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LORD PALMERSTON ON HIGH-PRESSURE…
LORD PALMERSTON ON HIGH-PRESSURE EDU- CATION. It is easy to see that Lorti Palmerston bas never coached a dull and backward man for his degree. Had he ever done so, there ii, we think, some question whether he would feel the enthu*i'aJin whioh he now professes about the general adoption of a high-pressure system of education, especially looking t.) the fact that the faculties thus elaborated under the weight of several intellectual atmospheres are to furnish us, under the competitive system, with the public servants of the country. Lord Palmcrstou is himself eminently a man of sagacious intellect, of shrewd humour and savoir faire,—he has, in short, the kind of intellect which could not well have been formed under a pressure of several exa- minations to the square inch. lie underrates, as such men do, the value of the light-of-nature understanding. He thinks a mind which has once had its loose interstices well and tightly packed with nseful information, must be the better for it. The mind, he says, is thus exercised; and scraps of knowledge linger in the crevices as well. It is not a bottlp, he tells us, which you can fill and empty again with- out leaving a drop behind. Surely not; if it were, we should not talk of cramming it; for fluids are not easily compressed, and the glass would break if the attempt were made. Grant, too, that there are some adhesive powers spread over even the dullest man's mind, which, like the stuff with which Coja Hassan, in the Arabian Nights. daubed his measure, may detain a few shining fragments of the gold which is measured through it. Still, unfortu- nately, the cramming may sometimes strain the mind as well as exercise it and the fragments which adhere when the pressure is removed will too often be the least useful ones,—mere capricious remains of an unwelcome pro- cess. We should not write or speak in this way of a forced marrh for an ordinary degree examination, which generally concludes a leisurely education with a little very wholesome stimulus. But we must remember that it is the tendency of the growing competitive system which Lord Pslmerston i eulogizes so highly, to brine an increasing number of candi- dates iuto the educational field expressly as candidates for small Government appointments. Now, those who are looking to these examinations as the final effort of a tran- quil course of study are in an exceedingly different position 7r.m those who are constantly reminded by their friends and parents that on its result hinge their professional pros- pects. M. de Tocqueville, in a striking letter, from which we extracted last week, has described very graphically the result of this process on the French race of competitors for ofifce." Continued application," he says, "to a small number of subjects, and those always the same, not selected by the student, but imposed on him by the inflexible rule of the establishment, without reference to his tastes or to his powers, is as bad for the mind as the constant exercise of one set of muscles would be for the body. We have a name for those who have been thus educated [in the ecole Po- ly technique.} They are called Polytechnises. If you follow our example, you will increase your seoond-rates and extin- guish your first-rates and, what perhaps is a more impor- tant result, whether you consider it a good or an evil, you will make a large stride in the direction in which you have lately made so many, the removing the government and the administration of England from the hands of the higher classes into those of the middle and lower ones." There can be no doubt that if the competitive system for our civil service is pushed much further, this class of Poly- technized youth will grow very large in England. As yet, education is an intellectual discipline which is no practical anxiety or wearing care to the mass of men, and is there- fore education, and not cram. If lads are taught under the natural influence of school ambitions and nothing more, their inborn faculties are elicited; they turn eagerly to what incites them most, and are content with acquiring languidly what does not interest them. But as soon as the pressure of a superincumbent livelihood shall be added to the necessities of the case, and all the home authorities are formally and vitally interested in securing the best possible result for the coming examinations, the boy works under a very different pressure the grain of his mind is compressed by the burdens put upon it into a regulation shape, and we see the same class of phenomena, though not in the same de- cree, with which every one is familiar who has known a dull boy designed by poor parents for the Church, and on whose academical success all his future prospects depend. If he had anything of practical original power in him, it runs much chance of being pressed out in the packing process which Lord Palmerston so much admires. We must say, therefore, that even on intellectual grounds we look with no satisfaction to the gradual spread of into! lectual tonrnaments for the young, in which the prizes are to be livelihoods, and the blanks parental losses and dis- pleasure. We do not believe that we shall get thereby bad public servants. They will have no doubt competent know- ledge, independence, and capacity, and that amount of piactical shrewdness which is generally requisite even for success in examinations. But we shall not have, even in the majority, be'ter, if so good, instruments with regard to the special work. This kind of carefully selected and anxiously packed knowledge is not what best sharpens a man s general faculties. Lads with inflexible faculties, who do not adapt their minds easily to the tests in view, will be deterred or beaten by their rivals yet such lads would often turn out the most valuable public servants. If three or four hundred candidates are to compete for each moderately desirable ap- pointment—and it may soon come to this—the winner must aecessarily have a carefully got up intellect of that neat kind which examiners love. Now, are these the class of men best adapted for practical work ? You may call it fair competition but fair competition usually meaus un- restrained rivalry between the sellers of that class of goods which the buyer wishes to buy. No one would call it free competition if Government ordained that all corn mer. chants should be examined in agricultural statistics, and then their corn bought by the public in the order of merit. Yet this is what the unlimited competitive system for Eng. lish civil appointments implies. The competition is in book. knowledge-the demand is for good judgment and sound clerkly habits. The reply is that you cannot test what you really want to see free competition iu; and that the next best thing is to take the lad who has most of the next best thing you can test-knowledge. We say. No; the next best thing is to take average men who can prove that they are certainly not incompetent, without any comparative test at all. If we cannot test for the thing we want, why should we test for another thing which is not necessarily i related to it ? Exclude by all means all real incompetence, but do not demand excellence in one thing when you are looking for excellence in a very different thing. The effect of grafting a simple but rigidly exacted pass-ex- amination on the old patronage system has never been given a fair trial. It is fast passing into the very different French system without any sincere resolve on the part of the people to see it fairly tried. There must be no jobs but tbere is good reason why men, who come up to the re- quisite standard, should owe their career to personal influ- euce rather than to mere academical ability. Ignorance and imbecility must be rigidly excluded but for the rest the privilege of advancing others in the world is one which the ruling classes ought to possess. A strong social tie between the rulers and their subordinates is far from undesirable. It ia a privilege which rulers always covet, and will always endeavour—as American experience shows —to exercise, even under the most democratic institutions. We honestly believe that there would be a larger number- never of course absolutely large-of remarkably efficient civil servants, if they were chosen in the ordinary way, by mere appointment, subject to a common pass-examination, j then we shall ever get by putting up such appointments to an intellectual auction. The rulers would then be men distinctly responsible for their subordinates, and the subor- dinates would feel more closely identified with their rulers. And above all, and beyond all, we should no longer have a j rapidly growing class of speculative candidates for oSce, nine-tenths of whom must not only be beaten, and their parents disappointed, but must also look back to a fruitless high-pressure education, deprived of its natural freedom, elasticity, and joyousness, by the premature anxiety of an overhanging domestic care. To be examined for a liveli- hood is the next torture to being tried for your life. It is very undesirable for England that this shadow should be thrown over the education of hundreds of successful competitors for every one who passes unsuccessfully this I wosre than Athenian Icrutiny.-Spectator.
THE PREMIER'S VACATION.
THE PREMIER'S VACATION. An eminent poet and laborious student who passed away a me years since was accustomed to give himself what he called rest simply by changing the subjects of his literary research. When jaded with metaphisics lie turned to history, and when his faculties dimmed over its pages he stimulated *and refreshed them by oopious draughts of poetic lore; but, as the story goes, it never occurred to him to allow his mind or his memory to lie fallow for a season. It is true that he has been convicted of his mistake by his having drifted into the state which has been described by that phrase in which Johnson described the last days of Swift, and no one is desirous of holding him up as an example. Setting aside a certain morbidity of temperament which must have underlain the mental organisation of the poet to whom we allude, and recollecting that in his case the natare of his habits indisposed, if they did not entirely preclude, him from physical exertion, he may be taken to be a type of many a man in this busy, work-a-day life of ours. A very cursory perusal of the journals for the last two months will give us a special example of the sort of activity which characterises many of our public men, but which is developed in the highest degree in him whose rank in the service of the country places him at the head of our social and governmental system, and who seems to think it neeessary to do all he can to vindicate his personal claims to the position he holds. Relieved from the toils of Parlia- ment, and perhaps the turmoils of Cabinet Councils, Lord Paiaeratou has vigorously taken up another kind of em- ployment at a time when he might reasonably be expected to auMdointo aeouple of months, at least, of well-earned leisure. It appears to be his idea of enjoying his vacation that he shoola go through tours of inspection of men and things, and to give as much opportunity as possible to the British public for ascertaining by personal knowledge what manner of man he is who, as the Prime Minister of Eng- land, ia held in such popular esteem. To go back no further, last autumn he made what may be called a progress in the north of England, and did as much of the work which is peculiar to his position as could well be crowded into the space of time which was lwupied by that which to him was a pleasant excursion, This year, however, he seems to have been multiplying himself;-to have acquired a temporary ubiquity. His appearances have been as numer. out and as rapid as those of Ariel in the storm-beaten ship of the King. In the fit place, having accepted the post of Lord Warden of the Cinque POI ta, and having discovered that hitherto there was nothing for that {unctMnMy to do, he fell back upon tradition, and, inculcating the necessity of adhere to prcscnptlOlI, be revived in his own favour Xe?Sed'dutiesoftheotSce.and having set the ball rol- ng £ v means of a solemn and effective inaugurating ."remoLa?, he was to be found pres.dmg as chairman of the meetings of a board which seemed to smack a good deal of a vestry, and adjudicating on points which might easily have been disposed of by the smallest attorney that ever enjoyed the mild importance which attaches to a clerk of justices in petty sessions assembled. Then, day alter day, we hear of his attending the inspection of volunteer corps, putting in an apt word or two ot encouragement, seasoned with morsels of practical advice. Next he is heard of eirefully examining the first of the new iron-clad navy of England; and straightaway we find him picking his way with sharp if not technically critical eye among the wtrks of those fortifications which he has declared to be netessary for the security of the country, in the invinci- bility of which no man more thoroughly and religiously believes than himself. His latest, and most probably by no means his last, appearance during the Parliamentary recess has been at Southampton, when, in his mixed cha- racter of country neighbour and chief Minister of State, bo undertook a duty which need not absolutely have de- manded the services of any one beyond the rank of a local functionary, such as a Mayor or a Lord Lieutenant, or a member for a county or borough. Nevertheless, there he was, dealing with a mattcr^which has arisen and fallen into his way in an offhand yet practical fashion, exhibiting that adroitness and versatility which in him take the place of i inspiration. It is a great desideratum in oratory that a speaker should make at least one point remarkable for novelty in itself, or for the resetting of old ideas in a novel shape. As a rule, Lord Palmerston never makes a speech, certainly never on any special and predetermined occasion, in which he does not say something which is caught up at once and remembered. Sayings of his uttered years and years ago hare reached to the dignity of apothegms, some of them well worthy of traditionary preservation; others, perhaps, which he would be glad to have forgotten, but which, from their point and adaptation to the matter to which they were applied, though the judicious shake their heads at them, are yet household words with those who cherish a witticism without caring to inquire too curiously into the morality of its expression. This time, having to deliver an address to the successful competitors for the prizes awarded to the last Oxford middle-class examinations, he gave us one of the bost examples of his powers as a tactical and practical speaker. Admitting to the full the principle of competitive examinations, he took a broad and useful view of the whole subject, touching on its salient points with so sure, yet at the same time so light and apparently careless, a hand that the happy result which followed seemed due rather to acci- dent than to art or effort. In his character of a patron of the system his object was to vindicate competitive examina- tions from the objections which have been made against them, and, if possible, to settle at least one of the vexed questions by which they are still surrounded. And here his peculiar faculty came especially into play. This was the opportunity for creating a phrase, or enunciating an opinion, which would run like wildfire through the country, and in its rapid course sweep away a whole wilderness of doubts and objections. Seizing on the word cramming," which has been the battle-horse of the opponents of the competitive system, he embalmed it in a few sentences of such point and pith as these: -I' Same people say that com- petitive examinations lead to a system of cramming; and it is often the case that when men seize upon a word they imagine that word to be an argument, and they go about repeating it, thinking they have arrived at some great and irresistible conclusion. When they say cramming' they think they have utterly discredited the system to which they apply that word; but these men imagine that the human mind is like a bottle, and that when you have filled it with anything you can pour out that, and it remains empty as it was before. That, however, is not the nature of the human mind. A boy who is crammed, as it is said, 'has, in point of fact, learnt a great dellI, and that learning has accomplished two objects. First of all, the faculties of his mind are exercised in being crammed; and in the next place, there remains in his mind a great portion of the knowledge so acquired which forms the basis probably of future attainments in different branches of human knowledge." Now, not to speak it profanely, few persons are better able to speak of the advantages, if any, of cramming" than a statesman and perpetual holder of office of fifty years' standing. He can remember well; if he did not exactly witness, some of the reaulti of that operation in the case of the" heaven-born" Minister who, ignorant of a question to-day, would be an unim- peachable master of it this day week and no one can know better than Lord Palmerston how, say, a country gentleman of moderate abilities and no experience but of quarter sessions, suddenly finding himself First Lord of the Admi- ralty, sits down before a regular official and receives his main and general allowance of cramming," which, how- ever, does not prevent the necessity of a daily dose of that sustentation to be used pro re nata, as the doctors say. Taking, therefore, his Lordship's doctrine with such qualiti- cations as necessarily belong to its enunciation, by one who is in some soit a dealer in that which he defends, it is un- doubted that he has given a very decided buffet to a some- what priggish and certainly much over-strained objection to the system of competitive examinations, and so far has done a service to that system which is in a manner esta- blished among us. Perhaps more happy, while equally pregnant, was the mode in which the Premier dealt with another objection to the system of middle-class examinations, and which is, that they tend to teach young men things which will be of no use to them in their immediate career, and that they tend to create in the students mere vanity and conceit. The argument used was as ingenious as it was true, and the illustrations were apt and pointed. If this objection means anything at all, it means that certain faculties of the mind which were to be called into immediate use in the vocation in life of the student were also to be exercised, that their general powers of mind were to be left dormant, if not stifled, with a result which can only be characterised as stolidity and ignorance. The wider and more efficient train- ing of the new system aims at rousing and at the same time disciplining the powers of the youthful mind, and, while it makes the aspirant master of one at least, or it may be two, branches of knowledge, it, to use the words of Lord Palmerston, "sharpens the wits, infuses general knowledge into the mind, and sets a young man thinking; and, instead of merely crowding his memory with facts, it gives him that habit of thought and that custom of exercising his intellect in a great variety of subjects which makes him a better and more able man in the particular profession which he intends to pursue," This is, in fact, the answer to an objection which is by no means novel, inasmuch as it was used as an old-world obstacle to any system of popular education at all. The cry was that the diffusion of in- struction implied social disorganisation, inasmuch as it tended to nullify the system of classes by rendering those in lower stations restless, dissatisfied, and (in this word lies the whole secret) unmanageable. Time and experience have given the lie to these predictions, and the deliberte opinion of one who from the highest coign of vantage has witnessed the operation of both systems is now pronounced in favour of the later and better state of things. It may be that the activity and energy which Lord Palmerston has exhibited to the public eye in the last few weeks are only a part of those labours in the public service to which he is known assiduously to devote himself, but it seems to us that his public appearances, when they take such a tone as that at Southampton, are not among the least important of those services. A distinguished colleague of the noble Lord has just said of him that all the dis- paragements of and strictures which have been made upon him on the continent of Europe resolved themselves into this—that he is too susceptible with regard to the interests of his country. Being interpreted, this means that Lord Palmerston is heart and soul an Englishman—that his one object as a statesman and as a man is to preserve unim- paired the interests and the weal of England. This is the secret of his personal influonco, and this is the impulse which bids him, while others are enjoying what may be called their natural rest, move from place to place, inquiring and seeing for himself, stimulating efforts for social im- provement, and by his active example encouraging those who are engaged in the stern battle of life; and England may well boast that it is thus that the Premier spends his vacation.—Illustrated London News.
