Welsh Newspapers

Search 15 million Welsh newspaper articles

Hide Articles List

17 articles on this Page

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. I

News
Cite
Share

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. I HOUSE OF LORDS, MONDAY, JULY 4. I Lord Brougham called the attention of the House to the ) "working of the Divorce-Court. With regard to the general principle of the measure, there could be no doubt that the establishment of the court had been a success but the amount of business in the court showed the absolute necessity of an increase in the judicial force. There could be no doubt, too, that the pleadings ought to afford more infornoaton than the meagre form of petition at present contained. The precautions against collusion were in- sufficient, and he was inclined to think that the Attorney- General or his representative should be present on every occasion. He would not close his remarks without bearing testimony to the efficiency with which the learned Judge- Ordinary discharged the laborious duties of his office. The Lord Chancellor agreed with much that had been said by Lord Brougham, and especially with his observations | on the ability of the Judge-Ordinary. There could be no doubt that there was a want of judicial strength in the court, but it still remained to be seen whether the arrears of busi- ness iu the Divorce Court were not merely temporary. He thought that the necessities of the case would be met if all tl e 15 judges were made assessors in the court, so that any to of them might sit with the Judge-Ordinary J and constitute a full court. ° He thought that some public functionary should be appointed to investigate the circum- stances of each case, with a view to guarding against collusion, and that the Court should have the power of sitting with closed doors whenever the question of a dis solution of marriage arose. The Judge-Ordinary, too, should have the power of disposing of the custody of chil- dren. These and other points he hoped to deal with in a Bill which would be laid before the House in a few days. Lord Redesdale said that the working of the Act had realized his worst fears and justified the strong opposition which he had offered to the Bill. The Duke of Marlborough moved for the appointment of a Select Committee on Church-rates, and proceeded to review the inquiries and attempts at legislation which had already taken place on the subject. His own opinion was that the abolition of church-rates was a blow aimed at the Established Church, and though the session was short he had no doubt that before it was over the Select Committee would have collected a mass of evidence which would be of the highest importance. He trusted that their Lordships would ever be found the best defenders of the Established Church, which was the surest safeguard of an heredi- tary monarchy. Lord Teynham said the Church of England was the rich man's church." He thought the Committee would do well to terminate the strife which sprung out of church- rates by recommending their abolition. The Archbishop of Canterbury thought the House owed a dept of gratitude to the Duke of Marlborough for bringing the question forward. The remedy for the honest scruples of Dissenters to church-rates need not be the extreme measure of releasing property from an obligation to which it had always been subject.. Lord Portman thought that the matter might have been settled long ago if ;the Church had been willing to accept some of the propositions that had been made. He could not but fear that if the settlement were much longer delayed a collision would take place between the two Houses of Parliauent. The Bishop of London defended the Church from the im- putation made by Lord Portman, and denied that any encouragement had ever been given to any one to under- take the settlement of the question. Under these circum- stances he -thought the Bench of Bishops had exercised it very wise discretion in not originating any measure on the subject of church-rates. He thought that the abolition of these rates would be a blow aimed at the Established Church, which was the Church, he might remark, l'( 83 per ccnt. of the population of England, and that a large body even among the Dissenters would deplore anything which tended to weaken that Church. Lord Granville thought the proposed committee would do no good, hut did not feel justified in oposing the motion. The committee was then agreed to, and their Lordships adjourned. TUESDAY, JULY 5. I Lnrd Lyndhurst, in calling the attention of the House j to Llie military and naval defences of the country, said that the observations he was about to make were dictated by L purely defensive feeling. The confidence in which this country had indulged in former times had been rudely destroyed by the application of steam to naval warfare In drawing attention to the state of the navy he stated that in the spring of last year the French exceeded us in line-of- battle ships in only a small proportion, but in frigates their superiority was enormous. At the present time, however, we exceeded them in line-of-battle ships, but were still iuferior to them in frigates and next year we should exceed them still more in line-of-battle ships, but were still inferior to them in frigates. Pro- ceeding to inform the House what he considered neces- sary for the defence of the country, he stated that we ought to have a force in the Channel equal to that of France, and in addition to it a powerful reserve. This would not, hover, be sufficient without a fleet capable of coping with two navies, in case of a combination between Russia and France. In addition to this a fltet would be required to command the Mediterranean and to prevent the French fleet attacking by that outlet our commerce and colonies, and also to preserve for ourselves the overland routo to India.. Another fleet ougbt also to be fitted for the protec- Lion of the West Indies. In passing to collateral subjects he recommended the immediate formation of a reserve of seamen, an enlargement of our arsenals, dockyards, and slips, in accordance with the increased sizo modern ves- sels, and the introduction of a more powerful machinery for forwarding the equipments of vessels of war. Our naval .lefenpps, hp said, were only a part of the question. It had been truly said that steam has converted the Channel into a river and thrown a bridge across it," for he believed that in a few hours a mighty army might be brought by railway to the French ports, embarked with the greatest facility, and thrown upon the shores of this kingdom. In addition to providing a sufficient force to oppose such an attempt the different fortresses and arsenals would have to be garrisoned. For this purpose 100,000 regular troops and embodied militia, combined with another 100,000 disem- bodied but trained militia, would suffice. Then, too, there was Ireland to defend; especially as she might be looked upon