The Welshman

AUSTRIA: A SUPPOSED POLITICAL NECESSITY. There is scarcely any idea or axiom so rooted in the minds of statesmen and diplomatists—and through their means in the mind of the general European public—as that the existence of a powerful Empire like Austria, in her precise geographical position, is an absolute political necessity,—an indispensable security for the maintenance of peace and the balance of power among the rivals of the old world. The idea is not always very consistent with others, nor very well defined in itself, even in the minds j of those who assume it most readily and hold it most tenaciously still it remains a fundamental and principle article in the orthodox creed, and exercises, and has always exercised, a vast influence on the course of European policy, and has dictated more wars, alliances, and inter- mentions, than perhaps any other political principle or notion. Now we are not going to confute or ridicule this notion we will even concede at the outset that it' has at its root a large element of truth, though overlaid and confused with a perilous amount of error. We will at-once admit that a powerful State in the South of Central Europe was formerly much needed as a bulwark against Mussulman aggression, i and is still much needed to counterbalance Russian ambi- tion on the one side, and French restlessness on the other, and to prevent the further aggrandisement of two Empires already too mighty for the imperfect condition of their morals and their civilisation. We will not even trouble ourselves to inquire whether a smaller State, more easy to be welded into a great confederation like the German Empire, might not perform the necessary functions more effectually and economically than an anomalous and artifi- cial conglomerate like Austria. She exists there already, and we, therefore, accept her as the rpady-made solution of an admitted problem. We only ask our leaders to go along with us for a few moments while we look Austria's alleged political indispensability in the face, eliminate what is erroneous and clear up what is indefinite j and obscure in the idea, and inquire whether some material modification in her existence would not enable her to discharge more effectively than at present those special functions which constitute the avowed purpose, the "final cause," the real and sole justification of that existence. We admit, then, at once and unreservedly, the necessity of some Power of the first order, lying where Austria lies, to maintain the balance and the peace of Europe. But we deny that Austria, constituted as she now is, can satisfac- torily be this needed Power, or can effectually secure this balance or this peace. She is not what Europe wants, but might easily be made so. So far, therefore, from looking with alarm and disapproval on that modification of her political existence which seemf-imminent, we hold it to be manifest and indisputable that statesmen and diplo- matists should hail that modification with approval and with joy. For a nation to be an umpire among other nations,—for a State to be able to mediate between the contending ambitions, or control and repress the unwarrantable en- croachments, or appease the untimely and dangerous quarrels of other States-she must be able to wield and to summon forth all her resources, and to command the arms and affections of all her subjects. To be powerful abroad she must be united and beloved at home To be abte to steer an honest course and to maintain a distinctive and consistent line of policy, she must be under no necessity of temporising with this dependency, or employ- ing her strength in keeping down that province, or asking foreign aid to reduce to obedience that other rebellious kingdom. She must be always in a condition to execute her own deliberate will, unhampered by the dread of insurrection or the probability of bankruptcy. In a word, she must not merely be imposing from the extent and and magnitude of her dominions—she must be really mighty from their wealth, their union, and their available resources. Now, Austria is nothing of all this. She is an agglomeration of various races and of inharmonious pro- vinces—Tyrolese, Bohemians, Sclavonians, Gallicians, i Magyars, Croats, Styrians, and Lombards. She has ag- greg&ted all she has blended and assimilated none. She has the sincere affections of the Austrians Proper and the Tyrolese alone-possibly also of the Styrians; but the Bohemians and Sclavonians are still only half reconciled the Magyars are haughtily and resolutely antagonistic, the Croats alienated and resentful; while the Gallicians and Italians hate her with a hatred which has scarcely a parallel in modern history. Half her subjects are occupied in keeping down the other half Half her taxes are spent in levying the other half She has once been bankrupt; she is now so overrun with paper money and depreciated coin that bankruptcy is always imminent; and her commercial policy is so blind and so repressive that the industrial resources of her dominions are only partially and scantily developed. Her treasury is utterly unabie to meet the demands of a protracted war and of late years, in her distracted Empire, peace has been almost as belligerent and as costly as war. Finally, it is only ten years since she was obliged to have recourse to the armies of her most formidable rival in order to suppress a revolu- tion in the most warlike portion of her own dominions;- and it is not five years since sh e was obliged in the midst of a great European conflict to remain ignomini- ously neutral, because she dared not honestly embrace either side or ofiend any one of the oombatants;- and so ended in incurring the hatred and contempt of all. What, therefore, we affirm is simply this proposition —to our eyes a self-evident one :-that Austria would be immeasurable more powerful, more influential in Europe, more in a condition to perform her European function, If shorn of Lombardy and Venice and reconciled with Hungary, than she can ever be while pursuing the policy and weakened by the intestine struggles of the last ten years and that statesmen who value her influence and position, ought in consequence to wish for her discomfiture in the present contest. Lombardy is beyond question materially the richest--at least the most productive portion of her territory. But for a long series of years it has cost her far more than it has brought her. It has always been an enemy to be reckoned with—not a province to be counted upon. It has required a large and expensive army to keep it tranquil. It has compelled her to meddle at great cost and trouble in the affairs of all the other Italian States, in order to suppress disorders or liberal movements which would have spread to her own provinces. It has earned her the hostility of nearly all the Liberals of Europe, whose quiet but incessant and universal hatred is at least as injurious to her as the enmity of a distinct nation. And, to crown the whole, the cost which its detestation other rule has forced upon her, has induced if not obliged her so to harass and exhaust it by enormous imposts, that she has ended by reducing the most prosperous peasantry in Europe almost to destitution :and despair. All along, the possession of her Italian provinces by Austria has been a source of nominal grandeur but of real weakness no one, we believe can doubt that her debt would have been far less, her army far more reliable, and her character far higher, had she never been burdened with those fatal gifts. To relieve her of Lombardy and Venice, therefore, we repeat, will not be to deprive her of a Province but to disencumber her of an irreconcileable foe and in the interests of Europe-in the interests of Austria herself-it ought to be done nay, it ought to have been doiie-long since. Somewhat similar remarks may be made in reference to Hungary. The Hungarians are the most warlike portion of the Austrian subjects, and in former days were, next to the Tyrolese, the most loyal, zealous, and reliable. The perfidy of the Government, and the insane passion of the Austrian officials for centralisation and despotic rule, deprived this military people of their cherished constitution and their ancient civil rights, and thus converted them into discontented and hostile citizens. Much of the weak- ness and many of the defeats of the Austrian armies in the present war must be attributed t,) this cause. Whole corps of Hungarian troops would not have laid down their arms, as they have done, had they been in their hearts well affected to the Power under whose banners they were fighting. As long as Hungary is disaffected, Austria must be weak. But the old feeling of loyalty still smoulders in the bosom of the nation the wisest of their nobles and politicians are still of opinion that in a free and cordial union with the Empire of Austria lies the surest puospect for Hungarian independence and any disasters, however severe, which should induce the Viennese Government honestly to retrace its course and earnestly to seek to regain—and by fair dealing and liberal treatment to deserve —the affections of the Magyar nation and the Croatian tribes, would add vastly and immediately to the Imperial strength, and ought to be reckoned uot as calamities, but as blessings in disguise. Austria is now lying on her beam ends :—if she have the wisdom and the nerve to cut Italy adrift and to recal Hungary to her side, she may right herself in a month, may terminate the war—not indeed without humiliation but without enfeeblement, may recover the sympathies and good wishes of Europe, and in a year may be incalculably stronger, quieter, and richer than before. The most earnest endeavours of our statesmen should, therefore, be directed to urge upon her such a course as this,—a course which, independently of its immediate efiect8, would secure for her two vast results. It would again place her in harmony with English feeling it would enable England once more-and more enduringly and cordially than ever—to become her ally and co-operator in maintaining the peace of Europe and repressing undue and dangerous ambitions. And by leading-as we firmly trust it would lead-to the creation of a great Italian State, powerful and united enough to be a real influence in the Council of Nations, it would secure another and most etfeetive barrier against future disturbances of the peace of Kr.rope, and remove the chief impediments to the progress of order and civilisation. Austria should be told how, and how only, she can purchase English friendship and English aid.-Economist.

