new ob- jection was one of his own earliest and crudest thoughts on the subject, but that he long since abandoned it on seeing its fallacy exposed in a treatise written two thou- sand years ago by a Greek. There is however, something besides the vanity of ignorance at the bottom of the distrust of special know- ledge. In the first place, for the particular purposes of an individual, or of a set of persons, special knowledge may have no great value. The special knowledge of a theologian is, in one sense, unimportant to every one. The vital power of religion is a thing independent of questions of scholarship or history, and a reader can form his heart and mould his life by dwelling on the contents of sacred books which he could not interpret so as to satisfy scholars. People who know nothing about theology may perhaps edify one another by ex- pounding points as to which they have not even the materials for forming a superficial judgment. In art, people have a right to say that they do not like a pic- ture which represents colours they have never witnessed or noticed, and that they cannot relish a piece of music which their ear cannot embrace. The object of art is to satisfy artistic longings, and, so far as they are con- cerned, it is quite true that the creations they object to do not satisfy their little feeble artistic feelings. A de- preciation of special knowledge in such instances con- veys nothing to an intelligent hearer but a comfortable euphemism expressing the speaker's defective education. Nor is it at all necessary that the feeling embodied in the verdict of persons without special knowledge, and referring tacitly to their own peculiar case, should be a poor or base one. In theology, as we have said, every one has a right to exalt the essentials of religion over the decorations of scholastic knowledge and so in politics there are many purposes for which the very imperfect and hasty judgments of an uninstructed Eng- lishman on Continental affairs have a real value. A Sheffield artisan who suspects that Punch is right, and that the Emperor of Austria has taught Mr. Iloebuck how to bark, may know very little of the merits of dis- pute between the Diet of Pesh and the Court of Vienna, but he has clear and solid views on the general proposi- tion that a constitutional monarch is bound by the Con- stitution. This, after all, is the important point to him personally. To this he sticks, and in this he is quite right. So, too, there is great warrant for the opinion entertained by most Englishmen that the merits of Im- perialism cannot be discussed simply with reference to the state of a particular nation at a particular time, that there are great permanent political truths which Im- perialism attacks, and that no deference to a superior acquaintance with modern France must be allowed to impair the vigour of personal belief with which an Eng- lishman is prepared at any time to defend these truths with all his might. Special knowledge may also be viewed, not only with reference to the personal circumstances and feelings of individuals, but with regard to some larger issue of which it only can solve a fraction. A skilled witness for example, on a trial for murder, deposes that arsenic suf- ficient to cause death has been :discovered in the body, and that all the symptoms attending death were such symptoms as arsenic would have produced. This ob- viously is only one link in the proof that the man who stands in the dock is the murderer. In the Windham case, it is possible that the physicians might have esta- blished that there was no madness in some sense, but that room should have been left open to doubt whether this was the sense in which the law pronounced a man mad whose property it placed out of his control, and whether society would most gain or lose by having suf- ferers under such a form of madness placed under any restriction. In theology, after we have arrived at all that a scholarly knowledge of Greek can tell us of the New Testament, we may proceed to inquire what rela- tion a knowledge of the syntax and vocabulary of the writers bears to a full appreciation of their meaning. We may often hold to the main point at issue, and de- cide by the light it affords, although men of special knowledge convince us that our general bias has led us wrong on matters of detail with which they are familiar. We may, for example, cling to the conviction that the Pope ought not to be allowed to inflict the miseries of ecclesiastical government on any body of people against its will, although our special knowledge of the ma- chinery of the Roman Church may be great enough to make us distrust the popular opinion that the Pope is likely to gain by dropping his temporal power It is because in practical life the issue which special kno W- ledge can decide is so often bound up with issues it can- not decide, that a distrust of it, if it is supposed to be decisive of the sum of all the issues, rests on a valid foundation. In such matters as whist playing or fly- fishing, there are no further issues except that within the province of the man of special knowledge. But in matters where intelligent experience is not so sure a guide, and where the issue is really a complex one, spe- cial knowledge can only decide a part ot the wnole, anu this may often be a much less important part than men of special knowledge are inclined to think. But in its own territory special knowlege is supreme- That arsenic administered by the prisoner caused the death of the deceased is a very wide issue, embracing many subordinate issues and the sum of issues can be judged as well by a juryman as a chemist. But the subordinate issue, whether arsenic in a certain quantity was found in the body, is one that a chemist alone is competent to decide. It may only have a slight bearing on the general question of the relation of Austria to Hungary,to know what was the nature of the centralizing policy ot the Schwarzenberg-Bach Ministry. But so far as it has bearing at all, the man who knows the subject sees this bearing, and the man who does not know the subject does not see this bearing. It often, however, happens that special knowledge consists not only in knowing facts, but in connecting them with a particular theory, or making them serve a general induction. The science may not be sufficiently ad vanced to offer any high degree of certainty as to the truth of this theory or general induction. The facts, for example, recog- nised by the medical profession generally are by one set of persons connected with the theory of allopathy, and by another set with the theory of homeopathy. The particular issue, therefore, as to the treatment to be adopted in a particular case, will receive a different so- lution according as one or the the other set is addressed. One set of doctors said that the symptoms observed in Mr. Windham's case were not consistent with their theory on the same subject; and so the two sets con- tradicted each other. This only shows that the special knowledge in such cases is imperfect; but so far as it exists at all, it is final for all its own special purposes. People ordinarily believe that doctors, whichever pathy" they may adopt, know more of diseases than non-professional persons do. No one carries his dis- trust of the special knowledge of doctors so far as to grudge them a guinea if he himself feels really ill. If there is no special knowledge at all as to madness—if there are no propositions with regard to insanity and the evi- dence establishing it which experience and induction teach professional men-of course it can be of no use to call mad doctors in any case of alleged lunacy. But so far as special knowledge exists, and so far as it has a bearing on the case, those who have It must be better judges than those who have not got it.-Saturday Review.