elsewhere as 44 an oppressed nationality," differing in race, language, and religion from the English. What was necessary was a permanent force, if we wished to live in security and uphold the national honour. He thought these measures necessary, because he considered that we ought not to live by the forbearance of others, but solely to rely on our own vigour, intelligence, and exertions. While he rejoiced to find there was no dissent expressed to the principles he was enunciating he could not conceal from himself the hostile feeling of the French people to this country, and tlie-wisest course, therefore, for this country to pursue was to rely on her own exertions. In recom- mending an increase of our defences he deprecated an aggressive policy towards France. As to the question of expense it sank into insignificance before the importance of the interests at stake. The expense was a premium, and a very moderate one, too, which was paid for the insurance of the country. These were not the counsels of timidity or of old age; he had felt it his duty to bring this matter forward, He concluded a most eloquent and impressive speech bv recommending the Government to ponder over two words—" ViA victis. Lord S'.ratford de Redliffe said that the matter, as was well known, was now under the consideration of the Go- vernment. He agreed with Lord Lyndhurst that it was a great humiliation that this country should live by suffer- ance, as it was thereby debarred from adequately fulfilling its duties to the world. Looking to the commercial position of this country, and to the unsettled state of foreign affairs, wc ought not, he thought, from too great confidence in past successes, to wrap ourselves in a false security, and hesitate to increase the defences of the country. 1, id Granville, acknowledging the riht of members to eipress their feeliugs on all subjects, thought they were to a o-reut extent responsible for the effects such speeches might produce and doubted whether any practical good could rrsuit from observations similar to t;,ose of Lord Lyndhurst He did not know whether those observations were intended to stimulate the Government to its duty, but he was sure thev would not conduce to a better state of feeling in another country. Scouting the idea of an invasion, he said it was Tlot likelv that France, engaged in a terrible war, or that Russia, empioyed in improving the condition of her own hu 1 jects, would attack this country. Still the feeling of the people was that our defences needed augmentation, not iri order to take part in the war, but to give security to the nation. He proceeded to vindicate the former Administra- tration of Lord Palmerston, and denied that the defences of the country had been injured under the management of Sir C. Wood. In regard to the army, he agreed with Lord Lyndhurst that it was insufficient to meet a large force which might be landed on this island, and that the dock- yards and arsenals ought, if possible, to be made impreg- nable. In forwarding this object the services of volunteeis, of artillery companies, and of rifle corps would be of great sen ice. There was no harm iu telling other nations that while all Europe was arming we were arming too; but in doing this he deprecated most vehemently the system of introducing frequent debates on topics of such a delicate and dangerous nature. Lord Hard wicke thought there was nothing improper in introducing this question at the present moment. It would be too late t" arm when war had broken out; the time to arm was during peace. The Duke of Somerset, after some recriminations on the late Government on the state of the naval defences, pro- tested against such language as bad been used during the debate, for if it were persisted in the country would indeed require a great fleet, as it was calculated to endanger the relations of this country with France. Since he had been in office be had done his best to strengthen the navy, and had on his own responsibility taken an additional sum to supply the requirements of our dockyards. It, however, such lan- guage wer 3 to be continued, it would be necessary to ask for estitnate-i than contemplated, a. it would certa.nly resnlt in war. Lord Drou-bam thought we might increase our forces S wi??ute? Ong de? invidious to foreign nations and their rulers. He denied that the French Peop'e J.shed for war ?i? the country, and thought the contra y te C'k'. Whether, however, we trusted or mistrusted them?, it would be as well to be prepared for all contingencies. Lord Kllenborough thanked Lord Lyndhurst for distinctly placing before the House our past and present condition 01 all i.ation-i, he remarked, we were the most vulnerable at J sea, on account of the numerous interests we had to defend, J and of all nations we were most vulnerable on land. In regard to the remarks of Lord Granville he asked where was liberty ol speech to take retuge if they were to be re- strained from expieasing their opinions in that House ? After some severe remarks on the origin of the war and the < conduct of France, he said that when the organization and rapid i'-y which had been shown by the French in transport- lug their armies iuto a strange land were remembered he did feel apprehension, nor was he satisfied witu Lord Uran- viile' explanation. lie desired to see this country in au ( impregnable j ositiou, in order to resture strength to our diplomacy He did not believe in moral iuflueuce, unless supported by physical force, and until this country was I flactJ iu u tcaiUou iu vLu'h it would le tnadnese to invade it the efforts of the Government at mediation would be useless The Duke of Argyll thought that if suggestions of con- inual increase of the army and navy were to be made it would be better to bring forward a war budget at once. He warned the House of the danger of creating a reaction in favour of small armaments by the introduction of large istimates. The feeling with regard to this Italian war would be only temporary, would be followed by a cry for reduction, and would involve the country in financial difficulties. He could not allow the Opposition to suppose that because her Majesty s Government had said nothing on the matter that they therefore agreed with the strong language which- had been used against France against that language and that assumption he protested mot strongly. The Duke of Rutland thought no reaction would take place in this country so long as the present war in Italy continued. The subject then dropped.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY,…

---I THE CORN TRADE. THE…

[No title]

- - -_- .. - - - --FOREIGN…

I NAPLES.

I ROME.j 1 1

ITHE PRUSSIAN MILITARY PREPARA-I…

TURKEY. I

THE IONIAN ISLANDS. I

SWITZERLAND. j S'VITZERLAND.…

THE FRENCH IN CHINA. I

Advertising

SOUTH WALES RAILWAY.—TRAFFIC…

I CARMARTHENSHIRE INFIRMARY.

! FAIRS IN J l; :r:-:-:::-::::::':\-'Y.ll

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE