The Welshman

MR. NEWDEGATE'S COMMENTARY ON MR. BRIGHT. Mr. Newdegate tells us in his speech at Rugby on Thursday last, that he will not be a party to any Reform Bill which does not rectify the disproportion's he terms it, between the representation of the counties and the reo presentation of the boroughs. Within the boroughs, be says, there are 1,383,000 houses, while beyond the bo- roughs there are 2,053,908 houses within the boroughs of England and Wales there is a population of seven millions and upwards, beyond the boroughs, of ten millions and upwards again, the counties contain one-half of the real property of the kiBgdom ;—and yet, notwithstanding all these facts, the boroughs have 335 members, while the counties have only 159. I have," he concludes, in illustrating the importance he attaches to these facts,—" I have, in conjunction with the party with whom I have acted, as my honourable colleage can testify, resisted all attempts to make me pledge myself to a measure of Reform which does not rectify such abuses." Such is naturally enough the landowner's view of Reform. Now, although Mr. Newdegate refuses his assent to Mr. Bright's "arithmetical" principle of representation, it is evident enough that his whole argument is founded on that view, and on one of its most misleading aspects. It is not enough to reply to him, as Mr. Bright would reply, that the landed interest has in the House of Lords a whole legislative chamber to itself. That is true, but it would certainly be an insufficient reason for refusing an adequate proportional representation to land in the Lower House, inasmuch as nothing could be more fatal to the English constitution than to turn the two Houses of Legislature into representatives of rival interests, so that one House would be liable to constant attacks, and the other to con- stant resistance, on the part of the other. The House of Commons must itself represent the various interests of all important classes in the country, and not leave any to the sole guardianship of the Peers. Therefore, though it may be reasonable to make fair allowance for the strength with which the landed interests are represented in the House of Lords, we would not rest our entire dissent from Mr. Newdcgate's views on the only plea which Mr. Bright can consistently urge, that land is fully represented in the Upper House We take much broader ground than this. We say at once that there is no single interest in the country already so strongly represented, and so strongly represented even in proportion to its magnitude, in the House of Commons, as the landed interest. And nothing but the very same" arithmetical" fallacy which has misled Mr. Bright, could have prevented Mr. Newdegate from seeing this clearly Tne counties are represented, we are told, by 159 members, and the boroughs by 335. Very well but what are the counties, and what are the boroughs ? The counties form in many most important respects a single homogeneous interest, and send members to Par- liament who watch vigilantly all legislative measures which affect real property and those many political institutions which depend on the possession of real property. All the measures which relate closely, not merely to agriculture and the agricultural labourer and capitalist, but which relate to the county rates and county sessions, which affect the English magistrate and his administration of the law, are watched and canvassed by the county members in one body, and from the very same point of view, whether they be Whig or Tory, Liberal-Conservative or Conservative. Liberal. Now, when we come to speak of the boroughs as being represented by 335 members, we use indeed a single word as before, but can we be said to use a word in any way ex- pressive of a single united homogeneous interest ? If not, it is as much an empty self-delusion to complain that the borough members vastly outnumber the county members, as to complain that the members for inland towns, vastly outnumber the members for seaport towns. What single question is there which could come before the Legislature with respect to which it could possibly be supposed that the whole body of borough members, as at present con- stituted, could be united by a common interest ?' How many questions are there which not only might, but do unite almost all the county members as representatives of the landed interests of the country ? We venture boldly to say, that there is not a single class in the country, except the class of landowners, that could, as such, com rnand the votes of 159 members, or anything like that number. The borough interests are divided, various, without any common element, in short a mere lope of sand, as compared with the county interests. It is, in- deed, true that the great manufacturing towns return members who represent a tolerably homogeneous class of interests. But as yet the great manufacturing towns re- turn a quite inconsiderable proportion of the borough mem- bers and though we think that proportion ought to have a large increase, we quite agree with Mr. Newdegate that we should be extremely sorry to see such towns steal away all the representative rights from those less strongly- marked constituencies which are almost the only hope of eminent candidates for a seat in Parliament who have neither landed interests in their favour, nor any claim to represent the manufacturing capital, or local commerce of the country. Very small constituencies we wish to see entirely abolished, because they cannot but be too mueh under the command of individuals. But we can imagine no class of constituencies which it is more important to create or preserve than those formed by groups of minor boroughs, where neither land, capital, nor labour would be so pre-eminently strong as to insist on returning repre- sentatives of any one of these special interests.. If this be not so, we shall be in danger of excluding altogether that impartial class of men who hold the balance evenly be- tween the three strongly-defined interests of the country, and throw their weight now into this scale and now into that. Exactly on the same ground on which we object to Mr. Newdegate's absurd plea, that land is under-represented, because its representatives do not outnumber those of all the other divided interests of the country when taken in combination,—do we object to the ground assumed in most of the recent Reform meetings, and especially in that at Finabury, which would transfer the whole repre- sentation of the country into the hands of the labourers. Now, we are quite willing to admit that labour is not so strongly defined and closely-united an interest as that of land. There are not, probably, so many questions on which the workmen of Manchester and the workmen of Leeds would necessarily think alike, as there are on which the landowners of Lancashire and Yorkshire would be quite certain to think alike. It is possible enough, for in. stance, that an education measure very welcome to the workmen of Leeds, would be very unpalatable to the work- men of Manchester,—or that a war for which the opera tives of Lancashire would be enthusiastic, might find little favour with the working-men of London. Still, on the whole, the labouring class is more closely united in interest, more homogeneous, than any class in the com- munity, except the landowners and the manufacturers, and has moreover, the very special advantage of outnumbering all other classes put together. Household suffrage, as we showed last week, would throw the whole representation of the boroughs not merely into the hands of the labourers, but of the least intelligent and frugal though the most numerous class of the labourers ;-and had they the whole representative power in their hands, we could no more look for equal legislation on questions wherein labour and capi- ta ) or labour and land, were at issue, than we could look for it before the Reform Bill, when the whole power was monopolised by a much smaller though far more highly. educated class. In short, should Mr. Newdegate's hopes I be realised,-which we may safely say is impossible,—we should have a retrograde movement, leading again to the same kind of class legislation from which the last Reform Bill delivered us. Should Mr. Bright's view be carried out, we should have a movement nominally liberal, but leading to class-legislation as narrow and far more hope- less than the former,—because, while there is always hope of compelling a Fmall minority to relinquish an unjust monopoly, there is no hope of persuading and no means of compelling an overwhelming majority to relinquish power which they have once grasped. -Ecotioniist.

THE GREAT STEAM-SHIP. In this country we are not accustomed to look exclusively to the Government for the execution of national projects. If we did it is not improbable that we should at this mo- ment have only a couple of bridges, or even one and a half, over the Thames the mails would still be creeping round the Cape in sailing-vessels to India there would be none at all to Australia, and electric telegraphs would be uo- where. When one thinks of the Palace at Westminster lingering five and twenty years towards completion our public offices scattered and ruinous, and remembers that the overland route to the East was initiated and carried iiito execution by the exertions of an individual, in spite of, rather than by the aid of, her Majesty's Executive, we have given reason enough on which to start the argument which is to support the assertion that it is to private enter: prise that we are mainly to look for the fruition of great public undertakings. There is, however, a curious mixture of the private and public element in the constitution of that great lever of modern enterprise-the Company—to which may be attributed the occasional checks and halts which are suffered by the most promising and the best calculated undertakings; for, after all, the company pro- poses, but the public disposes. We all know that even the boasted common sense public of England is occasion- ally capricious and occasionally unjust, and often doubts and suspects where it would be wisdom to trust, while it as often goes madly astray after the veriest will-o' -the-wisps of commercial speculation. To something of this kind of inconsistency must, we think, be traced the cause of the Great Eastern ship having for nearly twelve months lain idly floating at her moorings, after having been, both in her inception and her progress, the wonder and the pride of the nation on the brink of whose chief river that mar- vellous fabric sprung into existence. No doubt the first symptom of distrust had its origin in the comparative fail- ure of the launching of the leviathan at Milwall. Without presuming to say that the gigantic projects which were involved in the conception and the building of a vessel which was simply to create a revolution in naval architec- ture and the conduct of maritime affairs were made the victims of an engineering blunder, it may not be too much to assert that the leap on the part of the public from un- bounded admiration and healthy faith in the fortunes of the Great Eastern to absolute incredulity and downright mockery, on account of a temporary failure in the execu- tion of an unheard-of mechanical operation, was at best but an exhibition of caprice, which may mildly be characterised as unexpected in a country whose whole history consists in the overcoming of difficulty. It is true that the Great Eastern was launched at the same time into the Thames and into the very midst of the monetary panic of last year; and it may be that it was to the force of circumstances which have been felt through our whole commercial system for many a long day that her paralysis has been owing. At the time when the first day's failure of the means de- vised for moving her vast bulk in an unusual manner into the water caused a strong reaction in the public mind with regard to her prospects of success, even in that her primary movement, we ventured in this Journal to say that it would be treason to the mechanical invention and re- sources of this country to suppose that a failure connected only with a detail in machinery could be anything but temporary and the result proved that our belief was not in vain. Notwithstanding its comparatively lengthened eclipse, our faith in the star of the Great Eastern has never waned and it is with satisfaction that we hail the prospect of a realisation of an undertaking which is, as we believe, fraught with immeasurable consequences, not only to this country, but to the world. The time has decidedly arrived when it is desirable that we should consider this grand specimen of mechanical art from a national point of view. The question, taken in this light, has several bearings. In the first place, it should be remembered that the creation of such a vessel has enabled us by one effort to outstrip all rivalry in the science of shipbuilding, and that at a moment when it was becoming a fashion to flout at our naval architects for having allowed other countries to beat us in the branch of skill and power in which of all others we claim to have supremacy. No body can say now that England is behindhand in that which ought to be her chief specialty for nothing has been attempted, or is likely to be attempted, whieh comes within the shadow of competition in any respect with this mammoth ship; and, if capital and capability were to be found elsewhere for a similar purpose, any way we have three or four years' start of the quickest and ablest pro- fessors of shipetaft that could by possibilty come into play on such a scheme. It would have been not a little morti- fying if, as was at one time conjectured, the Great Eastern, having reached the point at which all mechanical difficulty was over, had passed into the possession of some other country Again, most especially would a ship of this size and tonnage be of value to this country in such emergen- cies as arose last year in India, or might arise in any of our dependencies; for with her carrying power and her speed she would be able to throw a division of troops, complete in every arm, on any point which was threatened by hostile invasion or internal tumult in a space of time which might be counted in every case by days rather than months, for we are told on competent authority that the Great Eastern might accomplish a voyage to India in thirty five days, and to North America in five. It is an acknowledged, indeed an ascertained, fact in nautical science that every increase of size in a ship is attended with increase of speed and the computation in the present case is not likely to fall short of the accuracy with which former calculations have been made. The great length of the vessel, while offering very little extra resistance to the water, admits of the combination of the screw and paddle for the purpose of propulsiou, from which it is not difficult to predicate that a rate of speed hitherto unexampled will be obtained while the circumstance that she will be en- abled to carry her fuel for the longest voyage, thus avoiding the delay and expense of coaling at foreign ports, will cause her to be practically the only instance of steam tra- velling in its integrity over distances varying from three to fifteen thousand miles which are now daily demanded from our mercantile marine. At the present moment a voyage to Australia by a clipper sailing-ship may be, and often is, shorter than that of a steamer, owing to the simple fact that from want of fuel the latter is often obliged to rely solely 08 the propelling power of her masts and sails for locomotion. Supposing these monster voyages which are now engrafted on our emigrant and commercial systems to be shortened by many weeks, it is not unreasonable to sup- pose that passengers and shippers will prefer such a medium of conveyance to any other. Since the establishment of steam communication with the West Indies has reduced the voyage between those islands and this country to seven- teen or eighteen days a large trade has sprung up in fruit and other perishable commodities which did not exist be- fore and why, in the same proportion, may not a rapid transit like that which the Great Eastern will effect create a similar demand for an interchange of articles which hitherto have been deteriorated or rendered impossibilities by long voyages ? We are told, also, that the larger the dimensions of a vessel the greater the facility for shipping and unshipping her cargo; and here again is an element of speed which is in itself valuable and worthy of consider- ation, were it even to be calculated in ordinary proportions but in the case of the Great Eastern these objects will be effected with unusual rapidity, inasmuch as the vessel will be fitted with every possible mechanical means and appli- ances which have yet been devised, and which are more practicable and more easily worked in her than in any smaller vessel All this and more, if necessary, might be stated to show the truth of the proposition which we have again and again enunciated, that in every sense the project of sending to sea a ship of this description is simply and truly a national object. Now, it is not to be denied that all that has been above said might fairly have been considered to partake of the nature of a pleasant dream, so long as the vast structure on whose motive power every actuality depended lay strand- ed on the shoal of insolvency, and existed only as a some- what melancholy show for the sightseers of London. It is not to be controverted that making the large sum which has already been expended, and that which is required to set the big ship all A taunto," as the old seadogs used to say, the basis of the calculation on which that reasonable profit is to be founded, to which the persons engaged in the undertaking are entitled as a mercantile speculation, the project connected with her would be at least doubtful. But that is not the case. A new company has been formed for the purpose of providing a sum of E330,000, for the purchase of the ship as she now lies, completing those con- tracts which formed part of the existing liability of the old company, to fit her in all respects for sea as a first class passenger-ship, and to secure working capital for the future. We are informed on good authority that the sum actually required to be expended on the ship herself is not more than, or as much as, E 150,000. Sweeping away, then, from consideration all the capital which has been already sunk, and with which the new company will have nothing to do, and making the new arrangement the starting point of calculation, it is computed that the cost per ton at which the Great Eastern, ready in all respects for sea, would come into the possession of the company which has been recently formed, is less than that of a fiist-class sail- ing vessel, and not much more than one-fourth that of a first class steamer; while, in comparison with the latter, her working expenses will also be proportionably less, ow- ing to her great size, whieh enables her to carry double the proportionate tonnage at nearly double the velocity. In comparison with the advantages, both moral and ma- terial, which surround an enterprise so essentially charac- teristic of this country, the sum required is by no means large, and, compared with the vast capital expended on other undertakings—say the expense of a Parliamentary contest about a short line of railway—it is positively puerile. Early in the coming year, then, we hope to witness the gratifying spectacle of the departure of the 6rtM< ?s?efM, full charged with all that is precious and valuable in the eyes of Englishmen, on a tourse destined, as we btKe?e, Wt develop commerce, to promote those international feelings "hioh ever follow fMUity of iatWOHUe between d)<f<K? z countries, to foster peace, to encourage liberty of thought I and action, and, so to speak, while in her swift voyage she puts a girdle round the earth, to contribute to the exten- sion of that great chain of interests and sympathies which we hope may one day bind into one great family all the nations of mankind.- Illustrated London News.