Mil. COBDEX'S PROPOSAL. 11 1 Mr. Cobden used to be unrivalled in the art or making distinctions," and those, the most effective distinctions for his case. '1 e feu he i; losing his dexterity, and falling into that blind way of accepting all the superficial analogies suggested to him, which of all other habits of mind is most dangerous to the practical influence of an English politician. That he is sincerely desirous to carry out the principle of neutral rights acknowledged by the Congress of Paris, namely, that neutral ships exempt enemies' good", except contraband of war, from capture, to the natural limits to which it should be carried-that of establishing the im- mnnity of all private property at sea except contraband-we do not doubt. But if so, he certainly takes up a most unfor- tunate position for his purpose in arguing, as his two last letters do, for the total abolition of the law of contraband and the law of blockade. In his letter to the Rochdale meeting he advocated the former step in his letter to Mr. Ilorsfall, read at Liverpool this week, he advocates the latter. In point of fact, these are the two most powerful instruments of naval warfare, and to abolish them would be to abdicate our naval position altogether. It would be a step that neither English statesmen nor the English people would ever consent to take. And nothing can be more foolish than to identify such measures in the public mind with the principle of respecting private property at sea, whether sailing under a neutral or hostile flag, except con- traband of war, and except in an attempt to run a blockade. Once persuade the public that this principle really involves Mr. Cobden's corollaries, and it is prejudiced hopelessly. Show, as it is very easy to show, that it by no means in- volves them, that it is quite distinct from them, that it is simply the natural and legitimate inference from the prin- ciple of neutral rights sanctioned at Paris, and there is every hope that the Government may be induced to adopt it. The intention of war, it is scarcely necessary to observe, is to injure, and not to spare ;—nevertheless, to injure, not purposelessly, but with a specific purpose—the purpose of reducing the enemy to accept your terms. Civilized war contemplates no such thing as merely vindictive injury it is waged for the sake of determining the conditions of the future peace. This specific aim suggests certain limitations on war; first, that no injuries which mainly affect non com- batants and only slightly and secondarily the hostile State, should be inflicted secondarily, that even those injuries which primarily hurt the enemy, but do so inefficiently and without any appreciable effect on the event of the war, should be in every way discouraged Under the first head comes the rule adopted at Paris in 1856, that neutral ships should be permitted to cover enemies' goods, except contra- band. The injury in confiscating enemies' goods is very great to the neutral carrying ship, probably much greater— unless the property carried be military stores or otherwise contraband-than the advantage gained by the confiscation of a private merchant's goods. The carrying trade of a neu- tral Power may he almost stopped, and its mercantile marine ruined by the mere risk, while the actual loss inflicted on the hostile Government may be compara ively trifling. At all events, so thought the great Powers at the treaty of Paris, and agreed accordingly that private property, not contraband, should be safe from capture in neutral ships. This step may have been wisely humane or unwisely humane but once taken it certainly involves a second. If the private property of the enemy, other than contraband, is not sufficiently important to capture it in neutral ships, it can scarcely be desirable to give a bonus to all the neutral mercantile marines by capturing it in the private merchant ships of the enemy. The only effect of the present state of the law, is to impose a great sacrifice oil the enemies' ship- owners, while their commerce generally is allowed to go fne in neutral ships. If we were at war with France, the Ame- rican mercantile marine would carry on our general com- merce for us without molestation, but our shipowners would be ruined, or forced to sell their ships at a great loss to the Americans, There is no advantage in this. If private pro- pertyis t ) be exempted at sea whenever it can finda neutral carrier, it might also well be exempted under its own national flag. The only additional right to injure thus sacrificed is the right to injure the shipowners of the enemy. And we need not say that this is but a small thing, after we have surrendered the right to injure his general com- merce. But how can this concession in vol ve the sacrifice of the law of contrabind and blockade ? The great object of the former law is to enable one belligerent Power to cut off the military supplies of another. The object of the latter law is to enable him to strike a great and effective Blow at the enemy, not through detailed injuries to private property, but by tying up the great arteries which feed the commer- cial heart of the nation. No, to surrender either of these powers is to surrender naval war. If we had permitted neu- tral Powers to carry store and ammunition ad libitum into Seba.stopo I-as Mr. Cobden's principle would require -a! d left all the Baltic ports open to trade as usual, dues Mr. Cobden imagine that the Crimean war would ever have come to an eui ? An effectioe blockade is required precisely be- cause the incidental injury to neutral property can only be justified by a great bona fide military advantage to the belli- gerent The one is weighed against the other. If the ad- vantage to the belligerent is enormous and c. lear-the neu- tral must take the incidental evil of the war. If not, th(-n civilization refusos to permit a needless injury to neutral commerce. But to adopt Mr. Cobden's principle would be to throw away all the sinews of naval warfare. To let the very gunpowder and guns enter the harbour in neutral shipg which were soon to blaze forth on us in deadly fire, would be the silliest of all silly humanities. Again, to give up the right'of blockade would be almost as foolish as to give up the use of gunpowder itself. To shut up is often far more efficient in reducing an enemy, than to destroy and if warfare is to be resorted to at all, the most efficient war- fare is also the most huujanfi. Just as it would be as in human as it would be suicidal to bury our gunpowder and go back to the old system of hacking to pieces by cold steel, so Mr. Cobden's proposal to throw away the two prin- cipal instruments of naval warfare, by abolishing contra- band and blockade, would be at once a blunder and a bar- barism.— Spectator.