FRANCIS JOSEPH'S "URGENT PRIVATE AFFAIRS." the position of Austria has fearfully altered, even within the week. We understand the nature of the change when we observe that the Emperor has transferred his own headquarters from Cavriana to Vienna. In other words, j the dangers which the Emperor foresees are no longer limited to the front of his army, however extensive, but 1 menace the circumference of the Empire. Although these dangers are not at present approaching in the shape of imminent military aggression, they do encompass the whole of his territories and therefore is it that he has changed the centre of the defensive position of Austria from the banks of the Mincio to the capital of the whole Empire. To a certain extent the Quadrilateral Position, which has been regarded as the key of Northern Italy, has become the key of the Austrian. But instead of being used by Austria, it seems most likely, at no distant date, to be turned against her. It is now some weeks since we had an inkling, by a channel certainly trustworthy, of the mode in which the French would bring to bear the enorm- ous resources of siege operations developed by modern ingenuity, by the experiences of Sebastopol, and by the special predilections of the Emperor Napoleon but we did not think it desirable to assist the Austrians in their defence by giving the slightest hint, however imperfect, of the manner in which they were to be attacked. The Quadrature of Fortresses is powerful chiefly as a quadra- ture; break off one of its corners, or two, and its powers are diminished almost in the proportion of the unit to the square or the cube. The position was planned and con- structed before the experiences of Sebastopol; and it is possible that the enormous engineering forces, the novel applications,—the feu d'enfer," with special forms of attack at Peschiera, and at Mantua the feu d'enfer" above possibly with inconvenient retorts of the elaborate water defences, may compel the Austrians, like the Russians, to abandon those impregnable strongholds, and thus to let the French break off two corners of the Quadrature. We believe that it can be done, and we look with some confidence to the result of the process. At all events the Emperor Francis Joseph has not thought the Quadrilateral position imperially tenable, and he has found it expedient to take the master's eye home in order that it may direct the defensive operations of diplomacy and statesmanship. At Vienna, however, disappointment must have attended him quite as much as it has haunted his soldier's pillow while, day after day, night after night, he found the most powerful and best drilled army in the world unable to defend him from the ceaseless mortification of retreat. His diplo- matists and statesmen fail him not through their want of ability or devotion-for some of them share his most fire- eating appetites, and others have believed blindly in the perdurable ascendancy of Austria. Count Bernard de Rechberg unquestionably believed that Austrian dragoon- ing was all that was needed to complete the power of his master in Europe and Count Buol, in those conversations with Lord Cowley and Lord Augustus Loftus which we have already cited, showed his supreme contempt for any doubts that Austrian government in Italy could be changed, much less removed. These proud confidences have failed. The suggestions which have been sent from Austria, prompting Prussia to military modes of intervention, have not yet fructified, but on the contrary the budding appears to be already blighted. This discretion has no doubt been promoted by the emphatic declaration of Great Britain, that she will take no part in the contest, will lend her weight of resources to neither side. The late Government was compelled to make the same declaration but several of its members, from Lord Malmesbury to Sir John Pakington, mingled with their entreaty" for a quiet policy, expressions which implied doubts whether they would be able to persevere in their neutral policy, and assurances that in Congress Austria would not want the assistance of a 11 faithful ally,"—phrases which excited grave apprehensions as to the side on which this country might find itself engaged if the neutrality should be abandoned. We have corrected all that. Lord Palmer- ston and his most distinguished colleagues have allowed the world to see that their sympathies, so far as they enter. tain them personally, are rather with Italy than with Austria but this country stands pledged to maintain its neutrality in the present war. To localize the conflict is to preserve the blessings of peace for a larger proportion of the world, and also to preserve an open market for the commerce of this country. Accordingly Palmerston's Government has addressed advice to the Governments o Germany to abstain from taking part in the present con- flict It is most probably a consequence of this English view that Prussia appears to impose greater restraint upon her action. Little effect, therefore, has been produced by the special mission of Prince Paul Esterhazy. This must be fearful news in Vienna, and it was accompanied on its arrival at that capital by intelligence which gave, and acquired, a reciprocal importance from the conjunction. The opera- tions of the Allies appear to make the falling back upon the Tyrol an operation not facile, while the temper of the Tyrol itself would render the operation questionable in policy and other provinces of the empire are exciting un easiness. It has been observed that the Hungarians who arrive as prisoners in France are principally Honveds," that is, home defenders—the home reserve, men intended to keep peace in Hungary itself. Thus, even in war time, Austria has so far mistrusted that domestic defence that she has thought it expedient to expatriate the men. Heretofore she has counted upon something more than positive support from Germany; but the impatient pretension of Saxony to answer the warning of Prince Gortschakoff against any excess of federal powers and rights, is a sad substitute for the action anticipated from the whole Federation with Prussia at its head. While the contest is thus working out its own termina- tion, while Prussia and the German Governments are checked in their one-sided and untimeous projects of mediation, it is altogether premature to discuss any such question as plans of settlement for Italy. The circular of Count Cavour, however, shows that the ultimate settle- ment is to be referred to the powers of Europe, as from the first the Sardinian statesman intended. At present we have another work on hand. One thing at a time. Let us get the Austrians out of Italy, and then let us deliberate what to do with Italy and her provinces. The passive sub- mission of Naples shows how the united feeling of the in- fluential classes has begun to affect even the most Southern extremity of the Peninsula; and the policy of restricting the war to the ground of quarrel is already beginning to have its first beneficial effect, by expediting the return of peace, while protecting the highways of the world from assault and interruption.- Spectator.