THE EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS AND…
THE EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS AND THE AMERICAN BLOCKADE. From letters and papers which have been forwarded to us this week, it would appear not only that there are cer- tain parties among the manufacturers of Lancashire bent on urging our Government to break the blockade of the cotton ports of the Confederate States, but that there are others who hope and believe that the French Emperor is about to do what our Ministers very properly recoil from doing. To both of these sections we bilve a few words to say. That England has far too great a respect for international ¡ law and morality, and far too much consideration for future and remote consequences, forcibly to inteifore with or pro- hibit the blockade, we have, we trust, made clear in previous numbers. But those who, in their dread of a scarcity of cotton, would have our Government take this perilous and unwarrantable step, would do well to consider whether, I apart from the impropriety and irrationality of their de. mand, they are not defeating their own end by making it. The Seceding States have based much of their action and many of their expectations upon the conviction that Eng- land cannot do without their cotton, and that, if it be long enough withheld, she will interfere to break the blockade by force ;-in other words, that she will embrace their cause and virtually declare war against their rival -that is, that she will take precisely the line which these complainants are urging her to take. The South is deliberately planning and t oiling to force us into a quarrel with the North and Englishmen are found ready to fall into the open trap, and help her sinister design Is it not obvious that so long as the Confederates entertain any hopes that England will thus interfere, they will obstinately retain their cotton on the plantations and effectually prevent our getting it in any mode ? And is it not obvious that nothing will so foster and prolong these fallacious hopes as the language which, under the dread of coming pressure, these inconsiderate merchants and manufacturers are using ? That the distress must be great and wide-spread in the industrial districts of Lan- cashire and Cheshire, if the American crop is really and permanently withheld, we entertain no doubt, aud we are not surprised that all concerned (and who is not concerned ?) should view the prospect with alarm; but the sole practical question is, How can the threatened danger be most effec- tually, and yet rightfully, averted? Now, as we have repeatly shown, the resources of thff South, never very vast or very ready, are derived solely from the sale of their produce; for at accumulated fundi they have no great store. The we of their cotton crop will, therefore, soon become to them an object of absolute necessity; and when they feel this, and can be definitively M<M/M tA49 foret.o?f?e t?r<w!<MM/tWM.EMn?MaM idle <&?M, they wit hurry their cotton down to the ports, or to some easy and safe dis- tance from the coast, so as to have it ready for shipment by any vessels that arrive and are prepared for the risk of endea- vouring to evade the blockading squadron. At present they feel at ease, for there is no cotton gathered and packed, and no ships ready to receive it; so they can safely indulge in a menace which they hope will bring terrified Europe to their aid. But as soon as the cotton is ready to come forward, we have no doubt it will be transmitted to the coast; provided they can be made to renounce their hopes of fo- reign interposition. Now, as far as England is concerned, we believe we may confidently assert that her interposition will be strictly limited to insisting that the blockade of every port an- nounced to be closed, shall be bona Jide, efficient, and con- tinuous. She must take care that the blockading squadron shall be ample and imptrtial -sball be considerable enough really to prevent ingress and egress, and shall connive at the escape of no ships, and shall give papers to none. If tnese requirements are not fulfilled-and we are by no means satisfied on this head-then we are entitled, and are bound to notify to the Government of the United States, that the blockade of that port or that coast is not effective, is not therefore vahd by the law of nations, cannot be re- cognised by us, and will not be respected by our ships. If we are vigilant enough in this respect, we apprehend that the blockade in several quarters will be found inadequate and will have to be renounced. But this is a very different matter to interfering to "prohibit the blockade" altoge- ther, on the ground that it is very mischievous to us. The one proceeding is strictly in accordance with international law and justice. The other is a flagrant and manifest violation of both. But though wo can speak thus boldly of what the British Government will and will not do in the matter of the American blockade, we cannot pretend to feel anything of the same certainty with regard to our incalculable neigh- bour, the Emperor of the French. The same reasons against interference exist in his case as in ours but it by 1 no means follows that he will a3 yieldingly oboy them. In- fraction of the blockade by France would be as distinct a violation of the law of nations as infraction of the blockade by England but France does not always reverence that as scrupulously as we do. Such infraction, in her case as in ours, would virtually imply, and would almost inevitably practically involve, war with the United States; but it is not certain that she would shrink from the prospect of such a war so shudderingly as we do. It becomes, therefore, im- portant for all who would estimate the political and commercial prospects of the moment-the prospects of cotton and the prospects of the war-to consider carefully what, under the actual circumstances, is likely to be the decision of Louis Napoleon in the matter of interference with the American blockade,—bearing in mind the charac- ter of the man and the situation of the country. Is he likely to determine for action or inaction ? What impres- sion is likely to be made upon a man with no settled princi- ples and no aMM? /M<M?, by the actual condition of ?ratice and the influence on that condition of the American contest ?-and what conclusion is he, under that impression, likely to arrive at ? The facts before him are these. France is suffering under the consequences of a decidedly deficient harvest, which has raised the price of bread to an inconvenient degree,—to a degree which has already induced irregular Government interference in order to reduce it. The same circumstance has obliged her to purchase large quantities of wheat in foreign markets, especially in our own, and has thus griev- ously, though perhaps only temporarily, disturbed her monetary position. The trade with America, both North and South, hitherto one of the most extensi ve, regular, and profitable carried on by lqons and Bordeaux (and chiefly consisting of luxuries, which can easily be dispensed with for a time, and which must be dispensed with in periods of poverty and war), has been terribly interrupted and curtailed by the unhappy conflict. The annual value of French exports to America is usually upwards of £10,000,000 sterling, amounting to about one-seventh of the whole. The distress and stagnation in the manufacturing districts, mainly attributable to the stoppage of this trade, is severely felt; and the Chambers of Commerce at Lyons, Rouen, Mulhausen, and other places, have made strong representa- tions to Government upon the subject. The cotton- spinners, too, like our own, are suffering from an actual or apprehended scarcity of the raw material, of which France imports large quantities from the States, either directly or via Liverpool. Now, the continued interruption of the cotton and silk trade with America, implies want of work and want of pay to hundreds of thousands of operatives- idleness, which gives political and moral devils plenty of time to be mischievously busy among them, and privation, which will predispose them to listen to the whispers of these exciting teachers. French operatives are not like English ones they do not starve so patiently, and th y have not been taught, like ours, that Government neither causes nor can cure their sufferings. On the contrary, they have been sedulously taught the exact reverse; they hare been taught to accuse the Government whenever they are wretched, and to insist upon its feeding them whenever they are hungry In all likleihood, then, Louis Napoleon sees before him an ominous and uncomfortable winter. If the American war and blockade continue, he will have whole districts of miser- able and malcontent workmen out of employ, whom he will have to keep down with one hand and to feed with the other. have one will cost popularity the other will cost money and the Emperor has many reasons for not wishing either to risk the one or to spend the other. He may, not impro- bably nor altogether irrationally, be of opinion that it would be both safer and cheaper to disregard and force the blockade with Imperial high-handedness, even though it should in- volve a war with the Federalists, than to face a winter of insurrection and distress at homo. Such a proceeding would, we do not doubt, be very popular in France aggression and dictation always are. It would be very easy, for the United Sates have neither navy nor surplus wealth to com- pare with those of France. It would gratify his own pas- sions and those of his people-the restless ambition of the one, the insatiable vanity of the other. It would give them something to talk about and to boast of, and him some- thing to do. It might even serve the temporary interests both of his dynasty and his country and for the ulterior consequences, of the dangerous enemies he would bo mak- ing and the bad precedent he would be creating-we fancy he would care but little. His remote future is too ideal —it is too uncertain whether any such future will be- long to him or his-for it to influence materially his present actions. Such are the reasons which might prompt him to inter- fere. The considerations which should deter him may pos- sibly appear less cogent to a temperament like his,—of which we must never forget that a morbid and incurable restless- ness is the most prominent characteristic. In the first place, we know he likes to act in concert with, or with the con- currence of, England, wherever possible; and in such a course we could give neither our consent nor our approval. In the second place, he is almost nervously cautious, and may well pause before he incurs the bitter resentment of a people so vindictive, so energetic, and so essentially power- ful as the Northern Americans,—who at present are so ex- cessively and irrationally well-disposed towards hi^ m,—-as, indeed, towards most other despots. We incline to think that this consideration will have much weight with him; though probably the undignified and ill-advised step of the Orleanist Princes, in taking service with the Federal army, may not be without its effect in the opposite scale. In the third and last place, so sagacious a reflector will not fail to perceive that an interference, which involves a quarrel with the North, would be a very strange and tortuous way of restoring French commerce with the richest portion of the Union. It would give France the cotton that she wants to buy, but it would not enable her to dispose of more than a very moderate amount of the wines and silks which she desires to sell. Perhaps, however, he may argue that the destruction of the blockade must speedily bring about a ter- mination of the war. It is not possible to predict how these balanced arguments pro and con may affect the mind of the t rench Emperor. His decision and actions must always remain to a great ex- tent problematic and unknown, receiving n0 what- ever from his words, nor much from his silence. We would only counsel both merchants and manufacturers to bear constantly in mind that this absolutely uncertain element is yet one which must enter largely into all their calculations. -Economst.