MR. MILNEK GIBSON AT ASIITON. On Monday the President of the Board of Trade delivered his annual address to his constituents in the iownhall of Ashton-under-Lyne. Several thousand persons were pre- sent. Mr. Gibson was received with great enthusiasm. A con- siderable portion of the right hon. gentleman's speech, which lasted near y an hour, was devoted to illustrations of the beneficial effect of the commercial policy with which he and others had been associated for the last 20 years, Great as had been the pressure on trade during the past year, as shown by the decrease of exports, it did not appear to have been so severe as was the pressure from the autumn of 18o7 to the autumn of 1858. The total value of our ex- ports from the United Kingdom in 1861 was X125,115,000 against £ 135,891,0^0 in 1860; the decrease iu tbe twelve months, from November, 1857, to October, ISA was about zC15,000,000 In the year just ended the percentage de- crease of our exports had been heavier upon linens and iron than upon cotton, whilst in coal, machinery, and pig iron the exports showed an increase. Our exports to the United States had decreased by 12-i millions sterling, or 42 per cent. Our Exports to France, exclusive of corn, had been £ 7.944,724 in 1861, against £ 5,244 703 in 1S60. But if the increased exports to France for the whole year had been in the same ratio as it was from September to D cember, 1861, since the new treaty had been in operation, the year s total would have been over ten millions (cheers). Comparing the last four months of 1861 with the same period of I860, the exports to France had increased by 81 per cent, The imports from France in 1861 had been nearly lOj millions sterling, against £ 12,783,0.)0 in 1860. The exports to Italy during 1861 had been £ 5,780,980 against -04,,514,287 m 1860. the chief increase being to Naples and Sicily (applause). After expressing his satisfaction at the repeal of the paper duty, Mr. Gibson referred to the civil war in America. He looked upon the severance of the United States as a calam- ity for the world but he spoke strongly in behalf of strict neutrality as the duty of England (cheers.) He thought our Government bad done its diity in the Trent dispute (applause), and he was sorry to hear Lord Derby express his regret that the new rule was being adjusted by England of not taking our enemy's goods from the ship of our friend In the course of his speech Mr. Gibson referred to a letter written to him on behalf of the Church Defence Association, and declared that he held it to be not inconsistent with his position as a member of the Church of England to believe in the great Protestant principle of the right of private judg- ment and ol religious equality. Mr. Gibson concluded his speech amid great cheering. Subsequently the meeting, which was extremely crowded, terminated in disorder on the apparent opening of a discus- sion by some partisans of the Church Association, which led to a rush on the platform, and the mayor declared the pro- ceedings closed.

THE FORBEARANCE OF THE POOR. The couth of England is divided from the North by a great chasm of feeling and social habits. It is hard for people who live in London or in the agricultural coun- ties that lie to the south of the great centres of manu- facturing industry, to picture to themselves how daily life really goes on in the busy but repulsive-looking towns of the North. Tourists never, or hardly ever, think it worth while to go to those uninviting places. Manchester and Liverpool are places of first-rate im- portance, and are known superficially to most English- men who travel in their own country but the minor L_ ¿-1_1.=_ -J T Luwuaot xuraumi'c anu Lancashire, although in popu- lation and wealth rivalling many Continental capitals, have no attractious for the traveller, who likes to think of them in the abstract as making up a part of the gi- gantic wealth and power of England, but who shuns a closer acquaintance with their endless rows of little black houses, their dirty streets, and their unintelligible and uncourteous inhabitants. It is even difficult to learn any facts about them with accuracy and clearness. We cannot, for example, pretend to appreciate the exact amount or kind of misery to which the want of cottoi is now condemning the population of such places ? Blackburn. We only know very imperfectly what at the accumulated resources on which the manufacturing poor can draw, or the assistance which local wealth anl benevolence can supply, or the habits and usual mode f life by which a sudden access of poverty must, in h great a degree, be tested. But two things are perfectl- wear. We know that there is great misery in tb North—-that much suffering is being actually undergone, L id that a still severer trial is generally apprehended. We also know that the sufferers are bearing their sor- rows with a generous patience, and that they are sus- tained in their tribulation by the proud consciousness taat they are assisting to uphold a great national prin- ciple, and are helping the Government of the Queen.in pursuing the difficult path of right at a very critical moment. Those whose ease and comfort are not in the least impaired by the failure in the supply of cotton, would show a great want of good feeling if they did not take every means to express the sentiments of admira- tion which the forbearance of the Northern poor is cal- culated to excite. It is a great triumph of sound political wisdom, and marks a great advance in the political education of a country, when thousands of poor people, who are enduring the pangs of hunger, or the sickening apprehension of a worse to-morrow, or the last sad trial of seeing a star ring family in their homes, are sustained in their misery by the thought that, as it is the duty of England to be neutral, they are helping their country by bearing patiently the bitter consequen- ces of neutrality. A nation is sure to come out of the waters of affliction with a greater strength and elevation of mind that has taken the opportunity to teach itself the lesson of intelligent endurance. Acting, not talking, is the mainspring of political life; and the poor man who has learnt to see the nature and extent of a great political duty, and has discharged it in spite of pressing personal temptation, has made a long stride in the path of citizenship We are far too apt to associate the no- tion of citizenship with that one feeble sign of citizen- ship-the possession of the electoral franchise. A man is scarcely supposed to be an English citizen unless he has the proud privilege of giving one of the five or ten thousand votes that carry the publican's candidate in a borough. It is true that the electoral franchise offers an opportunity to an Englishman of feeling and acting as a member of a great State but it is by no means a favourable opportunity, and still less is it the only one of which he can avail himself. The starving factory labourer who has made himself master of the issue in- volved in our relations with the American belligerents, who comprehends why we are neutral and why we ought to remain so, and who then endeavours to encour- age himself and his neighbours in enduring all that neutrality entails, has done more to realise