THE BOARD OF TRADE RETURNS. In our usual monthly supplement will be found the iBoard of Trade Returns for the five months ending with May 31. It will be seen that though the amount of our exports for May is rather larger than for the same month last year (the year of crisis), it falls below that for May 1857, by nearly £ 900,000. For May, 1857, the exports were valued at Lll,382,204 for May, 1858, at £ 10,264,648; for May, 1859, at £ 10,485,744. The decrease on the month's exports as compared with those of the year before last ii, however, much more than balanced by the increase on the other four months as compared with the same year. The returns for the five months are for 1857, £ 50,195,541; for 1858, E43,226,371 for 1859, 1:52,337,268,-sho wing an increase of E9,110,897 on last year, and E2,137,727 on the same five months in the year before last. The tendency to fall off shown by the exports for the month may no doubt be ascribed to the general depression of trade due to the breaking out of war. Our exports to Australia have been less in value than in 1857 during the whole of the year; but the decline in our export trade which is specially notable in the last month mainly con. cerns our trade to the Hanse Towns and Holland, which, in common with Germany, have probably been depressed by the prospects of war. It will be observed that while in April the Hanse Towns and Holland had to pay us a con- siderable balance in precious metals, we have during May sent thither a very large balance in those metals—which renders it pretty evident that the monetary depression in those markets has been accompanied by the necessity for curtailing the consumption of foreign manufactures. The export of cotton manufactures to British India for the month of May is not quite so large as for the same month in last year; but for the the months it shows an increase of more than a million sterling over the same period of last year, and more than two millions sterling over the same period of 1857. In fact, it has increased nearly 90 per cent. in the two years and that of the same manufac- tures to China and Hong Kong has increased proportion- ally. In the first five months of 1857 the declared value of cotton manufactures exported to China and Hong Kong was E389,437, a minimum amount due to the Chinese war in 1858, E748,591 in 1859, £ 1,086,182; being now equal in value to the exports of the same fabrics to Turkey, and two-thirds of those to the United States. Indeed China and Hong Kong would now stand third on the list of the foreign markets for our cotton manufactures,— British India ranking much the first in importance, then the United States, which take less than half the value of the cotton goods exported to India, then China and Hong Kong, next Turkey, and last among the larger markets for this class of goods, Brazil, Even in the month of May alone, as compared with 1857 and 1858, the increase of cotton exports to China and Hong Kong is very large. In May, 1857, depressed by the Chinese war, our exports had fallen to E81,070, but in 1858, which was a favourable year as compared with other years, they were valued at E219,885, while this year the month's exports are nearly double, namely, £ 428,019. There is nothing specially remarkable about our other exports, except a general ten- dency during the month to decline. The declared value of our imports is giren only for the four months ending with the end of April. It shows a decline for the month of April, even as compared with the same month in 1858. For April, 1857, the imports are valued at E 14,449,629 for April, 1858, at £ 12,524,658; and for last April, £ 10,146,541. This is in great part owing to the small quantity of cotton received in April last, and the considerable diminution in the import of sugar for the month. The value of the imports for four months is E40,874,798 in 1857, E30,647,701 for the same period of last year, and £ 33,544,934 for the same period this year. The tendency, therefore, was to a recovery as compared with last year, but the import trade of the pre. vious year has not yet recovered itself. We may notice that the recipts of cotton for May were small, those of corn and tea large, while of wool, again, the imports are smaller.—Economist.

MR. COBDEN. Few travellers have returned home to receive so singular and so brilliant a welcome as Mr. Cobden. Going abroad to seek some relaxation from the ennui of repose after overwork witb the interruption of private sorrows, Mr. Cobden was pursued by the spontaneous election of his constituents, and he retmaed MBMWhat more burfio4J1 to fulfil his duties in the House of Commons. Before he can land, dizzy with the tossing of the ocean, he receives a re- quest from the Prime Minister that he will take a seat in the Queen's Cabinet, backed by the recommendation of his own constituents and of the Liverpool Free-traders. Mr. Cobden's speech seems likely to mark the com- mencement of a second career, as brilliant, and let us hope as successful, as the first. It has already the presage of such brilliancy and success. Although he was still suffer- ing from the effects of the voyage, he has seldom spoken with such unadorned eloquence." Even the brief touches at the current topics of the day, and some not so generally remembered, indicate his extended usefulness in Parlia- ment. Mr. Cobden is no upholder of despotism, yet he usefully reminds some of his hearers that if the Italians are looking for assistance from France, they may remember that the constitutional people of the United States derived help from Louis the Sixteenth, who was quite as despotic a sovereign as Napoleon." He was, indeed, beyond all compare a more despotic sovereign, in a country trained to submission; yet the Americans have established a per- manent constitution and unprecedented political freedom by the help of that foreign power. With regard to another fact, which may be important, and is always interesting, Mr. Cobden coufirms us in the opinion which we have held, on positive knowledge, that in the event of any danger to this country, nothing could prevent the great bulk of the population in the United States hurrying to the rescue of the old mother-country." As Mr. Cobden says, we are not likely to need. that help but we do, thank God need the help of Americans in things which are much more likely, and much more de- sirable we need their help in working to increase the wealth and moral welfare of both countries, and a thorough understanding of head and heart is most conducive to that great labour. We have long desired to see in Parliament a man who could promote that understanding. We have already mentioned the touching attentions" to which he alludes, in his reception in the United States. Now who is Richard Cobden ? how was he known ? He was known to the Americans, not less than to England and to Europe, as the triumphant representative of free trade. Our countrymen have too obstinately persisted in regarding the Americans as protectionists, because partial circumstances and combinations have induced American Ministries to draw a large portion of their revenues from the customs. Mr. Cobden, then, is a living witness, that, rightly represented, free trade finds in America no un- genial welcome.-Spectator.

MR. DISRAELI. The career of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer," said one of Mr. Disraeli's political friends soon after his comparative failure as a Minister in 1852, is not closed we believe its brightest portion is in the future. We haTe invariably observed that whenever Mr. Disraeli has re- ceived a check, it has always been the herald of a great advance and that when the world has believed him beaten, he has always been on the eve of his greatest victories Read by the light of recent events, this was undoutedly a remarkable prophecy. Mr. Disraeli has never held a position so eminent as that which he now holds. He was the life and soul of the late Administra- tion. Without him it could not have lasted a single week He has resigned without accepting any reward. Lord Derby has taken the blue ribbon. Lord Malmesbury and Sir John Pakington have had the Order of the Bath. Mr. Disraeli, who was far more essential to the Government than either of them,—whose management of the House of Commons won him on this occasion universal admiration, whose recent speeches have scarcely been rivalled for in- sight, point, and individual character, by any statesman of our day,—has retired with a dignity that will deservedly increase his influence in entering on the leadership of the powerful Conservative Opposition. It is not, therefore, an inappropriate time to make a few remarks on his general capacity and character as a statesman. He has proved, in the last year, that his great abilities are matured, and his character weighed, by experience. He has shown that he can do, what in 1852 at least he had not yet learned to do,—lead with dignity, and fail with dignity after personal exertions, whioh, so far as their intellectual character is concerned, might well have earned ample success. What are the principal characteristics of his strange and brilliant career ? Mr. Disraeli is chiefly remarkable for the unusual com- bination which his mind presents of individual tenacity of purpose, with a flexibility and pliancy of intellect rarely found in men of so much audacity and strength. There never was a statesman of eminence who, when he entered on public life, was so strangely in need of the less8ns of experience; there never was one who was so apt a learner; there never was one who was more resolute to turn that ready faculty to the best account. From the day of his maiden speech, now more than twenty-one years ago, when he appealed in vain to the House of Commons for a cheer, and sat down with the warning, "I am not at all surprised at the reception I have experienced. I have began several times several things, and I have often succeeded at last. I will sit down now, but the time will come when you will listen to me," up to the day when, amid the breathless attention of the House, he delivered his gallant, eloquent, and adroit defence of the late Government, Mr. Disraili has never quailed beneath the difficulties of his arduous career, and never failed in that self-possession whioh knows husv iu lam o. i or, on; false step into the materials of a future success. Beginning without rank, without connection, without wealth,—with every difficulty in his path which the prejudices of race could conjure up, —without entering in the convictions or understanding the political traditions either of the party he was to defend or of the party he was to assail,—wholly destitute of the kind of practical sagacity which most easily inspires Englishmen with