I THE TIMES REFORM BILL. Is the Times foreshadowing the Government Bill? If it Is, Rumour and the Leading Journal are at issue. According to the vulgar authority, Ministers contemplate an exceedingly limited measure while the Leading Journal indicat!s one that would be strictly conservative and would yet have something handsome about it. Whatever may be the actual agreement between the existing Gsvernment and the usual organ for communi- cating very important intelligence, there is a political im- portance in the fact that the Times is first in the field with the sketch of a Reform Bill. Those who are usually regarded as the Liberal leaders, make no sign, and we cannot even conjecture what would be their Reform Bill at the present day. Lord John Russell, according to our contemporary, has been rusticating some time on the banks of Lethe. Lord Palmerston has been at Com- piegne, not the best watering place for the recovery of political health. If Mr. Laboucbere has been compelled by custom to utter a few words on the subject of Reform, it was with a coyness so marked as to indicate dislike rather than affection. Mr. Bright, indeed, has gi ven us the mere heads of a bill, and is instructed by a certain portion of the Liberal party to prepare a measure but it is the Times which first sketches the outiine of a working bill. It starts from the presumption that the Reform Bill must proceed a safe and convenient stage further in the same direction as the Reform Bill, No. l," namely the Bill of 1831-2— -1 There should be no constituencies under one numeri- cal limit, or exceeding another. For this purpose very small constituencies should either be enlarged, or asso- ciated, or abolished, and very large ones divided and sub- divided. A great deal may be done in this way without approaching what we believe to be a great delusion-two electoral districts. The franchise should at least be placed within reach of everybody, so that if a man wants it, and thinks it worth a little labour and self-denial, he can acquire it. No doubt, it can be extended with safety to a much larger class, both in towns and in counties. If possible, whatever gives a man position, and pre- supposes education and character, ought to give him a franchise. With regard to some of the new franchises proposed it may be fairly questioned whether they are worth the trouble, or whether they will tell at all at elections. Above all, we have to take into account that all en. franchisement is disfranchisement, and that all dirtct enfranchisement, as far as it goes, destroys the indirect The theory of our present anomalous representation is that some very large classes are represented through em- ployers, and natural superiors. Such is the case of our peasantry, whose interests are supposed to be in the hands of country gentlemen and farmers. Both masters and men would be virtually disfranchised by a change which took in the small shopkeepers and tradesmen, and left out the cottager. Still, something must and will be done here This outline is very general; but it would be possible to fill it up in a manner, we say, at once Liberal and Con- servative. A measure going much further might no doubt be introduced into the House of Commons; it is a ques- tion whether that measure would pass next session. That a bill ought to pass is evident, when we remember that the present agitation on the subject of reform did not originate with the people, but with statesmn courting the favour of the people, and competing for that favour. If the spontaneous advances of a John Russell, or still more of a Palmerston or a Derby, are viewed with apathy, any sequel which should prove those advances to be nothing more than pretence—nothing better than playing with the country, would be dangerous to the individual statesmen, and to their class. The proposals of a gentlemau who has received no encouragement from a lady, may be viewed with indifference, but it does not lie with him to retract those proposals when once made and if he do so, he subjects himself to contempt, dislike, and social de- gradation. So it is in the present case if men of the class that makes ministers confess by their conduct that their reform professions have been nothing but spurious pretences, the apathy with which their movements are regarded, is very likely to be converted into antipathy. In that case the public would be supplied with a motive for some course of action perhaps more thorough going and more hazardous than a Parliamentary Reform Bill. Meanwhile, however Conservative the outline of the Times may be in its limitations, any Bill strictly carrying out the sketch would introduce a great improvement upon the present system and even if it falls short of the demands made by some political parties, its passing into an act would undoubtedly gratify the great body of the English people. We do not cry the Times bill, the whole bill, and nothiag but the bill; but we do hold that if the leading journal is correct in saying we can only suppose that Lord Derby sees things very much as we do," then Lord Derby is in a fair way to a decided success.— Spectator.