to himself and all his grimy friends what are the duties and privi- leges of an Englishman than if he had gone to the pol- ling-booth at a dozen elections France suffers too, and the poor of Lyons are perhaps j as severely tried as the poor of any town in the North of England. The Emperor is as determined to be neutral as we are, so far as appears at present, and we do not hear that there are any complaints at Lyons or else- where of his determination. No people are more ca- pable of appreciating a great political principle, or of suffering, when upheld by an appeal to their honour and generosity, than the better sort of French artisans. They are also the very people who are most inclined to look to the Emperor as their guide, and who approve most cordially both the bad and the good side of his policy. It would not, therefore, be fair to deny that the action of the French Government has influenced the manufacturing population of that town in bearing the consequences of neutrality, or that the French poor ought to have credit given them for a capacity to bear these consequences patiently in proportion as endurance is represented as a duty to their country. But, at the same time, a country under a despotism cannot be really like a free country in such matters. The people of Lyons are quiet, but their tranquillity may be imputed in a great measure to their conviction that, if they were not quiet, they would be shot down at once. They have no choice, and even if they are cheered by seeing that what they are obliged to endure is for the honour and benefit of France, they do not receive the political edu- cation which they would receive if their endurance were more voluntary. In England, the ultimate appeal is of course to physical force. If the population of Blackburn were to rise and to demand that the Govern- ment should force the American blockade, and get cot- ton at all hazards, the police constable would imme- diately make his appearance on the scene and if his efforts were fruitless, the redcoats would come too, and, in the last resort, would fire at the poor wretches who were maddened by hunger into rebellion. But the vast difference of speed with which the troops would act in England and France gives the measure of the difference between a despotic and a free country, and of the poli- tical training whieh intelligent endurance confers in France and England respectively. The action of the soldiery is so remote a contingency in England, it is so veiled off from our consideration by a thousand inter- vening screens, that Englishmen feel at liberty to em- bark on any political course without more than a faint reference to its possibility. The patient population of the North might do many very disagreeable things and yet not trangress the law. They might meet, and harangue, and petition. They might declare a social war against the capitalists of their neighbourhood. They might associate the relief from present distress with a clamour for some wild and impossible scheme of political change It is true that in all probability this would not alter the policy of the Government. Eng- land would be as rigidly neutral though half a million manufacturing labourers raved and stormed for the raw material that gives them bread. But although the Government would not alter its course, the effect on the people themselves would be prodigious. They would be demoralized for years to come, and would be inca- pable of receiving anything like a sound political educa- tion. They would become the prey of a set of soured, miserable, self-deluding fanatics, or of designing ad- venturers. It is because a choice between good and evil, between political wisdom and political folly, was open to them, and because they have chosen the wiser part deliberately, that they have gained experience and fostered feelings that will instruct and ennoble them. It is curious to think that only a very short time ago we heard every day tales of distress almost as great, although not so widely diffused, which the poor chose to inflict on themselves, and which they bore patiently because they were upheld by the thought of what they conceived to be their duty, and by a sympathy with what they considered to be a great cause. The for- bearance of the poor under the needless and wanton misery caused by strikes closely resembled in many points that which they now exhibit under the pressure of an inevitable cessation of employment. The poor mason or builder who courageously saw his family starve because lie wished to maintain the rights of his class, did much the same as the Blackburn operative is doing now; and so far as the adherence to a strike is the adherence to a general principle, however mistaken, it unquestionably tends to increase the self-respect and the ^manlier virtues of the poor. But unfortunately, j adherence to a strike was only in a very small degree an adherence to a general principle. It was, for the most part, a submission to a social tyranny. The men on strike were really in the position ol the poor of Lyons, They did not dare not to be on strike, and exclusion from the society of all their friends, and the horrors of a perpetual isolation as marked men, deterred them from resistance as effectually as the leai of grapeshot coerces the artisans of Lyons into tranquillity. In some faint and inappreciable degree the Lyons artisan may be supposed to act voluntarily, and to concur with his Government; and in about the same degree any indi- vidual mason or bricklayer may be supposed to have an unaffected belief in the great doctrine of the tyranny of capital. But it is only when action is free that the actor gains strength from acting on high principles and He degree in which a French artisan or a mason strike cm be said to be free is very faint indeed. The Northern factory hand, on the contrary, is acting at this rcoment as a freeman. Having it in his power to com- p.ain, and fret, and annoy his neighbours, he prefers to remain still, because his duty to his Sovereign and his country enjoins tranquillity. We may be sure that, if he continues to meet his trial in the same spirit, he will be a different sort of being in his social and political re- la ions from what he would have been if nigger-grown cotton had flowed in for ever without check. There is ncthing, as we may hope, more :likely to have a con- spcuous effect in enlightening the poor as to the folly of st'ikes, unless under very exceptional circumstances, than the intelligence which will be fostered by their fiading themselves called on to assist the Government in carrying out a national resolution. What they want isto feel that Jsome tie exists which binds them to a bfger circle than that in which the petty lights of Scialist theories revolve. They need to be placed in a cctaIll personal sympathy with those who govern, not oily them, but the whole of a great Empire. If they gin this from their present adversary, they will have faind a very sweet use in it; and the day may come wen they or their children will look back with thank- foness, as well as pride, to the great crisis that tested ari displayed the forbearance of the manufacturing por,Satlli'rla!f Bet'iew,