confidence,-witb an ill-regulated literary ambition and a false melodramatic taste that were well calculated to increase tenfold the existing prejudices against him, it is difficult to conceive a greater marvel than the brilliant success which Mr. Disraeli has achieved, singlehanded, in a sphere of life usually thought singularly exclusive and inaccessible to unassisted ad venturers. The success of this great party-leader, is, we believe, traceable to two principal gifts—a very sensitive and impressible, but extremely unoriginal imagination, and a dexterity seldom equalled in working up all the impres- sions he receives into materials for personal attacks. Had Mr. Disraeli been a man of deeper and more original imagination than he is, he could not have surrendered as he has done, at every crisis in his career, to the ascendant influence of the hour. He has never had a political faith, —he probably does not know what it means. No man has invented so many political theories. No living poli- tician's fancy has been half so prolific of suggestions for new bases of political creed. No statesman has ever been so viewy." But notwithstanding all his strictures on Sir Robert Peel for want of originality and imagination, there probably never was a statesman so unoriginal as himself. His efforts at originality,—whether political or literary,—have ever been of that excessively theatrical kind which seem, as it were, to be always gasping for breath and he is never successful except when he desists from such efforts, and simply adopts or delineates what he sees in the actual life around him. Whether as a novelist or as a statesman, his efforts at original construction have always been rhapsodical. Those who knew his early fic- tions and Coningsby well, recognised last session, in India Bill No. 2, unmistakeable traces of the same mind. The same unsound imagination which filled Mr. Disraeli's novels with the most flimsy and eccentric theories of history, society, and political organisation,—which invented the Venetian-Doge theory of the English Constitution, —the doctrine of the absolute ascendancy of the Cauca- siall" race,—the gospel of "Young England, the historical hypothesis that Charles the First was a martyr to the principle of direct taxation,—the identity of Tory principles with those of Free Trade,—the theory that the tendency of civilisation is to pure monarchy, that an educated nation recoils from the imperfect vicariat of what it calls a representative Government," and a thou- sand others,—has been equally visible whenever Mr. Disraeli has attempted to win the admiration of the House of Commons by any proposition of a directly constructive nature. No politician has ever shown, in the bad sense of the word, so romantic a political imagination, in other words, a fancy so little imbued with the laws of real life, so ready to revolt against those laws, and put feeble ideali- ties in their place. His ideal measures, like his ideal heroes, have always seemed the inventions of a mind on the rack to produce something grand or startling, instead of something true and life-like there is no trace in them of the genius which breathes in his criticisms of actual measures, and his delineations of actual men. Nothing has really impeded his progress more than his efforts after originality. His mind was made to receive impressions and to interpret the tendencies of others When he has limited himself to this he has been marvellously successful. When he has striven to engrave something new upon his ¡' age, he has fallen far below the standard of even average English sense. On the other hand, if there have been no statesmen of eminence so devoid of constructive gcnuis as Mr. Disraeli -if, even, he has fallen far below his great adversary Sir Robert Peel in his attempt to create, simply because he has been possessed with the desire to astonish, instead of with the desire to interpret, his age,-there has seldom been a statesman with so great a power for understanding and dilineating all that comes within the actual range of his experience, and turning it into a weapon of the most formidable efficiency. Mr. Disraeli has made himself a power in the House of Commons exactly by this art. Whenever he has lost way, it has been by attempts at original statesmanship; but when he has confined his efforts to showing how well he understands both the weak and strong points of those around him, he has been terri- ble and quite unsurpassed. Whether in fiction or in debate there are few who have drawn so many true and subtle sketches of those whom they have actually seen and known. His power seems limited to direct experience. He has no insight into past history,—no power of giving or restoring life to characters with which he has not come into personal contact. But he is an absolute master of personalities of all kinds, whether purely critical, flat- tering, or caustic; and it is by the unsparing use of this formidable literary weapon that, in spite of all blunders, he has won his way to the eminence on which he now stands. He has said, in one of his works, no- thing is great but the personal," and for him, at least, it has been so. He has adopted the opinions of parties as he would adopt a national custome. Toty," 11 Radi- cal," Tory-Radical," Free-trader," Protectionist," Conservative," Reformer," no creed has come amiss to him, and amidst them all he has maintained the earn e clear eye for the personal qualities of those around him, aud the same determined will to use them for individual or party ends. In short, Mr. Disraeli owes his great success to his very unusual capacity for applying a literary genuis, in itself limited, to the practical purposes of public life. Had his genius been really deeper than it is, it would have absorbed him, and he would have devoted his life to the exercise of an imagination which, as it is, he has princi- pally valued as a formidable political weapon. While his combative instinct has been strong, and so determined him to seek a fair field for its practical satisfaction, his literary insight has been only of that depth which irritates and fires the intellect without nbsorbing it. It has not been deep enough to engross his powers it has been quite deep enough to give the sense of power. He forms in this respect, a remarkable contrast to Sir E. n. Lytton, who, with probably greater literary genius, has nothing like the same power of wielding it as a practical instrument,-the same art of turning his literacy plough- shares and pruning hooks into swords and spears. Indeed practical politics is not an attractive field for men who care to delineate life more than they care to influence it. Statesmen must usually be occupied more with measures, social tendencies, public wants, national convictions than with the niceties of individual character. Mr. Disraeli is just enough of a literary man to indicate clearly in all his speeches that these things do not seriously occupy him,— that he compels himself to use them as instruments for ends which interest him far more deeply. When we read his speeches we feel, by a kind of instinct, that there is no- thing very real or very deep,—nothing which seems to him of essential importance,—as long as he stays in the field of dry argument and exposition. But when we come to the personal phrases of the question, all is changed and living. The telling epithets, the graphic hints, the signs of living insight, are all reserved for those passages in which he addresses himself not to measures but to men, in which he throws off a happy picture of a statesman's career, or delineates with life like touches the demeanour of the House of Commons. He has nothing of the statesman's po"er of imaging forth the actual effect and operation of the measures he advocates,—nothing of the statesman's power of penetrating to the heart of a deep national conviction. When he attempts these things, he is apt to produce some romantic failure that brings scorn upon himself; but, though aimost all his power is limited to the use of a keen and delicate weapon very susceptible of abuse, he has at least recently shown that the responsi- bility of a high position can make him generous and dignified,—with here and there even a certain touch of chivalry,-in the wielding of a talent so individual and so pungent as his own.—Economist.

BETHELL'S WORD OF HOPE. Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir Richard Bethell have fully < answered to our expectations. On the first working night of the session this week, Sir Fitzroy again laid his views on Statute Law Consolidation before the House of Com- mons and with a reiteration animated by his earnest devotion to the subject, he pointed out the necessity and advantage of the measure. We have the statutes at large in forty volumes of that heterogeneous masf., the living statutes, those which are not obsolete and repealed would fill just four volumes. We have frequently expressed the opinion that before there can be any general amendment of our statute law it must be brought together in order to ascertain what it is-every measure of amendment only increasing the certainty that the laws which remain on the statute book shall confuse, nullify, and pervert each other. It is obvious that Mr. Whiteside's proposals to amend, and also to consolidate the English with the Irish law, aie measures ulterior to simple consolidation. But there is great force in an objection made by the Attorney-General. It is true as Sir Fitzroy Kelly says, and as any man of sense must allow, that to submit con- solidating bills to the House of Commons in Committee would open a discussion that could not conclude within the existence of any living member. The work, therefore, must be performed by a limited number of men especially entrusted with it but, as Sir Richard Bethell says, hoiv can we repose such a trust in any ordinary irresponsible I Commission ? It amounts to delegating the power of Parliament to the Commission for a worji which involves the wholesale repeal of our criminal law, and the whole sale enactment of a new criminal law. Of course this is a trust that could only be reposed in a public department, aId the Attorney-General pointed to the proper body for receiving such a trust-a I)cl)zkrtiiient of J ustiec. It is that department which, as the Globe remarks, would rescue Law Reform from being what it now is, every- body's business." Under such a department, the Statute Law might be at once u,)[) solid a ted-ay in the session of 1860. It might then be amended ill dutail, on occasion arising and at the end of the decade the Statute Laws might be reedited, the amendment acts of the decade being incorporated in the new edition; a process to be repealed every decade.— Spectator.