THE TORY TEMPTER. I
THE TORY TEMPTER. The hunger for unimpeded cotton supply) which has long been growing into a passion in Lancashire, has at length found a Parliamentary spokesman. Captain Henry Jervis White Jervis, the member for Harwich, in the Conservative demonstration, on Wednesday, at Colchester, exhorted England to speak out openly on the subject, with a voice which will warrant Lord Derby in active intervention on behalf of the South. That is the clear drift of his speech. Lancashire is likely to suffer much, he says, from its short supply and short time. Ireland will sutfor much from its bad harvest. Not only Lancashire but Engwn'» likely to lament its short supply of tobacco. Therefore it is false delicacy of the worst kind to argue that we ought not to interfere. Let us hear his actual words It was said that we could not interfere in the American quarrel, that if we interfered with the North we should go against our cotton interest, and that we could not take the part of the South, because they were slaveholders. Lan- guage such al this reminded him very much of the conduct of an old lady who might have been rather loose in her early years, but who made up for it by an extra amount of godliness as she got older; for twenty years ago the English were slaveholders themselves. It was not until 1834 that slavery was abolished in our own colonies, and, six years having been allowed for its gradual annihilation, it could not be said to have finally ceased till 1840. Again, we voted £20,000,000 by way of compensation, and yet we asked and expected the Americans to emancipate all at once 4,000.000 of slaves, worth £3,000,000, and then to begin in the dark to make a living. These theories were all very well to talk about, but in the mean time we wanted a supply of cotton to enable us to feed our working population. We had heard a great deal said about looking to India as a substitute; but it must be remembered that we should have first of all to m \ke roads in India, and that we should also have to teach the people of India to grow our cotton, while cotton coming from India was, on its arrival, only worth about half as much as American." From all this he argues that England should at once ex- press its will to have an unimpeded supply of cotton and tobacco by fair means or foul. The people must give ex- pression to their wishes, ttiat Lord Derby may wield the force of the nation so as to put an end to this embarrassing state of things. We confess that such language as this from even the least notable Members of Parliament as- tounds, more than it incenses, us. There are national crimes so flagrantly selfish that we have to conquer a sense of surprise before we can feel the indignation which the deliberate proposal of them excites. We are aware that Captain Jervis is the spokesman of a small but united party in Lancashire. But we can allow much for the short- sightedness of men who see, or think they see, ruin staring them in the face, and who are convinced, or think they are convinced, that it is the mere caprice and wickedness of two quarrelsome rivals which is the cause of this ruin. We would not too harshly condemn any Lancashire cotton merchants who demand English intervention. It is with them, we will not say an inexcusable, but not a deeply criminal, insanity —for no one of us can say how he might act, if all hM prospects in life and those of thou- sands of poor neighbours seemed to be hazarded by what he held to be a rash and senseless quarrel. The fabric of self-interest is in such a case so widely in- terwoven at all pointa with disinterested feelings, that the judgment is absolutely hoodwinked, and no one can be condemned harshly for not seeing with the clear vision which it requires utter self-abnegation to attain. But this excuse applies only to the first sufferers in the North. We say it is a sorrowful and a shameful thing when public men who are not thus blinded by a narrow circle of interests can be found to come forward and advo- cate such a measure as that which Captain Henry Jervis White Jervis has openly called upon England to approve. Let him consider a moment what vestige of respect for international right, law, or honour could be claimed for England if he were to find any considerable public opinion in support of his views. We think with Major Beresford that as yet there is no great reason to apprehend a con- fusion between the political species of Tories and Liberals. But we confess that we do not believe in any such chasm between them as would be shown to exist if Lord Derby, or any respectable Tory statesman, could be persuaded by any conceivable demonstration of public opinion to take so cynical and immoral a step as Capt. Jervis coolly proposes. We may concede, for the sake of argument, what we hold to be quite untrue, but also wholly immaterial to the immediate question-that Secession may be legally jtatified by the American constitution. Let us suppose that the South has all the constitutional law on its side, and that the North is engaged in an unconscious effort to strain the law by a false interpretation. We repeat, that this is not only not true, but the reverse of true-yet, if true, it would not make such a step as Captain Jervis advocates one whit less criminal. In any case, whether it be revolution, or whether it be war, no man in his senses would, we suppose, deny that there is a more ample casus belli for the strife than could be shown in the case of ninety-nine out of every hundred wars. Whatever the statesmen of the South may urge for their leal case, they can urge nothing for their moral procedure. They cannot justify in English eyes the treachery whifh, while acting in the name of the Union, disarmed the North in order to prepare tho South for the struggle the bad faith which apparently accepted tho constitutional straggle for the President, with a foregone conclusion to reject the decision if it were unfavourable to them they cannot convince England that their avowed motive for leaving the Union-the restriction put upon slavery-extension-was a righteous one with which the North had no concern. And even if they could clear the South of its guilt and treachery, as well as of legal misdemean- ours—which is impossible—they cannot bring us to believe that a commonwealth which, blasphemously enough, takes slavery for the head-stone of the corner," can be founded on the border of a great and free nation, without raising a hundred international perils and grounds of strife to justify war, if they do not, as we maintain, compel it. The war then—no one can deny it—is a war of grave, moral origin, in which the North, whether legally in error or not, feels that it has deeper wrongs to resent than any militant nation for many generations. Of the nature of those wrongs England has always professed, and still professes, the deepest sense. Yet we are asked to violate neutrality on the Southern side, to proclaim war against the North—for breaking the blockade is, de facto, a proclamation of war— in order that the cotton supply may not be cat off. We cannot remember ever to have heard of a proposal quite so shameless. For an early push to acknowledge the Southern States we were prepared that is a step which follows as a matter of course after a certain period of de facto inde- pendence; and we ourselves have only protested against any show of bias by premature action. But if the South were acknowledged to day, we should be bound to respect a blockade by either belligerent, unless we chose to ally our- selves with either. This is the course which Captain Jervis urges on England, and especially on the Conserva- tives. "Proclaim," he says, "instantly, that you will do anything for cotton that you who boast of your resolve to take no side even when Austria wages war against the liberties of Italy, or when liussia crushes the free people of Hungary,—that you do not hesitate for a moment to take a side, and that, too, the side of the worst kind of despotism in the civilized world, when your interests are touched by a prospect of danger to your cotton. Let no shame prevent you from avowing that English ruin and English misery will outweigh every noble principle which England has avowed during the last century. Never fear the fury of the United States, the righteous wrath of New England, the contempt of Europe, the painful sense of humiliation in yourselves, but shut your eyes to every interest except the suffering in Lancashire and its reaction on Great Britain." Such is the advice of our Tory tempter—painfully re- sembling the advice of a greater tempter, who was rebuked by the words, Thou shalt not live by bread alone." We have no fear that the advice will be followed. We would not bear hardly on the temporary insanity of a handful of men-by no means representing the sturdy principle of L-incshire at large-but we have no words too strong for the national crime proposed. Let us remember that our gravest and truest ground of dissatisfaction with the North is the vulgarity of their whole tor.e of thought and action. But when could we dare to speak of this again, if we should permit ourselves to entertain for a moment a