THE CAREER OF A Q c. <romtae earnest period of which liteiature bears record, inill countries and at all times, lawyers have been unpopu- lai Every farce is full of it, and a hit at the attorneys is thtlast and surest resource of a jocular diner-out. Neverthe- less— with what at first sight partakes of inconsistency— thee are few positions more coveted in English middle- clai life than that of a barrister in leading practice. So allu ng is it, that evei y year the four Inns of Court can on an at rage one hundred and fifly students to the privileges ot tt: [jar. or wnom not more than two or three can by any j possiility attain to eminence Still it must be admitted thaton a closer inspection the inconsistency disappears. Serj«nt Buzfuz does none of those things which nobody likes He never serves a writ; he never sends in a bill of costs and if he occasionally disgusts a wiiness by cross- exantiing him as to all those portions of his life to which he lo-t desires to invite attention, the Sergeant's questions caus a proportionate satisfaction to his onii client, his cliei/^s friends, and last, but not least, to the scandal-lov- ing jublic, who are eager-for amusement from any source. Bcsi es, amid the wreck of reputations which marks those caus's by which ordinary newspaper readeis are chiefly at- tracied when the plaintiff's motives have been exposed, and the defendant has been cast in heavy damages, and the wit- nessts on both sides have been cruelly ruaulded-the learn. ed gentleman alone appears at the last, as at the first, ra- diant, triumphant, ar.d serene. Where everyone else is a los, r (.jth".r in pccKet or in good n.,irne, tlic, leaders only are winners in both. Moreover, from that atmosphere of polerty which can never in England be quite separated from disgrace, and which dims the glories of the Junioi 3ar, they are understood to have finally emerged. The3 Ire on the road to the Bench, they sit in Parliament, anc may be even Chancellors and Peers. While the other side f the picture is hardly ever seen, and the disappointments lie embarrassments, the pangs of wounded vanity, or thE pinchingsofwaut.inwhichsomanyoftbemostbriltiant advocates of a season have ended their days, are tales which the public hears not, or hears only as a distant and doubt- ful rumour. Last spring, by the common consent of all men outside the profession, Mr. Edwin James, Q.C., M P., was the most rising lawyer uf the day. He had almost a monopoly of 'bat sort of practice, by no means, U .wrver, the most lucrative, which fi:li the columns of our daily papers. H is name, therefore, was in all men's mouths as leader in all actions for seduction, breach of promise of marriage, assault, and false imprisonment, and in all cases which in- volved the reputation of an actress or a horse. After every dissolution ot Parliament he Had a large share of election petitions, and had recently defended, with success, one of the conspirators against the life of the limperor of the French. His income was variously stated at nine, ten, and even twelve thousand a year; and the electors of Maryle- bone, who have a partiality for wealthy candidates, had crowned all these glories with a seat in Parliament. People were already beginning to falk of him as the next Solieitor- General, and the learned gentleman himself, in his speech on the Reform Bill, scarcely affected to conceal his readiness to accep: the post. When, therefore, the Times announced one morning that Mr James had relinquished his seat in Pailiament, the Recordership of Brighton, and even his membership of Brookes's and the Reform Clubs, when sinister rumours of an inquiry before the Benchers of the Inner Temple involving Mr. James's honour and status at the Bar were followed by the intelligence that he had left for Ainerica-people rubbed their noses and stared, much as Aladdin's father-in law must have stared when he looked out of window in the early morning and saw, where there should have been his daughter's marvellous new palace, nothing but an empty space. Soon after appeared a pithy announcement that Mr. Edwin John James, Q.C., had been disbarred. Then an assertion from his attorney that he intended to appeal to the fifteen judges, to whom, as ex officio Visitors of the Inns of Co-irt, an appeal lies from ever y decision of the Bench. But the appeal was allowed to drop, and the mvstery which surrounded his downfall was soon forgotten in the astonish- ment with which the public heard that he had married a lady of fortune, had become an American citizen, had been admitted to the Bar of New York, was publishing in a sporting paper his Reminiscences of the Bar, and had given gratis an opinion on the case of the Trent, which betrayed an ignorance of law remarkable even in Mr. Edwin James. The cloud, however, which shrouded his misdoings has at length been dispelled by the publication, ia the last number of the Law Magazine, of a narrative of the transactions on which the sentence of the Bench was grounded. It seems that the charges were three in number, the first and most important arising out of his relations with Lord Worsley, M.P., now Earl of Yarborough, which may be shortly stated as follows In 1849, Mr Pelham, the late Earl's brother, was contesting Boston, and Mr. Edwin James was retained to conduct his election. This intro- duction to the Earl's family it was not difficult for a man of Mr. James's qualities to improve. He became intimate with the son, and availed himself of the intimacy to induce him, immediately on attaining his majority, to become security to certain insurance-offices for a sum of £ 4500, secured on life policies. The transaction was, however, brought to Lord Yarborough's knowledge, and a long cor- respondence with the Earl's solicitor ensued, which was closed on the 7th December, 1857, by a letter in which Mr James pledged himself th,t the amount for which Lord Worsley was security should be punctually discharged by himself, and further declared himself under such deep obligations" to the Earl that he would make any sacrifice rather than occasion him annoyance or discomfort." On the 14th of August, 1860, the solicitor wrote again to Mr. James, requesting an explanation of some ugly rumours which had reached him that Lord Worsley had been led into still worse pecuniary entanglements. Mr. James, how- ever, was too busy in examining Neapolitan prisons and negotiating with Garibaldi, to vouchsafe a reply. But by February, 1861, facts had been discovered which authorized Lord Yarborough's adviser to demand a full statement in writing of every transaction with Lord Worsley. "A refusal," he concluded, will be followed by most active steps for your exposure at all hazards." At the subsequent inquiry before the Bench, Lord Worsley gave evidence in person, and stated that be had believed that his earlier obligations on Mr. James's behalf had been liquidated by the money raised by the later transactions, but that Mr. James had deceived him, and he found himself to be responsible for no less a sum than £ 30,000. On this subject, Mr. James's letters amounted to a confession, and an agree- ment, dated the 8th April, 1860, was also laid befure the Bench, by which he agreed: 1, to continue his practice under a letter of license for the benefit of his creditors; 2, that Lord Yarborough