SWISS DISHONOUR.—MERCENARY ED fCllERS. The Swiss, who used to be the srlory, have now bEW""> the opprobrium of I.. we middle ages they earned the admiration and (.steern of the world by the gallant and determined courage with which they cunqtiereu and defended their own liberties in rcceut times they have earned universal loathing and contempt by the mean and mercenary readiness with which they have sold them- selves to foreign tyrants, and suffered themselves to be used (by those who cannot fight themselves) to suppress the efforts of outraged races who are struggling for life and freedom. It seems that the wretched people of Perugia, Encouraged by tidings from the north, rose in rebellion, raised the tricoloured flag, and endeavoured to inaugurate a bold movement in favour of Roman emancipation. The Papal police and Papal troops were as powerless and useless as they ever are but the Pope's Swiss guards were sent against the insurgents, and, of course, quelled the movement and, it is said, butchered their antagonists with savage ferocity. This may or may not be true: the mode and spirit in which the deed was done we have no concern with :—the deed itself—the fighting for money by freemen against men who are striving to be free—is the crime, the anomaly, and the shame. We had hoped that an outrage like this had been im- possible in these days, and that the Swiss Government, would have interfered to forbid it. If foreign Princes who cannot trust the fidelity or the courage of thpir own troops, wish for brave body-guards and seek for them among the republics of Helvetia, let it be clearly under. stood that they are to act only in defence of their pay- mas'er's persons, and not in support of their cowardly, cruel, and decrepit despotisms. When the Swiss guards in 1790 fell to a man on the threshold of the palace of Louis XVI., defending him and his family against a ferocious mob, all free and brave men honoured their memory and appreciated their devotion. Whrn some thing of the same sort happened in the case of Charles X we regretted that so much courage and fidelity should have been enlisted in a bad cause but still it was easy to distinguish between the body-guards of a Sovereign who merely protected him from outrage, and mercenary troops who voluntarily made themselves the instruments of mis- government and the brutal sbirri ol a tyrant. But when we found, in the movements which took place in Italy from 1821 to 1848, that the Swiss Guards were, time after time, the sole saviours of the wretched Sovereigns of Naples and Rome, the tools with which they butchered ther subjects, and the instruments by which alone they upheld their manifold Oppressions, -all Europe cried shame on the enormity, and the cry pene- trated even into Switzerland itself. The Diet, wr believe, then declared that their citizens should only ifght against external enemies, not against insurgent subjects; and if we remember rightly, at the same time, or shortly after, issued a decree forbidding the Swiss to entrr into foreign service without special permission. But this decree has never been enforced; Switzerland is small; its resources aie scanty and its people are compelled to wander forth in search of lucrative adventures, mercantile, industrial, and military. The Neapolitan and the Roman Court, needing them greatly, pay them high and republican principles and liberal sympathies are not proof against the golden lure. But, to say the least, it is unfortunate and discreditable that the worst Princes in Europe should be those who most exclusively depend for their power of cruelty and wrong on foreign mercenaries,—and that Switzerland, the Land of Liberty par excellence, should be the land to furnish, most readily and abundantly, thi se despicable tools of crime. It is time that this iniquity should cease. It is time for Europe to express loudly its sentiments of execration at once on the Princes who employ foreign mercenaries to trample down their own subjects, and on the nation which sends forth its sons to commit murder and to crush free- dom at bidding and for hire. It is painful to us to speak thus strongly of a people whom in many respects we esteem and value as we do the Swiss but it is well that they should be made aware that even friends regard their crime as one of the darkest and deepest dye. The countrymen of William Tell have stooped to become the hired bravocs of Pio Nouo and Ferdinand of Naples — Economist.

IMPORTANCE OF PRESERVING THE CREST IN A HEAL- THY CONDITIO*.—A celebrated German physiologist has described the chest as the principal Entrance-hall of Death." The history of mankind demonstrates the cor. rectness of his figurative expression, for consumption, the most fatal of all diseases, has decimated the human race in all ages aud in all climes. Modern science has been pro- lific in suggesting various remedies to check the ravages of this insidious disease. None, however, were found real- ly efficacious until the German Faculty adopted the use of that celebrated extract, prepared from the liver of a pecu- lar species of codfish under the skilful directione of Dr. de Jongh, a renownedEuropean chemist and distinguished phy- sician. The fame of this new remedy travelled to this coun- try, and the truly marvellous results which have followed the administration of Dr. de Jongh's Light-Brown Cod Liver Oil in thousands of cases of diseases of the chest have satisfied the most eminent Uritish medical practitioners, and all unprejudiced persons, that the Continental Faculty have justly appreciated the scientific labours of Dr. de Jongh, and correctly asserted that the therapeutic powers of his Light-Brown Cod Liver Oil in the treatment of consumption are unrivalled and totally distinct from those of any other kind. As the learned phy- sician, Dr. Suerman, observes, This Oil is the very best means by which we can restore those who uufortunatly suf- fer from tubercular consumption."