RAILWAY TIME TABLE. FOR DECEMBER, 1858. I LLANELLY, LLANDILO, LLANDOVERY, AND CWMAMMAN RAILWAY. ———————————— 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2,3 up TRAINS. Class Class Class Starting from A.M. NOON. P.M. Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 8 40 12 10 5 0 Dock 8 45 12 14 5 4 Bynea 8 50 12 22 512 Llangennech 8 55 12 28 518 Pontardulais 9 5 12 35 525 Garnant.. departure. 8 50 5 10 Cross Inn 11 9 10 5 35 Cross Inn arrival 10 0 550 Garnant. 10 25 615 Llandebie 9 30 12 55 5 50 Derwydd Road 9 40 1 0 555 Fairfach 9 50 110 6 5 Llandilo 9 55 115 610 Glanrhyd 10 5 125 620 Llangadock 10 10 130 625 Lampeter Road 10 15 135 630 Llandovery 10 25 1 45 640 DOWN TRAINS 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2.3 DOWN TRAINS. Class Class Class Starting from A.M. NOON. P.M. Llandovery 8 55 12 45 6 40 Latupeter Road 9 5 12 55 650 Llangadock 9 10 1 0 6 55 Glanrhyd 9 15 1 5 7 0 Llandilo 9 25 1 15 710 Fairfach 9 30 1 20 715 Derwydd Road. 9 40 130 725 Llandebie 9 45 1 35 730 Garnant. departure 8 50 7 0 Cross Inn 9 10 7 25 Cross Inn arrival 10 0 740 Garnant. 1025 8 5 Pontardulais 10 15 1 55 7 55 Llangennech 10 22 2 2 8 2 Bynea 10 28 2 8 8 8 Dock "10 36 216 8 16 Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 10 40 220 820 Garnant Passengers wlil be set down or taken up at Gellyceidrim or Cross Keya, if required. Cross Inn Passengers by Middle-day Trains will in like manner be set down or taken up at Pautyffynon.-

TAFF VALE RAILWAY. UP. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. Starting from 2, 3 1, 3 1, 2, 3 ?r<.My ?-<wt g a.m. p.m. p.m. a.m. p.m. Cardiff Docks 9 15 2 40 845345 Cardiff 9 30 2 55 6 30 9 040 Llandaff 9 39 3 4 6 39 9 9 4 9 Pentyrch 947 312 647 9 17 4 17 Taff's Well 9 52 317 662 9 22 4 22 Treforest 10 3 328 74 9 33 4 33 Newbridge 10 8 3 33 7 9 9 38 4 38 Aberdare Junction 10 19 3 43 7 20 9 48 4 48 Quaker's Yard Junction 10 32 3 56 7 35 10 1 5 1 for N. A. & H. Railway. Troedyrhiew 10 43 47 7 47 10 12 5 12 Merthyr 10 50 4 15 7 55 10 20 5 20 Aberdare Junction 10 22 3 46 7 24 9 51 4 51 Mountain Ash 10 35 3 59 7 37 10 54 Treaman :10 43 47 7 45 10 12 5 12 Aberdare 110 47 411 749 10 1642? 551162 DOWN. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS.  ?„,?,?.?,. -o?t 1, o 2, 3 o Mail. Mail 1 2 3)Mail ? 2?3 ? ? g 1, 2A » 3 olMail ? 3 a.m. p.m. p.m. a.m. p.m. Merthyr 820 145 630 9 040 Troedyrhiew 8 28 153 6 38 9 8 4 8 Quaker's Yard Junction 8 39 2 4 6 50 9 19 4 19 for N. A. & H. Railway. Aberdare Junction 8 52 217 7 5 9 32 4 32 Newbridge 9 2 2 27 7 16 9 42 4 42 Treforest 9 7 2 32 7 21 9 47 4 47 Taff's Well 9 18 2 43 733 9 58 4 58 Pentyrch 923 248 7 38 10 3 5 3 Llandaff 9 31 2 56 7 46 10 11 5 11 Cardiff 9 40 3 5 7 55 10 20 5 20 Cardiff Docks 950 315 10 30 Aberdare 8 22 1 47 6 35 9 2 4 2 Tieaman 826 151 6 39 9 6 4 6 Mountain Ash 8 34 159 647 9 141414 Àberdare hnction 8 47 2 12 I 7 0 9 27 4 27