suggestion so thoroughly and radically vulgar as this ? England would be vulgarized to the heart's core before she could seriously consider such a suggestion. And let us not forget that, whatever be said to the contrary, this war is more and more plainly declared as a war which must Ùsue in the subversion of slavery, if it be prolonged. The democratic party in the North—the great drag on the anti- slavery movement-are even now arriving at the resolution that the resort to emancipation must be the final resource. Tho motive is not pure-but the end gained is equally great. This is the language of a leading democratic organ in New York, The World: The day it is settled that either Slavery or the Govern- ment must perish, that day slavery will be doomed. The Northern people are determined not to yield to this accursed rebellion; and if it shall prove that they cannot conquer it without emancipation, they will conquer it with emancipa- tion. This would be to them not only an impulse but a necessity. They know full well that there would be no living on the same continent with the once successful par- ricide, and, sooner than entail upon themselves perpetual war or baao compliance, they would finish with it on the spot, once and for ever, come what might. The Southern people, if they are not utterly gc)ue in infatuation, will stop short ere they push the North to this direful ex- tremity." The differences, therefore, in the Northern States are now only a question of time. The llepublicans, as a matter of principle, wish to accelerate the step which the Democrats, looking upon it only as the dernier ressort ot policy, wish to delay. But the day is coming when the step will be taken, unless some Western Powor be wicked enough to interfere. That the French Government may be capable of so cynical and iniquitous a step, we dare not deny. But even if the Emperor contemplates it, as seems possible, he will scarcely venture to act-certainly he will long delay his action-if we restrain him. And unless we wish to share the meanness and the guilt of the most barefaced international crime of modern days, we shall put the tempter behind us, and reso- lutely endeavour to withhold France from any similar (all.- Spectator,
[No title]
THE QUEEN'S LATE VISIT TO htEI.ND.-Her Majesty, before leaving Ireland, directed through the Comptroller of her Household, that the railway company should send in their bill, and it was paid at the same rate that the English companies receive when her Majesty travels-that is, 7s per mile for the special train, &c., and first-class fares for her attendants; usual fares for car- riages and horses. The whole bill was £ 4000.—Freeman's Journal. ATROCIOUS ACT OF AUSTRIAN OFFICERS.—" The Aus- trians," says the Nationalites of Turin; "have just com- mitted a revolting act at Montecchia Maggiore. A postmas- ter, named Finato, lately received orders to take two officers to a neighbouring village, aud he sent his son, a lad of 19, with a carriage to drive them. When the lad got to the place where he was to take up he found five officers who wanted to get into the carriage, and as he been hired but for two he refused to carry them all. Thereupon one of the officers named Cou n t Duri, struck-youno: Finato violently, and the latter returned the blow The officer then at- tompted to draw his sword, but Finato more aetive than he pushed the weapon back into the scabbard. Upon this the other four rushed upon the young man one of them wounded him mortally in the neck, another cut one of bis arms, the third fractured a kneecap, and all four continued to cut and thrust at him till he fell lifeless. As many as 30 officers of all ranks looked on quietly while this horrible assassination was going on." ATTEMPT OF A HUSBAND TO CUT HIS WIFE S THROAT. A case of this description was revealed on Saturday, at the West Riding Court-house, Huddersfield. An old couple. named Dawson, who have been married thirty years, reside together in a small shop. The nusband has been living on the fruits of his wife's industry, and spending all he could lay his hands on dissipation. On Thursday last the poor woman, received a shilling, which the husband got to know of. He compelled her to give it up, went out and procured liquor, and then came home an d demanded more. His wife remonstrated, upon which he kicked over a baking pan, at which she was at work, swore he would have no work going on there, and seizing hold of her by the hair held her head back while he hacked at her throat with a knife. Fortun- ately he only happened to use the back of the knife, and did not inflict a wound, though he left the mark visible on her throat. The poor woman in releasing herself from him was badly cut about the hands and arms. The brutal fellow was charged before the magistrates with cutting and wounding °her, with intent to do grievous bodily harm, and on that charge he was sentenced to six months' imprison- ment, and ordered to be imprisoned for another six months at the expiration of that time in default of finding sub- stantial security fosr* his good behaviour. The name and trade mark of a good manufacturer is a guarantee of goodness in the article. Mappin Brothers, London Bridge, and Queen's Cutlery Works, Sheffield, lay claim to this title of good English Manufacturers. MAPPIN BROTHERS' TABLE CUTLERY.—Mappiu Bro. thers London show rooms are at London Bridge. Es- thers London s h ,)Nv room, tablished in Sheffield A.D. 1810. Ordinary Medium Best Quality Quality. Quality. £ sd X, a d L s d Two dozen full-size Table Knives, ivory handles ..240 360 4 12 0 One-and-a-half dozen full- size Cheese do. 1 4 0 1 14 0 211 0 One pair regular Meat Carvers 0 7 6 Oil 0 0 15 6 One pair extra size do 0 8 6 0 12 0 0 16 6 One pair Poultry Carvers.. 0 7 6 0 11 0 0 15 6 One Steel for Sharpening 030 0 4 0 0 6 0 Complete Service 4 14 6 6 18 6 9 16 6 None of the above can come loose in hot water.-ADVPP,- TISEMENT.
WEEKLY CALENDAR. I
WEEKLY CALENDAR. I THE MOON'S CHANGES. New Moon, Nov. 2nd, at 3m. past 4 aft. HIGH WATER AT THE FOLLOWING PLACES FOR THE ENSUING WEEK. Carmar- Cardigan Tenby DAYS. then Bar, and and Aberyst- -I HaneUy. Bristol. Milford. j with. ? X HH M. 9H M. ) H. M. Saturday, Oct. 2610 12 11 2 9 47 111 32 Sunday ..2711 6 11 56 10 41 12 26 Monday, .2812 19 1 9 11 54 j 1 39 Tuesday, .29 1 41 2 31 1 16 3 11 Wednes 30 2 55 3 45 2 30 4 15 Thursday .31 3 53 4 43 3 28 5 13 Friday, Nov. 1 4 18 5 8 3 53 5 38 Thursday .31 l? 4 18 5 8 3 53 5 38
i ___COUNTY COURTS.
COUNTY COURTS. CIRCUITS. SEPT. OCT. NOV. Aberaeron •• No Court Th. 3,atll.O No Court Llandovery.. No Court Fri. 4,11.0 No Court Lampeter No Court St. 5,11.0 No Court Llandilo No Court M. 7, 10.0 No Court Llanelly Tu. 10, at 11.15 Tu. 8,11.15 rti. 12, 11.15 Neath W. 11, 10.0 W. 9,10.0 W. 13, ..10.0 Carmarthen Fr. 13, 10.0 Fr. 11,10.0 Fr. 15, ..10.0 Narberth Sa. 14, 10.0 Sa. 12,10.0 Sa. 16, 10.0 Pembroke M.-16, 10.15 M. 14,10.15 M. 18, 10.1 HWest ..I'n.17,. 10.0 Tu. 15,10.0 ru. ig, io.o Cardigan.iW. IS.. 12.3U W. 2,12.30 W. 20, 12.3 Newcastle 'Th. 19,. 10.0 No Court iTh. 21, lo.o
CARMARTHEN AND CARDIGAN RAILWAY.…
CARMARTHEN AND CARDIGAN RAILWAY. 1, 2, 3 class. 1,2,3 class Carmarthen for Conwil 10.10 a.m. and 1.30 p.m. Conwil for Carmarthen. 11.45 a.m. and 4.10 p.m. Trains run from Cannarthen to Myrtle Hill to meet all trains on the South Wales line. I
I SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. i
I SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. ?t?-tmg I & I 2 3 1 2 311,2,3* 1 & 1 l 2 3 1 & 2 1 & •» from class classjClags. cla:o¡sJ x P' elass. class Exp p. m ? a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m a.m. p. m. Paddin,,ton.. 8.101 6.0 9.15 7.30 11.0 4.50: S?'mdon ..?-10.35 9.0 11.5 12.10 1.15 6.40 Swindon ..?10.47 9,2511.17- 1.30 P52 Glo'ster ..?12.15 11.5 12.40 3.20 8.10 Mail 1&2 1'1,2.3 Glo'ster.,?2.15 6.45 11.10112.45 3.30 8.20 H.H.&G.Ry. I I I Hereford..de. 9.50 1.10 5.45 Ross 10.20 1.40 o.l5 Grange Ct. j. 10.50 2.10 £ .45 C?,ranLe Ct. de 7.5 11,301 ,1.0 3.50 8.35 New"am 2.40 7.17 11.40 4.0 8.40 Lydney.2.56 7.37 11.58 4.20 8.54 Woolaston 7 45 12.5 4.28 Chepstow 3.14 7 55 12.17 1.30 4AO 9.9 Portskewet 8.7 12.27 4.52 Magor 8.17 12.37 5.4 Llanwern 8 25 5.14 Newport ..ar 8.35 12.55 1.55 5.25 Newport ,,de 3.48 8.40 1.0 2.5 5.35 9.34 Cardiff. 4.12 9.5 1.25 2.21 6.3 9.54 Bridgend. 4.52 10.0 2.22 2.50 7.3 10.27 Port Talbot.. 5.18 10.29 2.51 3.8 7.31 10.50 Neath ar 5.30 10.44 3.4 3.16 7.4611.0 Ditto .de 5.32 10.47 3.8 3.20 7.5011.4 Swansea ..arl 62 1,2,311.23 3.35 3.50 8.2511.25 a.m. 1,2,3 -—— Ditto.de 5.37 8.0 11.0 3.50 3.30 8.0 Landore 552 8.10 11.18 4.0 3.43 8.18 Gower Rd. 8.22 11.33 4.20 838 Lo ughor 8.27 11.39 4.25 8.43 Llanelly 6.17 8.37 11.48 4.35 4.10 8.53 i Pembrey 8.45 11.58 4.45 9.3 Kid welly 6.37 8.57 12.7 4.55 9.15 t Ferryside. 6.47 9.7 12.19 5.7 4.40 9.25 Carm. June. 72 9201234 5.20 4.53 9.40 St. Clears. 7.21 9 36 12.50 5.38 —— Whitland. 9 52 1.6 5.53 Narberth Rd. 7.43 10 7 -.21 6.8 5.30 Haverfordwest 8.11 10 32 1.46 6.35 5.50 Milford Road •••• (for Milford) 8.26?1048 2.2 6.50 6.0 New Milford 8.36 11 0 2.15 7.0 6.10 The 6.0 a.m. train from Paddington is 1st, 2nd, and 3rd class to S. W.R. only and Ireland.