should have the power, by the disclosure of all the circumstances necessitating such deed of license, to prevent his acceptance of any office of public trust or service; 3, to give Lord Worsley a warranty of attorney for the amount of his debt; and 4, to abs'ain from any further communication, direct or indirect, with Lord Worsley. The agreement further stated that Lord Yar- borrugh and his advisers consented to the arrangeti-,ent solely because the large and serious debts of other cr di- tors would, by present disclosures, be wholly sacrificed and lost," and that Mr. James was not to be at liberty to accede to it until he had resigned his seat in Parliament, his clubs, and Recordership. The next of our hero's exploits was the victimization of an attorney. Mr. Fryer, of Wimborne, was assignee of a heavy life policy, the payment of which the office resisted, and was much struck by the ability displayed by his leader, Mr. James, in the conduct of the cause. This acquaint- ance ripened into a friendship, and from a friend Mr. Fryer was soon advanced to the rank of a creditor. Fi- nally he became fired by the ambition of freeing his friend from his embarrassments. There seems to have been a real income of £7000, without parliamentary business, and he agreed to pay off the more presing liabilities, on condi- tion of receiving the whole of Mr. James's income. This arrangement lasted two years, during which Mr. Fryer advanced no less than E22,000, and consented to his cre- ditor's becoming a member of Parliament and the tenant of a mansion in Berkeley-square. lie was already, in idea, receiving the fees of an attorney-general, when the crash came, and he and Lord Worsley for the first time became convinced of the claims of the other. It is very creditable to Mr. James's adroitness that he had succeeded in persuading Lord Yarborough's solicitor that there was no truth in the report that he was indebted to Mr. Fryer, and in persuading Mr. Fryer that he was under no obligations to Lord Worsley. The last charge was of a different character. Mr. James was counsel for the plaintiff in a cause of Scully v. Ingram, and a'ter a protracted trial, in which he cross-examined the defen !ant, the proprietor of the Illustrated London Xeics, into what an Irishman might describe as smithereens, a verdict was given for the plaintiff. A new trial was then applied for and obtained, pending which Mr. Ingram said .to one of his friends, "I must lend Mr. James some money." On his friend demurring to the necessity, he added, I must-I am afraid of him-I must do anything he asks." And after his death, the following letter was found among his papers: Confidential. My dear Sir,- You shall not repent your kindness to me. I must make the sum £1250. Please deduct the interest, and send me cheques Sincerely, Edwin James." -No one will be surprised to hear that at the second trial a com- promise was effected. Mr James's account of this transac- tion was, that Mr. Ingram, in conjunction with three or or four other friends, offered £ 1000 each towards the ex- penses of his second election, and that he had since repaid the other loans. He did not, however, reveal the lenders' names, and bad the grace to aver that he should always regret the indiscretion of his acceptance of Mr. Ingram's proposition. So fell Mr. Edwin James, to be pitied of no man. For the first time one of Her Majesty's Counsel has been dis- barred. But although the honour of the Bar has been vindicated, his patent from the Crown remains still uncan- celled. This may be from inadvertence,butthese are not times in which laxity on such subjects can be indulged with impunity. We are far from believing that such turpitude as Mr. James's conduct displays is anything but a por- tentous exception. But the patient and underpaid toilers of all profess ons who g ize with envy on the seemingly prosperous leader at the Bar, may depend on it that all that glitters is not always gold that the splendid incomes with which rumour endows them are grossly exaggerated and that it has more than once happened, even recently, that lawyers supposed to be in affluence have been-not, indeed, as guilty as Mr. James-but, like him, absolutely ruined and desperate men,-Spectator.

THE YELVERTON CASE. Evidence in this case on behalf of the pursuer was led in the High Court of Justiciary, Edinburgh, before Lord Ardmillan, on Friday- There appeared for the pursuer (Mrs. Yelverton) Mr. Fraser and Mr. D. B. Hope, with Mr. James Somerville, S.S.C., agent; and for Major Yelverton, Mr. Gordon and Mr. Millar, with Messrs. Sang and Adam, W.S., agents. Mr Thelwall was the first witness examined. He de- posed-I am an ironmaster in Hull. I married the daughter of Mrs. Allsopp, of liolsover, county of Derby, in the beginning of the year 1852. Dr. Allsopp was my brother-in-law. Previous to my marriage I was frequently at the house of my mother-in-law, Mrs. Allsopp, where I saw the pursuer often, as she was also visiting Mrs. Allsopp. She resided there for several weeks at a time. My residence is about five or six miles from Bolsover. I was not there for some time before my marriage. Old Mrs. Allsopp always spoke of the pursuer to me in the highest terms, and conducted herself towards her with kindness and respect, ar.d as a mother would treat a daughter. Mrs. Allsopp was a la y of a very refined mind, and lady-like, and I never saw any levity tolerated by her in her own houe, I never saw, on the part of the pursuer, anything like levitous conduct, or anything unbecoming a lady, in Mrs. Allsopp's house. Dr. Allsopp married a girl of the name of Carter, whose father kept a low public-house in the village. Mrs. Allsopp was not in favour of the mar- riage, but came away to my house in order to avoid it, not wishing to be present during the ceremony. She called upon her son's wife some time after the marriage; but she never told me her motives for calling upon her. Dr. Allsopp was a great favoulite with his mother. Old Mrs. Allsopp has spoken very strongly against her son's wife in my presence. I have often seen Miss Longworth and Dr. Allsopp together, but never saw anything in her conduct unbecoming a lady. There was an understanding in regard to these two being engaged. I do not know positively what broke this off. I know a man named Shektoch, cabinet- maker; Dr. Allsopp also knew him from buying furniture. They were not intimate as friends, but as workman and customer. I was the piaintirf in the action at present in dependence before the courts in Dublin. That case is not settled; a bill of exceptions is set down for hearing. You have had the Doune Castle visitors'-book for the purpose of tiiat tual. It came into my possession before the trial of Gr, nt and Gask v. Yelverton. I was summoned to that trial, and was asked to bring that book to Dublin. It was found unnecessary to go on with that trial, and I returned without being examined. I kept the book in my possession until a short time before the Dublin trial. It was produced iu the court at that trial, and I left it in the bands of my solioitor After that trial. I kept it for safe custody. Mrs. I Dr. Allsopp kept a cigar bLup iu Chesterfield after her husband's death. The name she went by before her mar- riage to the doctor was "Sir Carter." She served the customers with beer in her father's house before her mar- 1 -'iage. Cross-examined by Mr. Millar.