'J' RAILWAY TIME TABLE, FOR DECEMBER, 1853. SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. The Mail Trains run the same on Sundays M week days. DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting Mail 1,2,3 1231&2 1&4123 1&2, Exp from I & i class class class Eip. cta<a.!ctM< I & 9 p. m a.m. a.m. a.m. a.mla.m. p.m. Paddington. 8.10 6.10 9.30 7.1511.30 4'60 Reading 9.15 7.15 10.20 9.5 12.37 540 Swindon ..ar 10.35 9.5 11.25 11.15 1.55 6.40 Swindon ..?10.47 9.2011.40 2.30 2.30 6M Glo'ster ..?;12.15 11.0 1.0 4.10 3s'IlO i i, 3 Glo'ster ..<? 2.15 ? 6.4-511.10 1 1.5 Il 8.30 Newnham. 2.38 7.1711.40 4.50 850 Gatcombe. 7.27 11.50 5.0 Lydney 2 56 7.3711.58 6.10 9'4 Chepstow 3.12 7.55 12.17 1.55 5.33 9^22; Portskewet 8.7 12.27 5.44 Magor 8.1712.37 5.55 Newport ..ar •• 8.3512.55 2.20  Newport ..? 3.40 8.40 1.0 2.25 6.20 ?. Marshfield 8.49 1.10 7.34 Cardiff. 4.4 9.5 1.25 2.41 6.5010.7 Ely 9.10 1.30 6.65 St. Fagans 9.15 1.35 7.0 Peterston 9.22 1.42 7.8.. Llantrissant.. 4.27 9.34 1.54 7.1810.27 Pencoed 9.52 2.12 7.36 Bridgend. 4.46 10.0 2.22 3.10 74610 42 Pyle 10.15 2.37 8.4. Port Talbot.. 5.12 10.29 2.51 3.28 8.2011.0 Briton Ferry 10.37 2.59 18.30 Neath .ar 5.23 10.44 3.4 3.36 11.8 Ditto .de 5.25 10.47 3.8 3.40 840L110 Hansamlet. 11.1 3.18 ggj Landore 11.13 3.26 4.0 9.1.. Swansea ..ar 5.50 11.23 3.35 4.10 9.1211.30 a.m. Ditto .de 5.55 8.0 11.0 f 3.40 8 go Landore 8.1011.18 I 4.3 9.7 Gower Rd. 8.2211.33 4.23 9.27.. Loughor 8.27 11.39. 4.28 9 32 Llanelly 6.25 8.37 11.48 « 4.38 9.42.. Pembrey 8.45 11.58 73 4.48 9.53 Kidwelly *6.45 8.57 12.7 ? 5.0 106 Eerryside 6.58 9.7 12.19 A 5.11 10.18 Carmarthen.. 7.15 9.20 12.34 5.26 10'35 St. Clears. 7.28 1 2: 50 5.441  Whitland 7.40 U| "1 1.6 5:59 Narberth Rd. 7.55 M 1.21 a 6.14 Clarb. Rd. 8.15? 1.35 6.30 Haverfordwest 8.30! 0. 1.46 i I 6.45 ?. Johnston (for M Milford) 8.45! y 2.2 7.0 Neyland (for Pater. 8.55 2.15 U 7.15 The Waterford Steamers leave Milford for Waterford at' 8.0 p.m., on the arrival of the 9.30 a.m. Express. I UP TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting 1 2, 3 1,2.3 „ I & 2 123 1,2,3 Mail I J? from ciass. class clas class ??, lass 1 & 2)c?M -_I a.m. a.m. I a.. n m a.m. p.m,I- NeyIanJ 8.3 o?I a.m" P. 10.40 p-m. IP-11, Johnston. 8.45r 10.55 4.22 Johnston i 8.5 5 11.5 4.32 14 Haverfordwest 8.Mll ?* 11.5 432 1° Clarb. Rd. 9.7? I 11.20 4A7 lw N blerth Rd. 9.20 '? 11.38 5.2 fo Wnitland 9.35  M 11.50 6.17 jf St. Clears. 9.50 t 3- 12.3 5.29 Carmarthen. 6.30,105 J 12.23 5.52 .30 Ferryside 6.46110'oo 12.38 6.5 843 KidweIIy 6.5710.52 12.50 6.20 8? Pembrey 7.9 j 10.44 1.3 9.6 Llanelly 7.20'io..55 1.14 6.40 9M Loughor 7.2911.4 1.23 9M Gower Rd 7.35 11.10 1.28 Landore 7.5511.30 1.45 9.49 Swansea ..a? 8.5 11.40 I & 2 2.0 7.10 9. Exp. 1 & 2 Ditto.<? 7.5011. 2? 10.20 I « 1.40 7? Landore •• 7.58 11.33 10.30 1.50 Hansamlet 8.6 10.38 ? 1.58 Neath .ar 8.15 11.48 10.46 5 2.10 731 Ditto de 8.20 11.50 10.48 «* 2.1 733 Briton Ferry 8.27 1054 g 2.17 Port Talbot.. •• 8.3812.1 11:2 2.277i Pyle 8.57 11.17 2.40 Bridgend 9.16 12.23 11.32 I 5 3.5 88 Pencoed 9.26 11.40 I I'd 3.15 **1 Llantrissant 9.40 12.0 w 3.32 827 St. Pagans.. 10.0 12.24 £ 3.49 Ely 10.6 12.31 a 355 Cardiff 7.0 10.13,12.5412.381 Z; 4.2 8.48 Marshfield 7.1210.28 .12.5004.17 Newport ..ar 7.27 10.45 1.16 1.5 > 4.34 Newport ..? 7.3210.50 1 20 1.25 e- 4.39 915 Magor 7.47 11.8 1.35 ? 4.58 Portskewet .7.57 1.57 5.10 Chepst&w. 8.8 11.27 1.46 2.9 I g 5.23 945 Woolaston .8.18 2.19 S 5.33 Lidney 8.26 11.41 2.29 g 5.4310.0 Newnham 8.50 12.0 2.47 I Q 6.5 10.20 Glo'ster. ar 9.15 12.30 2.37 3.27 3 6.4010.47 1&2 & 2 Ulo'ster ..de 9.42 12.40 2.42 3.32 6.55 12.40 Swindon ..ar 11.18 2.20 4.0 5.15 » 8.25 2.10 Swindon ..de 11.30 3.0 4.15 5.30 3 8.35 2.25 Reading 1.0 6.0 7 .25 9.53 1 3.35 1 Paddington.. 