RAILWAY TIME TABLE, 1 FOR JULY, 1859. SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. I The Mail Trains run the same on Sundays as week dals. DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. atMtingrr&. ?'rr?i 2 3 2,1 2 3 1 &TExp Iclass. class 1 &2 from class !cIas3C)a.ss? ctass! Exp.ldass. class 1&2 I p. m lp. m.i a.m. a.m.1 a.m. I a.m. a.m. p.m. Paddington.. 8.10: 2.0 ? 6.0 9.30! 7.15 10.30; 4.50 Riding 1 9.15 3.0 7.15 10.201 9.10 11.45?? 5.40 Swindon ..?10.35 4.1°1 9.5 11.201,12.0 1.15, 6.40 Swindon ..d611O.4714.30, i 9.20 11.35 i 1.35j 6.55 Glo'stcr ..«y 12.15 6.10 ?11.0 12.55 3.1J 8.10 -1- -1- -1 1,2 1,2'1,2' 1, 2 1, 2 p. m.la. m. p. m. a. in. 'a. m'l D?by 4.10 3 30 12.23, 7.0 ,'10.35 1.,I\('1'poo1,13.40111iJI0.25.. 4.5 10.30 Manchester.. 4.1511.1511.0 j 4.24 10.45 1, 2 la. m. 1, 2 1, 2 1, 2 1, 2 MIDLAND Ry. p. m. 1, 2 a. mja, m. a. m.? p. m. Birmin?. dep. 7.10 4.25 2.40 7.5 110.5 1.15 Worcester de. 8.481 ¡j.KI 3 36 8.40 11.25! j 2.35 Dmto1 dep. 12.45 4.15 8.10 11 15 1.15 ( up. 2.0 5.55 9.15 12.55 12.5.. I Glos. ar. do. 10.15 6.25 4.35 10.5 12.40 j 3?4?5 Mail 1 & 2 '1,2,3 1:20 Glo'ster _I-=:I 6.40 6.45?11.10 :5J: 8.20 llK&G,RY.\ I Rereford..de. 5.10? 11.0 1.20 7.0 Itoss 5.40 11.30 1.5o ? 7.0 Rosa 5.40 11.30 1.50 7.30 Grange Ct. J. 6 10 i 12.0 2.20 8.0 GrangeCt.de' 70 7.5 ill.30 1.20? 3.43 8.35 Newnham,1 2.38 7.8 7.1711.40 1 3.52 Gittcombe 7.18 7.27 11.50 4.5 Lydney 1,2 56 7.26! 7.37H.58 4,13 8.50 Chepstow ,i 3.12 7.47\ 7.55?2.17 1.50 \4.34\ 9.5 Portskewet J 7.57 8.7 '1'27 4.54 Magor 8.7 18.1i12.;)7' 5.4.. -N ev I)ort a i- Newport ..ar S.35;12.55 2.15? i j 5.20 N&?port ..?e, 3.40 8.27 8.40. 1.0 2.25 5.25 9.30 8.40 1.0 2 25 5.35  o Marshiietd .J 8.37 8.49, 1.10 5.35 Cardiff  j 4.4 8.55? 9.5 1.25 2.41 5.5? 9.50 Ely '——- 9.10 1.30 [ 5.58 Ely 19 9: 51 1. 3,? 6.3 St. Fagans "i I.. 9.15 1.35 I 6.3 Pcterston 9.22 1.42 6.10 Llalltrissant..j 4.27\ 9:?24? 1:'54 6.20 Pencocd 9.52 2.12 6.38 Eridgend 1 02 3.10 6.53 10.20 I Pyle 10.15 2.37 7.6 Port Talbot.. 5.12 _110.29 2.51 3.28 7.21 10.38 Briton Ferry 10.37 2.59 7.30 Neath .ar\ 5.23 10.44 3.4 3.36 7.36 10.46 Ditto del 5.25 10.47 3.8 3.40! 7.0 10.48 Llansamlet ..j ,n.l 3.18 7.52 Landore .1 111.13 3.26 4.0 8.3 11.8 Swansea ,.ar\ 5.50 111.23| 3.35 4.10 8.15 11.15_, a.m. 1,2,3 Ditto de 5.55 8.0 111.0 4.0 3.50 "7.55 11.0 Landore 8.10 11.18 4.10 4.3 8.8 11.10 Go?er 1,d, ..1 8.22 11.33 4.30 828 Loughor 8.27 11.39 4.35 8.33 LlnneUy 6.25 8.37 11.48 4.45 4.30' 8.4311.37 Pcmbrey 8.4511.58 4.53 8.53 Kiùwe!ly 6.45 8.57 12.7 5.3 9.5 Ferryside 6.58 9.7 12.19 5.13 5.0 j 9.15 Carmarthen 7.15 9.20 12.34 5.27 5.15! 9.3012.7 St. Clears. 7.28? 12.50 545 WhiUand. 7.40 ? 1.G16.0 NarbcrthRd. 7.55 ? 1.21 6.15 5.50 Clarb. Rd. 8.15 1.35 6.35 Haverfordwest 8.30 ? 1.46 6.50 6.10 1.7 Johnston (for ? Miiford) 8.4.5? 2.2 7.5 6.20i Key land (for ') r. ,) Pater 18.55!/ 2.15 7.15 6,30? 1.22 The Waterford Steamers leave Neyland for Waterford at 8.0 p.m., on the arrival of the 6.0 a.m. Third Class and the 9.30 a.m. Express. The 6.0 a.m. train from Paddington is 1st, 2nd, and 3rd cto S.W.R. only and Ireland. UP TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. UP TltAINS. WEEK .DAYS. Starting | Iris 1.1 1,2,3 Exp. 1,2,3 I & 2 1,2, 3; Maii 1,2,3 from Exp. class I & "1 class class class] 1 & 2!clas? -ïL  -I- (a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. p.m a.m. p.m. p.in Noyland 2.45 9.10 7.40 21 4.7 Johnston. 9.25' 7.5,?n 12 :15? ?:2211 Uavcrfordwcsti 9.35 8.5 II 112.25, 4.32\Îl Chub. Rd 8.17 ? 12.404.47? N.?berthRd. 9.55 8.30 ] 12,58 5.2 :M Wliit.laii(i 8:40 l 1.10 5.17 o St. Clears •• 8.53 if 1.236.29 ? U?nnathcn..1 5 26.15 iU.25 9.1;)ll11.451 5.52 8.15 ,side 6.3010.37 9.30 2. 2.0 6.5 8.28 Kidwelly 6.40 •• 9.42j S 2.12 0.20 8.38 Pembrey 6.50 •• 9,51 2.25 8.50 L!anelly 7.2 11.0 10.5 ° 2,36 6.40 9.0 Loughor. 7.10 10.14 g2 2.45 9.9 1J .3 1-: 1 ? lO.iiO £ 1 Z.OU Landorc 4.52 7.3511.25?0.42 S ?' 7 ? 9.34 Swansea ,,ar 5.0 7.1511.3510,50 J? ..)' 7 .l 9,3 Ditto.?4.4.5 7.25 11.18 10.35 3.7 7.15 Landore 4.55 7.40 11.28 10.47j 3.17 L1ansamlet 7.50 10.55 3.27 Neth .r? 7.55111.43111.31 3.37 7.31 Ditto.? 8-0 U.45 11.5 3.41 7.33 Briton Ferry I.. 8.8 11.11 3.48 Port T,?lbot. 8.21¡l1,56111.HII 3.56 7.45 Pyle 'I 8.40 11.34 4.11 Pyle ?. o2 9.0 12.18 11.49 4.24 8 8 brid?nd.L5.28 9.0 12.18 11.49 4.24 8.8 Peneoed .I.. 9-9 11.57 4.351 Llantrissant 9.'? 12.17 4.51 8.27 ?t. Fagans 9.42 12.32 ? 5.10 1&2 Ely .1 9.49 12.38 5.1- p. m. Cardiff 6.3 9.56 12.49 1.0 5.24 8.48 4 15 Marshneld 10.8 1.13 S 5.36 4 27 Kcwport ..ar 6.28 10.23 1.10 1.28 ? 5.52 ?42 Newport ..? 6.33 10.30 1 20 1.33 I 0 5.57 9.15 447 M?or. 10.46 1.53 b 6.17 5 10 Portskewet 10.56 ). 6 6.27 5 20 Chepstow. 6.58 11.9 1,161 2.241 ? 6.39 9.45 5 30 NVoolaston 1 11.21! ?2.34 M 6.49 5 40 Lidney 7.13 11.29 2.46i 6.57 10.0 548 N ewnham ..1 7:28 11.501 3.5 g- 7.20 10.20 68 Grange Crt. ar 7 36?12.2 2.15? 3.18 3 j 7 28 6 16 'H.R.&Oy o Grange Ct. de ¡ 9.1512.101 3.45 3.45 ? 840 Ross. 9.4512.404254.25 ? 95 11(reford..arr ?10 15? 1.15, 5 0 5.0 I 19 361. ? lo'ter. ar; 7.55\12.30: 2,3713.43 ) ? 7.48 10.47 1 640 ~rTT2"I7T| 1, 2 1, 2 = I 1, 2 1, 2 MIDLAND RY. a. m. p..p m. p. m. g a. m. p. m. UP- 9.25 1.0 3.5 415 ? 8 22 ?"?? -?, I do. 109..220 5 ? 12.50 6.35 3 55; § 11 5 7 55 Bristol .a,112 2.20 7. 53?:) "11220194 Worcester arr 10.2?! 2.11 4.25 5 ll? ? II. 9 27 I B¡rmmll.aJr 1130 33;; 5,45 6 5 | .?1030 1, 2 1,2?1,? 121jQ.1 1, 2. I' 0 p. m. p. m.]a. m. p. m. ? [a- m LiYcrpoot. 40' 8 2q!10 30110 3°1 I. I 3 5 Manchester 2 0 7 45 10 10?10 10 2 45 Derby 1 10 6 ? 7 40? 7 40? 112 44 I& 2 I- Ctoster ..? 