-I took up my residence n Hull in 1850. The pursuer visited Mrs. Allsopp, senior, wben she went to Derbyshire. She also visited her bro- ther's house, which is some miles from Bolsover. Her brother's name was Thomas, and he kept a large shop. Two other brothers also came to reside where Thomas was, viz., William and John. William came to join big brother, who kept a general store. John also assisted Thomas in con- ducting the business. Miss Longnorth visited her brothers from time to time. I first saw the pursuer in 1846 at Bol- soever. Mrs. Carter's public-house which I spoke of is one of the inns of the village. It is not the principal inn but I do not know the name of the other inn. I saw Miss Carter before her marriage, and I visited the bouse after her marriage with the doctor. My wife also visited the house with a child that was sick. She remained for a day or two Irs. Allsopp, her son, and daughter-in-law were friendly till the quarrel. I am an intimate friend of the pursuer's, and have occasionally been consulted W her in the course of the present proceedings. Jane Greenwood was the next witness called, and deposed, -1 am 70 i ienrs of age. I was iu the service of the pursuer's father, in the warehouse, and occasionally in the house. I also act' d as dry-nurse in the family when required. Mr. Longworth was a silk manufacturer. He had some hun- dreds of men in his employment. I was thirty years in his house. The last residence he had in Manchester was in Quay-street. After Mrs Longworth's death he went to Smedley House, a very fine mansion He kept eight ser- vants in Quay street. When the children were young there was a governess in the house and a resident tutor. I knew the pursuer's grandmother, and I also knew the pursuer's grandfather. His name was James Fox, and was a carrier in bus ness—by which I mean a person w h o carries goods from one part of Manchester to another He bad a good many horses and carts, an 1 I believe the business is a very good one. After his death his widow carried on the business. Mrs Fox had her own carriage, astd I have seen her riding in it. The pursuer's father bad two carriages. At dinner parties I have been in Mr. Longworth's house assisting. At Fairyhill, where he lived before coming to Quay-street, I have seen a great deal of company. Most respectable people visited the house. Mr. Longworth was not a Roman Catholic, but MIs Longworth was. I knew nothing about Mrs. Fox's business She lived at Cheetwocd Cottage, and kept her own carriage. She had two other daughters besides Miss Longworth. Miss Fox was never married ,he lives in London. The other daughter is a countess in France. I never heard of Mr. Richard Barrow, of Ringwood Hall. I saw Mrs. Yelverton this morning; she came to Edinburgh on Wednesday. By Mr. Fraser-Cheetwood College was a little distance from Manchester, near Strangeways. (Shown portrait of Mrs. Fox.) That is Mrs. Fox, and a very good likeness. I was there when it was taken. Mrs. Bellamy-I am the widow of William Edwin Bel- lamy, I reside at Abergavenny Cutle, near Abergavenny. I am the sister of the pursuer. I was eduoated in France, in an Ursuline convent at Boulogne. I am not quite certain when I was sent.there, but it must have been between eight and nine. On the whole, I must have been there till I was 18 years old. I then went to live with my aunt, MIss Fox, who was then staying at B.Julone. My mother was then dead. Mr. Mrllar, for the defender, at this stage renewed the objrctions formerly urged against the line of evidence which was being brought forward by the pursuer. Lord Ardmiilan said that the pursuer, if she had a good cause, was entitled to a full mea-ure of justice. He did not, however, regard this evidence ai of any importance but it would be unj ust to allow the defender to raise a pre. judice against the pursuer in this matter without allowing her to meet it by counter-evidence. He could not allow an unexplained prejudice to exist against the pursuer, and therefore repelled the objection. Mrs. Bellamy recalled-During the time I was receiving my education at the convent I went home twice to my father's house in Manchester. My grandfather, Mr. Fox, died before I was born. Before my father went to live in Quay-street he lived at Fairyhill. There was a carriage there that was ne'er used. It had been my grandmother's, Mrs. Fox's, and it was never allowed to be used. It was regarded as something too sacred to be afterwards used. My father died at Altringham, where he had gone for his health. Amongst the family papers I recognise two inden- tuies of lease, one of which is dated 1711, now shown nie. These are (1) indenture of lease of a cottage, with garden and appurtenances, between Hugh Longworth, yeoman, of Blackrode, and James Syswick, of Blackrode, dated Now. 25, 1654; (2) indenture of lease of some subjects between Hugh Longworth of Blackrode, gentleman, and Peter Longworth, dated Jan 12, 1711. The Hugh Longworth there was my ancestor. My husband died this time last year. He came to Edinburgh to see my sister, on hearing of the marriage of Mr. Yelverton and Mrs. Forbea, and then went over to Ireland. There were ornamental grounds round my father's house, and a pond at the bottom. When my sister went to Ireland in July, 1857, she had come from the Crimea, where she had been in a convent as a sister of charity. Her hair "as so short at that time that she -ore it in little ringlets all round her head. My maternal grandfather was a Mr. Dale. He was a gentle- man farmer, as 1 have heard, and farmed a small estate of his own. By Mr. Millar-My husband was a wine merchant. Abergavenny Castle is a beautiful place. It is considered the finest site in Monmouthshire. I first remember living at Fairyhill, next in Quay-street, next in Smedley House, a villa near Manchester, and then at Altringham, where my father died. He always had a small house in the country at Blixton. I don't know how old the pursuer is; that is truth. My grandfather was a cotton broker, and then adopted the business of a carrier or porter. If you go back to Hogarth's time, you will find that men used to carry packs about the ttreets on their backs. And the cotton broker came to that ? Oh, yes, he did, and made a good deal of money by it. (Laughter.) After her bus- band's death, she carried on the business herself, and made a good thing of it. She drove in her carriage to the bus- inees. I should think decidedly she did not sit outside the shop during business hours. My grandmother had three daughters. Mrs. Longworth was one, the other was Miss rox, and a younger one named Eleanor, who is now married to M. Ie Comte de Prinsay. My sister was educated. At the same place that I was. She left school some years after me and went home to Smedley House. She went to Italy In 18)2 or looo. My father had seven children one is in the churchyard, and two have gone to sea. I have a brother called 1 homas. I never had any communication with himl because I never liked him. Jane Greenwood recalled-I nursed Theresa first. Her mother suckled her at Fairyhill. At this stage the examination was adjourned.

BRISTOL BANKRUPTCY COURT. On Friday, before Mr. Commissioner Hill. Re Sam- uel Lewis, Brynccthcn, com factor.—This bankrupt, it will be remembered, was committed in May, 1859, for un- satisfactory answers, in which he stated that, within a short period of his failure, he had been robbed by two women of the town in Cardiff and Bristol of two sums, amounting together to about £1,300. Three previous applications for discharge have been made by the bank- rupt, but, as he persisted in the truth of his former state- ment, he was sent back to gaol. To-day, another application was made by Mr. Edlin (instructed by Messrs. Abbot, Lucas, and Leonard). The learned counsel said that, without going into the facts of the case, with which his Honour must be pain- fully familar, he had to submit that, under all the cir- cumstances of the case, and having regard to the pun- ishment the bankrupt had already undergone, the Court would decline the further responsibility of imprisoning the bankrupt. He was first of all committed on the 9th of May, 1859, so that on that day he had been two years and nine months, less two days, imprisoned under his Honour's warrant. If he were to be again remanded, the remand would be tantamount to a sentence of per- petual imprisonment, chained, he (the learned counsel) might say, to a living death. It had been suggested on the last occasion that the bankrupt was in the posses- sion of means, and that his friends were supporting him in prison. In order to get rid of that impression, cer- tain affidavits had been filed, which would satisfy his Honour that the Bankrupt, for the greater part of his incarceration, had been living on the lowest prison diet, and was absolutely dependent on the provision made for the pauper debtors in the prison in which he was con- fined. The learned counsel then read affidavits from Mr. Ellis Fordington, from Lewis, the bankrupt, and from Capt. Hinderson, the governor of the gaol, and Edmund Collett, the tipstaff of the Qooen's Bench pri- son, was also examined as to the diet and accommoda- tion allowed the bankrupt. The learned counsel then said that the bankrupt threw himself on the merci- ful consideration of the Court, adding that there was one fact which appeared to have been lost sight of on former occasions, viz., that incredible as the bank- rupt's story seemed at first sight, yet, supposing him to have lost the money in the way he stated once, it was not improbable that he should have lost it a second time, as he might have been watched by the loose cha- racters with whom he seemed to have associated, Mr. C Bevan, who appeared for one of the trade assignees, and Mr. Henderson for the other, expressed their readiness to leave the matter in the hands of the Court, Mr Bevan intimating that his client still believed the bankrupt had concealed property, and Mr. Henderson stating that the assignee whom he represented, having regarded to the considerable period for which the bank- rupt had been imprisoned, was willing that he should now have the benefit of any doubt which might arise u to the credibility of his extraordinary story, rather than he should be sent back to gaol. After some further discussion, it appeared that there were two detainers lodged against the bankrupt, from which his Honour said he could not undertake to dis- charge him. He must, therefore, leave it to the officer to exercise his discretion as to taking the bankrupt back, and as soon as he (the learned Commissioner) could make up his mind on this very difficult case, which had already, as might reasonably be believed, occupied much of his very painful attention, he would give Judg- ment. With regard to the last examination, the bank- rupt might ask to have a day appointed for passing, but if he did, he (the learned Commissionei) certainly should not yield to the application he should appoint no other da;he bankrupt was then removed in custody. SATTKDAY. ) Santtul Lnns, llryucethni, corn-jnetor.—His Honour-, seeing Mr. Abbot in court, said he should like in this case that his doubts should be relieved on one or tw,) points. One was, out ol what funds were the fees con- seyuent on the bankrupt s application for his discharge paid r It was a ease which they all felt was of such

:pthOUd we:r- in h:s:e111;mp-'v sPirita, whotU" y°!lr ??sprs md pinch your Ipga ? We *? oniy s ?'?''°'?'tw?uIJhpa.perg.)nn) shame to learn ?tany)n t 41 t ?Iny lo?t ffiend of onr own ??? taken to floating tables 'at genVl letDen as a gr,'tifiation to mortal (;uriosit, or to ?? ?tsen.t -? ?s a ?ttiflcatinu to tuo)-t,d curiosity, or to ° .us ^eir bail spelling. Unless Mr. Ilcl Wi- tt haa8omeilling bettcr to te!i us of the results of his i!>' aita wf !»ust S>:y that, the question of evidence ?Part, we !?U n"^ w,sh to become Mediumistio. If it be P,Od 's W' -| that ??''?'?o"?"gone into a world of 1 t???"whi) ? ?? ? linger here, should influence our minds 13"rw 0,' ??§?od 'n,??"?strutyth:tnktuUortheunconaci?U6H?in. T for(J.8 8a^e> 19t as be content with spirits speaking sake It ,Is be co!it??nt ?vi tli s irits s p eiti?in g t,??spi-.??"?????t?' s?eeti.nd venerable J^es ofth' departed by summoning th?ra to such !'oK? dc Ceag aj P,'e aoeticu.1 soei i in. harmonium playing, spirit- 8 IPI?o,?tilal sn,-Ilill!, playin,?,, spirit- ??'? ??'???"?-"og-g'?'"g. or to waste a lot of ?-pa? ?) Y ^ad autographs accompanied with raps.— ectztor.