[No title]
Starting Iris!; 1,2.3 1 & 211,2,3, Exp. I, 2,3'l\Jallll,2,3- from Exp. class class class I & 2 class '? & 2 Class I & 2 a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. p.m. a.m. P-m. p. m. New Milford 2.45 8.15') 11 0 426 6 30 Milford Road i 8.28 1113, 441 6.43 Haverfordwest co 8.40 11 27 450 6.55 Clarb. Rd dg 8.52 » 1142 7.8 Narberth Rd. 9.5 M 122 518 7.25 Whitland 9.20 ? 12 15 7.37 St. Clears 9.35 ? 1228 5.40 7.52 Carm. Jun-. 3.52 6.1,5? 9.55 ? 12.50 5.59 8 10 Ferrvside.• •• 6.30 10,10 I 15 6.14 8.23 Kidwelly 6.40 10.22 j 1 17 6,24 8.33 Pembrey 6.50 10.34 ? 1.30 8.45 Llanelly 7.2 10.45 « 1.41 6.44 8.55 Loughor 7.10 10.55 g 1.50 9.4 Landore  4.48 7.35 11.20; 2.14 79 9.34 Swansea ..?. 4.55 7.45 11.30 J P 2.24 7.24 9.39 Exp. —- Ditto.?4.45 7.25 11.13 10.50 2.9 7.0 Landore 4.50 7.4011.23 11,0 j? 2 19 714 Neath .? 7,5511.3811.16 ? 2.37 7.29 Ditto .? 8.0 11.40 11.18 F 2.40 7.31 Briton Ferry •• 8.8 1126 I 2.47 Port Talbot. 8.2111.5111.34 g. 2.58 7.42 Pyle 840 11.52 3 3.17. Bri(Igeiid 5.23 9.0 12.18 12.23 3 37 8.7 Pencoed 9.9 12.31 ? 3.47 •• Cardiff 6.0 9.56 12.49 1.17 b 4-36 8-*9 Newport ..? 6.2310.23 1.10 1.45 ? 5.8 Newport ..de 6.28 10.30 1.20 1.50 I II> 5.14 9.13 Chepstow 6.53 11.9 1.46 2.33 e* 5,57 9.47 Woolaston 11.21 2.43 s 6.8 Lvdney 7.8 11.29 3.0 g- 6.18 10.5 Newnham. 7.2311.0 3.19 6.40 10.21 G r,-t e C r t. 7.31? 12.2 1 2. lr), 3.31 6501 H. li & Gr. Ry7 GraIiti. i,& e GC. t. R(y le 18.41 3.13 .? I 8451.. I.. Ross 9.15 4.25 1.2;51 915 Hereford..an 945? 5.0 5.0 § 9 45 Glo'ster. ?! 7.50 12.30 2.37) 3.45 i 7.10 10.4?| 1 & 2 i ° 1 & 2 Glo'ster ..? 8.0 12.40 2.45 3.55 g. 7.0112AOI Swindon..? 9.15 2.20 4.5 5.45 M 8.55 2,101 1&2! ?. 1,2,3 Swindon ..?e 9,30 2.30 4.15 6.0 ? 9.5 2.20 2.50 Reading 10.28 3.45? 7.5?? ? § 10.12 3.32 5.50 Paddington.. 1H54.5060)8.50J- 11.0 4.35? 7.10
[No title]
SUNDAYS. DOWN TRAINS. SUNDAYS. uv TRAINS. Start -from 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2,3 -,tartg.froiii 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2,3 a. m. a. m. a. m. a. m. Paddington 8.0 New Milford .10.40 Siough 8.55 MilfordRoad 10 55 Reading 9-40 H. West. 11.5 Didcot 10.40 Narb. Road 1,2.3 11.37 Swindon, ar .11.50 Whitland.. class. 11.49 Ditto ..de 1.5 St. Clears., p. m. 12.2 Glo'ster ar 2.45 Carm June. 2 0 12.24 Glo'ster..de 3.0 9.20 Ferryside 2 15 12.40 Grange Crt. 3.20 9.43 Kidwelly •• 2 2. 12.52 Newnharn. C. 3.25 9.48 Pembrey 2 40 1.5 •••• Lydney. 3.48 10.11 Llanelly 2 51 1.16 Woolaston 3.58 10.21 Loughor 3 0 125 Citepstow 4.1.5 10.38 Landore 3 25 1.45 Newport ar 5 0 11.27 Swansea ar 3 35 1.50 p. in. Newport de 5.5 11.37 Ditto de 2.10 4.30 Cardiff 5.29 12.3 Landore 2.18 4.38 Bridgend 6.28 12.57 Neath ..al- 2.30 4.53 Port Talbot 9 33 6.56 1.26 Ditto ..de 2.32 4.55 Neath ..ar 9.43 7.12 1.39 Port Talbot 2.44 5.10 Ditto ..de 9.45 7.17 1.41 Bridgend 3.13 5.38 Landore 10.5 7.42 2.1 Cardiff. 4.6 6.41 Swansea ar 10 10 7.47 2.6 Newport a)- 4.33 78 Ditto ..de 10.15 7.52 Ditto ..de 4.38 713 Landore 10.25 7.57 Chepstow 5.16 7.51 Loughor 10.42 8 14 Woolaston 5.36 8.4 Llanelly ,.10.50 8.24 Lydney 5.44 8.11 Pembrey. 11.0 8.33 Newnham. 5.56 831 Kidwelly 11.12 8.44 Grange Crt. 6.4 8 39 Ferryside.. 11.22 8.54 Glo'ster ar 6.20 8.55 Carm June. 11.37 9.9 Glo'ster de 6.2,5 St. Clears.. 9.29 Swindon.ar 8 0 Whitland.. 9.46 Ditto..? 8 15 )? Narb. Rd. 10.0 Didcot :0.. 9.10 .? West 10 34 Reading 9 45 ( M[Ii. lfordRoad 10.50 Slough 10.10 | 2- New Milford 11.0 PaddingtnD. 10.50 J The Mail Trains run the same on Sundays as week days, with this exception,—that on Sundays the 4.26 p m. Up-train, and the 2.15 a m. Down-train, carries 3rd class passengers between Carmarthen and New Milford.