8.0 12.40 2,42?i 3.55, 1112.40 Swindon-.n) 9.1?2.20 4.0 ] 5.35; 2.10 1 & 2 1,2,3 Swindon ..de 9.25 2.40 4.151 1 5.51 3.0 2.25 Read l,9:10.23 4.0 7.451 6.0 3.35 Paddington.. 11.10 5.0 6.0 9.151 80 445 I J SUNDAYS, DOWN TRAINS. SUNDAYS.i UP TRAINS. StartgTfrom 1:2,3^1,2,3 1,2,3 Startg. from] 1,2^]'1^3 a.m..an i ? a.in p. m.ja. m. p m. paddngton 8.0 | Neyland | 9.40 Iedmg 9.40] Johnston 9.55 j Swindon .ar .» 11.50 H. West .10.5 Ditto..?.1.5 .Oarb. Hoad .10 20 Glo' tcr ar 2.45 Narb. Road 10,37 -??———. Whitiand ,10.49 1,2 I 1, 2 St. Clears 11.2 C) ja. m. a. m. Carmarthen 1"1.0 ?11.2t; 7 15 Derby j 1 33 Ferry 8?'de 3.15 11.40 7.30 Liverpool.. 9 30 10 25 Kidwelly 11.52 7.42 ManchcstPr 9 20 11 0 Pembrey 12.5 7.55 I Llanelly .12.16 8.6 | 1, 2 1,2 1,2 Loughor !12 25 8 15 MIDLAND R p. m. a. m. a. m. Gower Road ,12 30 8 20 13irm.dep 5 0 6 45 2 40 Landore 12.45 8.37 Worces.dep 6 14 8 9 3 36 Swansea ar a. 12,50 8.45 Bristol.dep 12 45 6 55 Ditto ? 8.50 1.101 8.50 ?-.) (up 2 0 8 *34 Landore 8.55 1.181 8.55 1 I rU] l0-ar t do 7 47 9 32 4 35 Llansamlet 95 124i 9 5 Neath ..ar 9.13 1.30 9.13 (Jlo'tcr. ,del"" 3.0 9.:W Ditto..de 9.1.51 1.3219.15 j Newnham 3.25 9.48 Briton Ferry 9 22| 1 3 7 9 22 Lydney 3.18)0.11 Port Talbot 9.30' 1.44 9.?U 945, 1 58 945 C4epstoiv. 4.15:10.3S Pyle 9 45 I 58 9 45 Magor  4.35| 10.58 Bridgend 10.2 2.13 10.2 Newpurt?.5.0!11.27Pencoed.l01822ll018 Newport de 7.0 5.5 11.37 ?antrissantlO.34 2.3(i|l0.34 Marshficid 7 9 5 ,U!l! 14 Ely 10 44 2 'ü 10 44 Carditi' 7 9i 11 11 14 L? ly 0 441 24611044 Cardiff. 7.2(! 5.2912.3 Céu d.H 11.0 3.Cil.O Ely 7 32 5 34 12 9 Marshfield 11 12 321 It 12 Lhntiissant 7.561, 5.55112.33 Newport, ar 11.23 3.3;3/11.231' Pencoed 8 13 G 1312 50 Ditto ..de 3.381 I Bridgend 8.2li 6.2812.57 Magor 3.54 Pyle 8 3(i! 40? 1 12 Chepstow. 4.15 Port Talbot 8.50! 6.56] 1.26 Lydney 4.30| Briton Ferry 8 571 7 6 1 33 i? cl?ll iiaiii. 4.56 1. Neath ..ar 9.3 17.121 1.39 ,,1 5.20, Ditto ..de 9.8 7.17 1.41 Llansamlet 918727151 )l,2l,2 Landore..9.28?7.422.lMiDLAM?R'p.m.a.m. I Ditto 9.33i 7.47 ? 2.1 J,' P. rD. a. ni. Swansea ar 9.331 7.47 2.6 m0 ( up 654. Ditto 9.381 7.52.6 (jlo.de do 11 5 82 Land()n 9.48 7.57 .?r"'toi..arrl220 945 I UowtrRoa.100 ?89 ?. Forces, air 8 11 Loughor j 10 58 14 ai-r 9 45 Llanelly 110. 13;8.2,li 1 2,3 Pembrey 10.23' 8.33! Class KidweH'y 10.35 8.44 p.m. the??: 11 0.45? 8.54 6.0 Liverpool Carmarthen 11.0 9.9 6.15 Manchester St. Clears.. J 9.29 Derby •• Whitiand., ] 9.46 Narb. Rd. ilO.O Glo'ster ? 5.25 Ciarb,?s. Hd '1019 Swmdun.t? 7.8 H. West (10.341 Ditto..de 7.20| 1 Johnston 10.50 Reading 9,0  Neyhnd ill.o, Padding to?01 tc I L

I RAILWAY TIME TABLE. FOR JULY, 1859. VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. UP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS, -StartiuO' From 3-1 2 3,1 2 3 1 2 3 3 1 2 3 Starting From ;Class Class:C1l,ass^Class ClassjClass SOUTH WALES i-I p.? ? ]: SOTTTH WALES | A.M p.M.f P.M.I P.M 4 14 | P M  Swansea dep.: 7 50 2 0 | 7 15 8 50 850 ,2. 86215; 95 9 5 arr-; 8 15 2 23! 7 31 9 13 9 13 VALE OF NEATH. j Neath dep.: 8 30 2 30 7 45 9 20 9 20 Aberdylais 8 35 2 35: 7 50 9 25 9 2-5 Resolven ( 347 245! 8 0 Q o Glyn-Neath 8-57253 8 8 9 43 9 S Hirwain arr. 9 17 313 8 28 10310 3 Hirwain d. for Aberdari 9 23 3 20 6 30 8 35 10 10 10 10 Aberdare Arrival 9 35 3 30; 6 45 8 45 10»20 10 20 Hirwain d. forMerthri 9 20 316; 8 31 10 6 10 6 Llwydcoed j 9 27] 3 23: 8 38 10 13 10 I3 Merthyr Arrival ( 9 501 3 45: 9 0 10 35 10 3 5 DOWN TRAINS. j WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS DOWN TRAINS. WEEK VA YS. SUNHA \"8 Starting From 133 1 2 3 1 2 312 31-231I-;) Class Class Class Class Class Claf a -1- VALE OF NEATH. A.M.1 P.M. P.M. P.M. A.M. V. M Merthyr dep. 8 55 1 50 6 0' 7 45 5 50 Llwydcoed 9 12 2 7 6 17 8 2 (j 7 llirwain. arr.? 918 ') 13,623 8 8 6 13 Aberdare DeParture 9 0 1 55 6 5 8 10 7 50 5 55 Hirwain Arrival 9 13 2 8 6 18 8 23 83 ?6 15 55 Hirwain 11 921?i2156 25 8 10 6 15 Hirwain dep. 941i2346 44 8231 634 Glyn-Neath 9 41, 2 34 6 44! 8 29 6 34 Resolven 9 51i2436 53 8 38 6 43 Aberdylais 10 5 2 55 7 5, 850 6 55 Neath arr.jlO 10 3 0 7 10| 8 56 7 0 SOUTH WALES. Nebth. dep. j 10 471 3 8, 7 40 987 17 Llansamll Swansea arrJll 23 3 35 8 15 9 3;, 7 47

LLANELLY, LLANDILO, LLANDOVERY, AND CWMAMMAN RAILWAY. UP TRAINS. li'2'3 W 1»2,3 SU N- Class Class Class DAYS Starting from A.M. P.M. P.M. \M Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 840 12 10 5 0 9 0 Dock .84o 12 14 5 4 9 5 Bynea.850 12 22 512 912 Llangennech 8 55 12 28 5 18 9 18 Pontardulais  9 5 12 35 5 25 9 25 PantyHyuon .?. 9 20 12 45 5 40 9 40 Garnant.. departure 8 50 5 10 Cross Inn 9 10 5 35 Cross Inn arrival 100 5 50 Garnant. 10 25 6 15 Llandebie 9 30 12 «5 5 50 9 50 Derwydd Road 9 40 10 5 55 9 55 Fairfach 9 50 1 10 6 5 10 5 Llandilo 9 55 1 15 6 10 10 10 Llandilo :!105 1 25 6 20 10 20 GIanrhyd Llangadock 10 10 1 30 6 25 10 25 Lampeter Road 10 15 1 35 6 30 10 30 Llandovery J10 25 1 45 6 40 10 40 DOWN TRAINS. ??'S! 1.?3 SU?. RCIl'ass Class j J PClL'a^ss DAYS Starting from I A.1U.. P.M. P.M. I\M. 855 12 40 64060 Llandovery 8 55 12 40 | 6 40 6 0 Lampeter Road 9 5 12 50 650 6 10 Llangadock 9 10 1 0 6 55 6 15 Glanrhyd 915 1 5 7 0 620 Llandilo 925 1 15 7 10 6 30 Fairfach 9 30 1 20 7 15 6 35 Derwydd Road. 9 40 130 7 25 6 45 Llandebie 945 135 730 655 Pantyffynon 10 0 I 45 7 40 7.0 Garnatit.. 8 50 117 OC4 Crossing.. 9 10 \7 2or Cross Inn arrival 110 0 7 40 g Garnant. 10 25 j E, Pontardulais 0105- 155 7 55715 Llangennech |10 22 2 2 i 8 2 7 22 Bynea 110 2828 887 28 Dock .1036 2 16 i 816 7 36 Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) ,.jlO 40 I 2 20 8 20 7 40 Gamant Passengers wlil be set down or taken up at Gellyceidrim or Cross Keys, if required. The Trains will stop at Llangennech, Derwydd Road, and Glanrhyd by Signal only; Passengers wishing to alight must give not.i..o tø tho Guard at the next Station of their Intention.

TAFF VALE RAILWAY. -h_ UP. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. St t. j: Mail. 11 <) 311 2 3 1 r¡ 'J 1 2 3 Starting if-oin Mail, 1, 2, 311, 2, 3 1, 2, 3 1, 2, 3 1, 2,3 a.m. p.m. p.m. a.m. p.DI. Cardiff Docks. Cardiff 9 30 30I6 30 9040 Llandaff 9 39 3 9 6 39 9 9 4 9 Pentyrch 947 317 6 47 9 17 4 17 Taff's Well 9 52 3 22 6 52 9 22 4 22 Treforest 10 3 3 33 7 4 9 33 4 33 Newbridge 10 8 3 38 7 9 9 38 4 38 Aberdare Junction 10 19 3 49 7 20 9 48 4 48 Quaker's Yard Junction 10 32 42 7 35 10 151 for N. A. & H, Rail way., Troedyrhiew 10 43 4 13 7 47 10 12 5 12 Merthyr 10 50 4 17 7 55 10 20 5 20 -1_- Aberdare Junction 10 22 3 52 7 23 9 51 4 51 Mountain Ash 10 35 4 2 7 41 10 4 5 4 Treaman 10 43 4 13 7 49 10 12 5 12 Aberdare 10 47 4 17 7 53 10 16 0 16 DOWN. I WEEKDAYS. SUNDAYS. St t'.fi ¡I 2 3: Mail. :Mail 1 2 31 Mail 1. 2' 3 if 2/3 if^'o 2> 3|^i; 3  a.m. p.m. p.m. a.m. j p.m. Merthyr 8 20 1 50 6 35 9 545 Troedyrhiew 8 28 1 58 6 44 9 13 4 13 uaker's Yard Juuct ion?839 2 9 6 57 9 24424 for N. A. & H. Railway. I Aberdare Junction 8 52 2 22 7 11 9 37?437 Newbridge 9 2 2 32 7 22 9 471447 Treforest .1 9 7 2 37 7 27 U 52i 4 52 Taff's Well 9 18 2 48 7 38 10 3j 5 3 Pentyrch 9 23 2 53 7 43 1U 8i 5 8 Llandaff 9 31 3 1 7 51 10 16: 5 16 Cardiff 9 40 3 10 8 0 10 25i 5 25 Cardiff Docks • | Aberdare 8 22 1 62 6 41 9 7j 4 7 Treaman 8 26 1 56 6 45 9 111 4 11 Mountain Ash 8 34 2 4 6 53 9 19! 4 19 Aberdare Junction 8 47 2 17 7 6 9 321432

ECCLESIASTICAL INTELLIGENCE.—The following pie ferments and appointments have been recently made Prebendary Rev. W. C. Magee, to Wedmore the Second, in the Cathedral Church of Wells. Rectories: Rev. J. Clark, to Little Bytham, Lincolnshiie Rev. H, Owen, to Trusthorpe and the vicarage of Sutton-in-the- Marsh, Lincolnshire. Vicarage Rev. W. llarkneas, to Winscombe, Somerset. Curacies, &c Rev. n. F. Chap- man, to Preston, Lancashire C. Crowdon, to be head master's assistant, Merchant Taylors' School, London Rev. J. T. Halke, to Upton Waters, Salop; Rev. R. H. Hart, to Whalley, Lancashire Rev. F. T. O'Donoghuc, perpetual curate of Wellington, Shropshire, to be chap- lain to the Marquis of Westmeath ? Rev, T. A Purdy, to St. Barnabas, Hornerton Rev. R. Smith, to Bury, Lan- cashire (to officiate in Waterfoot School-room) Rev. L. J. Stephens, to Howick, Northumberland Rev. J. L Wil- liams, to St. John's, Broughton, Lancashire. Whoever fail to use the GLEN FIELD FATENT STAKCH regularly in their Laundry, neglect the means for getting up fine Laces, Linens, &c., in that clear anl efficient manner which is so desirable. This starch is decidedly the best made for CLAKNESS, PUKITY, ELASTICITY, and in resisting the atmosphere it is unequalled. In order to have it in its perfection, it is necessary to attend MINUTELY in the DI- KEcnuNS for mixing it up, which are upon every packet. Though these are so very simple, yet Laundresse" anti house- keepers by not properly attending to them do not fully develope its merits, and they are in a great measure disap- pointed. The Proprietor of the GLENTIELll PATENT STARCH, begs to draw the attention of LADIES and LAUN- DRESSES, to the following easy and simpic method of making it up, adopted at the Royal Laundry bv HER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS, who for many years has used no other.-Di- ItBCTIONS.-To be used the same as other Patent Starch. Bruise it Fine and DISSOLVE in the SMA I LEsr quantity of LUIU WARM WATER, then pour on Bo I LING WATER (be sure it is boiling,) and stir well till it is brought to the required streugth. This Starch should be used when warm.

ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECEIVED BY THE FOLLO\VIG AGTS:- LONDON. Mr. White, 33 Fleet-Street; Messrs. Newton and Co., Warwick-square Mr. Deacon, 154, Leaden- hall-street; W. Dawson and Son, 74, Cannon-Street; Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Flejt-street; lesr. Hammond and Nephew,27, Lombard-street; Mr. Ciiarlt-a Everett, Old broad Street, London. THIS PAPER IS REUULARLV FILIW by all the agents, and also at Peers-Cuffee-House, No. 177, 178t Fleet-Street. Printed and Published in Red Lion Yar t, in the Parish of St. Peter, intheCounty of theBorougiv of Carmarthen by the Proprietor, JOSKI-H liaatx UJRR.W, ot Piuton Terrae, in Carmarthen aforesaid. FBIOAY, JULY 8, 1869.