I SOUTH WALES, MIDLANDS, &…
I SOUTH WALES, MIDLANDS, & iNOLIT11 EASTERN RAILWAYS. UP-THAINS. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. Ex. 1 2 3 Ex. 1, 2 1, 2 2 3 1,2 1, 2. Starting from 1, 2 class.1 1, x2 ? class. class. clasa. class. Mail. S. W. RAIL. a. m.la. ID.la. m. a. m. a. m. a. m. a. m. p. m New Millord 2 45) 8 15 2 26 11 0 10 40 4 26 Carm. June 3 -2? 6 15 9 55 5 59 12 50 12 24 559 Swansea 4 45? 7 25 1130 1050 70 29 20 7 0 Cardiff 6 3 i 9 56 12 49 1 17 8 49 4 36 4 6 849 Glo'ster 7 5o}l2 30 2 37 3 45 10 47 7 10 6 20 10 47 MIDLANDS,&cla. m.lp. m.ip. m.jp. m.'ll 5 p. m. p. m. p. m. Glo'ster d. do ?a, 0 pi 15 pi 32i 4 32!p, m. 7 55 7 56 11 & Bristol. arr 9 40 2 45l ? 5 351 53511220 9 40 9  46  11 2 2p  a. m. p. m. p. m.jp. m. p. m. ?p.m. Glo'ster d. up 8 20 12 55 3 20 4 44 8 17 6 50 Worcester arr 930 25 4 43 5 40 918 820 Birmingham 10 55 3 25 6 5 6 40 10 18 9 45 Derby 10 6 10 8 15 118 0510 5 l 11120 94 118 ?? 13 2345 4. Leeds 3 35 10 50 3 35 3 35. N. BASTERN. p. m | !p. in. a. in. a. m, Hull 7 0 I(, 32 4 32 N. EASTERN. IP.  ? I Ir. m.\ I 334 334l York 4 15 11 20 3 31 334. Newcastle. 745 .?.. 61 61 THIKD CLASS ARRANGEMENTS.—UP. 3rd cl. Passengers will be booked Through by the 2.4.5 a.m Express Train to all Stations North of Derby. 3rd cl. Passengers by the 6.15 a.m. Train will be booked 3rd class up to Derby and to Bristol. 3rd cl. Passengers by the 11.0 a.m. Train will be booked 3rd class to Bristol. 3rd el. Passengers by the 10.20 a.m. Train will be booked 3rd class up to Birmingham. DOWN. WEBK DAYS. 1 SUNDAYS. 12 3? 1, 2 1, 2 1, 2 12 1, 2 l? 1, 2 1, 2 Starting from class.: class, class/lass. ciass3. ? classy class. !class -I-¡- -1- N. EASTERN p. nt ja. m. p. m.?p. m. a. m. a. m.1 p. m.¡la. m' Noweastle..d. 7 8 115 115 5 15 8 20? 7 8? York. 938 2 10 2 10 9 45 11 45 9 38 Hull 821 840 10 401 8 21? MIDLANDS, &c p. m. a. m. Ip. m. a. m. Leeds 9 5o 30 ?. m. 12 30' 9 55! Derby 12 33 7 20 7 20 3 30nl2 33 Birmingham 2 45 7 5 10 0 9 55 5 lo? 2 45 6 45 Worcester. 3411 841 1 2.5 120 632 341 815 Glo'ster ..an 4 40[10 5 2 40 2 35 7 29?! 440 9 35 I ,n P- m.'p. m.ip. m.i a. m. Bristol ..de,PI" .30;U20!l30445G50,630 Bristol ..dep 10 4.5? 12 4.) 3 10 (; 25? Glo'ster ..arri j L.2' 12 4-ji 3 101 (; 25! 8 10? 8 10 a. in. a m S \V. KAIL. ?m; a. m !p. ni. p. m p. m. p. m. ?ar m. p. m. 1./t:.IJpla6 'i w!P-¡tfP¿åP 30 Pš ;la;-P3 ö1' SwansM 11 23 3 35j 4 151 8 25 ill 251 i 2 6 74 12 34i 5 20 5 181 940 I I 9 New Milford 2 lo 7 0 6 35| { || 19 1 0 THIRD CLASS ARRANGEMENTS.—DOWN. 3rd cl. pass. booked thro' by 7.5 a.m. train from Birming. 3rd cl. pass. booked thro' by 9.0 a.m. train from Bristol. 3rd cl. pass, booked thro' by 1.25 p.m. train from Bristol. 3rd cl. p ass. booked thro' by 7.20 a.m. train from Derby and stations North of Birmingham. 3rd cl. pass.booked thro' by 5.15 a.m. train from New- tj castle and all stations North of Derby. t
VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. ^I
VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. UP TRAINS 15. UP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. SUN  !l 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 3'1 2 31, 2 St,irting From ?Class Class Class ICI .Clos' uW' a s. ass ass¡ ass¡ SOUTH WALE? i'i- i on' Swansea .dep.; 7 25 2 9; 7 0: S5077 Neath arr.| 7 55 2 37 7 291 913 VALE OF NEATH. 745 Neath dep.' 8 30: 2 52 7 45 9 50 « 1? Aberdylais 835257 750?905? Resolven j 8 47 3 9 8 Oi 10 5 a Glyn-Neath 8 57 3 19 8 8 10 13 Hirwain .arr.j 9 17 3 39 8 2810 3,'j Hirwaind. for Aberdar 9 23 3 45 6 30?835?10 408 AberdareArnvaL. 9 3.5 3 67 6 45 8 45; 1 0 501 :.?, Hirwaind. forMerthri 9 20 3 42 8 31;l0 36i833 Llwydcoed I 9 27 3 49 8 3S,10 43? S31 I Abernant for Aberdare' 9 37 3 59 8 48 10 3 i S 0 I Merthyr Arrival 9 50i 4 12 ) 9 Oil 590 | DOWN TRAINS. j WEEKDAYS. SUNDA*3 !#b 3""f2"3.1 "23T2 3 1'2? }J,l 3 l2 -2 1 2 311 9- Startmg F„r' om ?lass Class Class Class?ia?jc? Starting From IClass Class Class Class! VALE OF NEATH. A.M. P.M. P.M. P.M. A.?? Merthyr dep. 8 55 1 50 6 0 8 lj> 2 j Abernant for Aberdarej 9 7 2 2 6 12 8 2/ 7 Llwydcoed 9 12 2 71 6 17 832 ?o?? Hirwam. arr.¡. 9 18 2 13 6 23 8 10 S3s? ^jj Aberdare Departure 9 0 1 55 6 5 8 23 3 3"? S Hirwain Arrival 9 13 2 8 6 18 8 ■>'( j,j I- i irwaiu Arrival 91328618 s-I ? Ifirwain dep. 921215625 84f,)l 6 Glyn-Neath 9 41 2 34 6 44 85963114 Resolven 9 511 2 43 6 53 | 9 8 Aberdylais. 10 5 2 55 7 5 i 9 20; J Neath arr. ,10 10 3 0 7 10 j 9 2^ SOUTH WALES.  Neath dep.ilO 47 3 8 7 50 j 9 451 „' Swansea arr.ill 23: 3 35 8 25 110 W
--__-_- - - -LLANELLY, LLANDILO,…
LLANELLY, LLANDILO, LLANDOVERY, MiV CWMAMMAN RAILWAY. „ 1,'2,'3- 1,2,3 1,'2,'3 -UP TRAINS. 1,2,31 js C1US G Class I Class Class <S'?<t'M? ¡; 1- P.M. 0 Llanelly (S. W. R. St) 9 0 12 0 5 10 Pr Dock 9 5 12 4 5 15 Bynea 9 15 12 12 5 25 to3 Llangennech. 9 20 12 18 5 30 ? Pontardulais 9 30 12 25 5 40 (2 I Pantyffynon 9 45 12 35 5 55 2$ I:JJ *Garnant..???-<M?920 5 30 j*" Cross Inn ?940 5 50 2 Cross Inn ar ro Iis 9 40 5 50 Garnant.. 10 10 6 20 Garnant.. 10 10 6 Llandebie 9 50 12 40 6 0 g Derwydd Road 9 55 12 45 6 5 !2: Fairfach 10 5 12 55 6 15 1"'3 Llandilo .10 10 1 0 6 20 S Glanrhyd. 10 20 1 10 G 30 d Hangadock. 10 25 1 15 6 42 p) L-,ttnpeter Road 120 650 0 Llan(lovery .I" 1 20 6 50 10 40 1 30 7 0  DowT r??. CLASF Class (Jla^ G -štarting jrom- A.M. ',M. Llaildover 8 50 2 40 6 40 J Lampeter Road 9 0 2 50 6 50 Liangadock 9 5 2 55 j 6 55 Glanrhyd 9 10 3 0 7 0 ¡p: Llandilo 9 20 3 10 7 I0 Fairfach 9 25 3 15 7 15 y* Derwydd ltoad 9 35 3 25 7 25 Ifl Llandebie 9 40 3 30 7 30 ? l'antyffynon 9 4,5 3 40 7 40 ? Garna.nt..??/'<M?'?920 7 10 Cross Inn" 9 40 7 30 'Ø Cross Inn arrival 9 50 7 15 8 Girnaiit.. 10 10 8 5 V, Pontardulais 10 0 3 50 7 55 g Llangennech 10 7 3 58 8 2 d Bynea :Ilo 15 4 5 8 8 ti Dock .1024 4 lo 8 16 0 Llanelly (S. W. K.St) 10 30 4 15 8 20 t<1.ken ??'? Garnant Passengers wlil be set down or t,tketl J Ge)lyce:drim or Cross Keya, if require The Trains will stop at Llangennech, ^erw^ 0 The Trains will stop at Hangennech, per%vy dd Glanrhyd by Signal only Passener$ wishin, 0 alig fit must give notice to the Guard at the next ta 0i the' intention. —
TAFF VALE RAILWA- j -. Irs-
TAFF VALE RAILWA- j Ir s UP TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. SVN/ '1 — J' ,,[•! Starti),Ig fr oin 21, 2, 3 1, 2, 3? I, Starting from 2> 31' a.m. P m P m a.JIl. "0 Cardiff Docks •• •• •• A 0 f 9 Cardiff i 9 30 3 0 6 30- » 9i Llandatf 9 39 3 19 9 17 Pentyrch 9 47 o 27 6 Taff's Well 9 52 3 32 6 53 9 22 Q 33 $ Treforest .10 3 3 4J 7 • g?4g Newbhdge 10 8 348 711 9?*? Aberdare J unction 10 19 3 59 7? g?2??? Quaker's Yard Junction 10 32 4 12 7 ?" ? 6 13 for N. A. & H. Railway. 10 13 5 O Troedyrhiew 10 43 4 23 7 48 Q IQ 13 \$ Merthyr 10 50i 430 7 55 10ob Merthyr 10 50 4 30 7 00 J??0???  9 so 0 AberdareJuncHon.l020 4 0 7? ?0? Mountain Ash 10 30 4 10 7 35 10 8 5 s Treaman  10 38 4 18 7 43 lo iJ Aberdare 10 42 422 7 47 10 125l? —  M 'l Mail' 1 'J, 3 1 DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. I —- „ M1\ 3 j L ,2, 3 Q Mail. 1 Mail 2, ■> It i Starti, ng fj, rom j 1, j 2) 3 1, 2, 3 i a.m. p.m. p.w- aA .tn. l" I lO \S I Quaker's Yard Junction 8 34 2 19 7 j Troedyrhiew .j 8 23 8 6 j 51 8 47 7 I*;  ? ? 247 7 31 S 513 i Tafl s W™ell j 913 258 7 42 j! S» i3 ^1 p»ty,h ji« 3 3 747 XgI?O Llandaff j 9 26 3H 7 56 10 21 3?0l Cardiff 935 320 8 5 1030 Cardiff Docks _?-.? — -r ^915113 Aberdare 8 20 2 5 6 4! y i9 .y Treaman  8 U 2 9 6 4o d37;:? Mountain Ash 8 32 2 17 6 53 9 21 4'31 1Aberdare Jtinet i o 842 227 7 6 9 37 le!? ————————.————————————-  ? li* ({.
! NEWPORT, ABERGAVENNY, &…
NEWPORT, ABERGAVENNY, & HEUHFOl? ? ? NEWPORT, ABERGAVENNY, & H DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYSJ !?? I DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. 3 ? carting'from?' ? ? ? ? 'p.j 1_311/ __a.ma.m. ?.m. p.m. ?.5 ? ? ??ry .??;;g???S.?'0 ? I LHe"omefionrsd ter d ^| 5 15 J a. a.m. p.. i 1' 5 g& ??r-?84?51??? ?d,? ?'? Leominster 5 1511 50 2 0 G 26 0 "3ti Hereford. dep S 45 12 25 3 15 7 15: 9 Q 6 -).0 Abergavenny 9 4.'> 1 13 4 151 8 30'10;' 1 "6 Usk .arr 10401 S 0 Monmouth .arr 11 20. i 15 16\ ,546 Monmouth .dep 820. 0.5 Ó Usk .dep 9 5 I 18j 9 •,nio3?77l!! 1 r Pontypool Road. arr 10 15 1 35! 4 18' 9 0 Ig 35 .)0 Pontypool Road. dep 9 40 2 5 4 231 1040 f;1 Pontypool 9 45 2 10 4 28 ? 7 46 9 55 2 2-i 4 40 11 5 1 CruFniin June. 10 5 2 3? 4 48 ? 1-!? Rhymney Junc 10 10 2 40 4 53 8 1^ Quaker's Yard 11 35 S 36 Quaker's Yard ?1050 3 20 6 2,5 ?iolt?<) Merthyr 10 50 3 20 5 25 ?.?' 7 g > .—"tT jo 7 SO Pontnewydd 9 50 4 28 s 36 10 4110. Newport, Mill -street ..io 1 5 438 8 46 060 FP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. ??J.?*? 'I  2 Starting from 123123123 p-1^ -1¡t.111¡,530 Newport, Mill-street .q l0 10 5 40 Pontnewydd 8 0 11 20 3 10 "g'Tfi 5 -5 640 9 lb 4 Merthyr 10 10 146 Ó 55 9 33 6.24 Quaker's Yard 10 40 o 2 3 « 6 15 L— Rhymney June. 10 67 2 35 -;7 5.0 -1-6 20 9 57 5  ?cg?unc '?' 11 2 2 ???10?? re egar unc 11 0' 6 jO 5 A\ 6 42 }J £ 5 & Pontypool 11 25 3 lg- Q 49,l0 6 Pontypool Road..arr ll32?2U g?!??? Pontypool Road,dep 8 10 11 37 7 35 0 ?  Usk arr J Jg, 8 2? 1* $0I Monmouth arr .J V 5 Z 0 Monmouth.. dep 8 20 2 ? ?O?6 ?.nO 6 Z5 Usk .dep 9 5 o o? 6 30 100 0 Abergavenny .Is 42 12 10 3 -? ,g'7 ? 230 -2 3 ? ?S ?? Hereford del) 9 40 240 a 15 8 20 1,'7 s0  40 ? ? 8 47 ? t  ) Lo(,rninster 10 25 32o 5 ?j,0S 471.? 40 9 s41 I Ludlow 10 55 345 6 1 4 9 5 Shrewsbury 12 20 455 710010 0 ",fVt.
Advertising
Cj)<' ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORD^g1 V1' BY THE FOLLOWING Dfac^<; LODON: Mr. White 33 Fleet-Street, ? 7? ?? LeadenhaU.street; ,V. 'DcwsoB and S,O]" 4, street; Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Flee ?t,Stt ,et, Messrs Hammond and Nephew, 27, Loll'b,,Ird'strccti where the Paper is filed. ???.?  ?*? 11 ;1f }';1I'15 bY Printed and Published in Lammas Street, in t he I i bbV St. Peter, in the County of the Boro g C3rrii]ID33, rt?C 11' ce the Proprietor, JOSEPH HEGiNBOTToM, [1 ,I 0 in Carmarthen aforesaid. FRIDAY, Oct. 25, 1861.