2.2 51 8.0 60 9.0 • n.o 4.45 The 8.30 a.m. train is thro' 3rd class from Ireland add S. W.R. to G.W.R. SUNDAYS. DOWWTHAINS. SUNDAYS. UP TRAINS. Startg.from 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2,3 tartg. croml 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,8,3 a. m. a. m. a. m. a. m. a M. n. m. Paddington 8.0 Neyland Reading 9.40 J oholton. 9.35 Swindon.ar .11.50 H. West 9.45 Ditto ..de 1.5 Narb. Road 10.20 Glo'ster ar 2.45 Whidand. 10.35 Ditto..? .3.0 8.30 St. Clears 10.50 Newnham. 3.25 8.58 Carmarthen 11.20 6.0 Lydney 3.48 9.21 Ferryside.11.35 6.16 Chepstow 4.15 9.48 Kidwelly. H.47 6.27 Magor 4.35 10.8 Pembrey 12.0 ?40 Newport ar 5.0 Llanelly 12.11 651 Newport ? 7.38 5.5 10.37 Landore .1245 7.25 Cardiff 8.3 5.29 11.2 Swansea ar 112.60 7.30 Hantrissant 8.33 5.55 —— D?to de 8.30 1 10 7 '36 Bridgend 8.58 6.28 Landore 8.35 1.18 7.43 Port Talbot 9.27 6.56 Neath ..ar 8.53 1.28 7.58 Neath ..ar 9.40 7.12 Ditto ..do 1.30 8.0 Ditto ..de 9.50 7.17 9.15 Port Talbot 1.44 8.15 Landore 10.10 7.42 9.35 Bridg-end 2.12 8.43 Swansea ar 10.15 7.47 ? 9.40 Llaotnssanta.m. 2.34 9.15 Ditto ..?10.20 -Cardiff 11.15 3.0 9.43 Landore 110.30 7.57 Newport ar 3.231010 Llanelly ..10.55 8.24 Ditto ..<? 11.49 3.28-— Pembrey 11.5 8.33 Magor 12.6 3,40 Kidwelly ..ill.17 18.44. Chepstow.. 12.29 4.10 Porryaide..?11.27 8.54 Lydney 12.49 4.28 Perryside ?i1l1l..427 2 89..59 4 ? ?LCyhdenpaety ow.. 12.29 4.10 Carmarthen ?ll.42 9.9 Newnham.. 1.9 4.48 St. Ulears..? 9.29 Glo'ster ar 1.38 5.20 Whitland 9.46j. Ditto de 5.25 Narb.Rd. 10.0 II Swindon.ar 7.8 SWt liitiallndd ? 1100..354 0 Re.diig H. West 10.34 Ditto..de 7.20 1 Johnston 10.50 Reading.K.O ?? Neyland ..l 11.0 Padding t,on l 0.2U )

VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. UP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS. Starting 1 2 31 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 31 2 3 1 2 3 Starting From Class Class Class Class Class Class SOTTTH WALES A.M P.M. p.M.II'.M. A.M. Swansea .dep. 750 1 50 3 0 7 15 8 3O?0 7P.3M5. Llansamlet 8 6 2 5 3 27 8 4 7 5U Neath .an. 8 15 2 13 3 37 7 31 8 5 754 VALE OF NEATH. Neath .dep. 8 30 2 20 7 45 9 0 8 15 Aberdylais 8 35 2 25 7 50 9 5 8 20 Resolven 8 47 2 35 8 0 9 15 8 30 Glyn-Neath 857 2 43 8 8 9 23 8 38 Hirwain .arr. 9 17 3 3$23 9 43 868 Hirwaind. for Aberdare 9 23 3 10 6 30 8 35 9 50 9 5 Aberdare Arrival 9 35 3 20 645 8 45 10 0 9 1 j Hirwain d. for Merthyr 9 20 3 6 8 31 9 46 9 1 Llwydcoed 9 27 3 13 8 38 9 53 9 I Merthyr Arrival 9 50 3 35 9 01016 9 DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS SStta.rrtHrnng TFi'?ronm F??l 231231231231 2 a StlUt ng From Class Class CUgf Class Class CUf g TALE OP NEATH. A.M. P.M. P.M. P.M. A.M. P. II Merthyr .dep. 8 55 1 50 6 0 830 550 Llwydcoed 912 2 7 6 17 841 6 7 Hirwain arr. 9 18 2 13 6 23 853 613 iiirwain arr. 918 2 13 623 i o 835 6686 Aberdare Departure 9 01 -1 556 5 8 10 8 35 5 55 Hirwain Arrival. 9 131 2 8 6 18 8 23 8 48 6 8 Hirwain .dep. 9 2J 2 15 6 25 8 65 61? Glyn-Neath.. 9 41 2 34 6 44 914 634 Resolven  9 51 2 43 6 53 8 23 43 Aberdylais 10 5 2 55 7 5 9 35 6 6& Neath arr. 10 10 3 0 7 10 940 7 0 SOUTH WALBTT. Neath dep. 10-47 3 8 9 5 960 7 17 Hanaamtet. Swansea.arr. 11 23 3 35 9 37 10 15 7 47

ADV ERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECIRIVBD BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS LONDON: Mr. White, 33 Fleet-Street; Messrs. Newton and Co., Warwick-square; Mr. Deacon, 154, Leaden- hall-8treet; W. Dawsou aad Son, 74, Cannon-Street Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Fleet-street; Messrs Hammond and Nephew, 27. Lombard-street; Mr. Cnarlea Everett, Old Broad Street, London. THIS PAPKR IS REUUI^AULV FILBD by all the above agents, and also at Peel's-Cuffe c- lio use, No. 177, 178, fleet-Street. Printed and Published in Red Lion Yard, in the Parish of bt. Peter, in the Couuty of the Borough of Carmarthen by the Proprietor, Jodupu LIHI LiBOrrUM, of Picton Terrao, in Carmarthen aforesaid. WwwAy, DEC. 3, IM.

In selecting the" Opinions of the Press," we are guided solely by a wish to place before our readers the opinions a parlies, without any regard to the relation such opinions may sustain to those of this journal.]

DIPLOMATIC STATECRAFT. A practice has grown up of effecting temporary settle- merits between II ates which requires to be closely watched in order that it may not lead to mischievous consequences, perhaps to a European war. The fraternity of diplomatists sterns to have gained the upper hand of governments and cations. Questions are now settled, as a general rule, by the powers," meaning thereby a limited sect who belong to the diplomatic profession. No doubt in many cases the interference of the sect has had good results, but, unfor- tunately, that interference is neither a regularly recog- nized act, nor is it subject to no exceptions. When the powers agree they act together, when it suits one to act alone, that power, trusting to the general affection fur peace, acts alone. Another evil incident has attended this usurpation of the diplomatic sect. Weak powers, pressed by strong powers, collectively or individually, give way to any demand, alleging, as a reason, that they give way to superior force. It will be unfortunate for Europe if this kind of giving way grows into a habit. Take the four most recent cases. Belgium is to a great extent under the overwhelming influence of France. Naples recently yielded to England. Denmark has been compelled to give way to the German Diet. Portugal has been actually subjected to the highwayman's plea in the face of the world. Now, in all these cases, sometimes with and sometimes without the support of public opinion, one power holding up coercion as an alternative, has bullied another, out of certain concessions. In the case of Naples we had right and law on our side the same may be said of the dispute between the German Diet and Denmark. But in the case of Bt:lgium, as in the case of Portugal, France has near neighbourhood, dynastic inter- ests, overwhelming force, but neither right nor law. Between the system of collective interference and indivi. dual interference the weak nations are dealt with justly or unjustly, almost as it happens. But with regard to the position of England in the matter, that is always delicate. If she acts collectively with the Powers, her national sense of what is right is frequently falsified. If any other power, except in cases of transcendant interest, chooses to act without her, she is powerless, no attenlion is paid to her remonstrances, because the said power knows that, in nine cases out of ten, England will not go to war o back up her opinions. Sometimes, as in 1853, a Power esti. mates falsely the amount of British endurance, and the result is a (tar. It is clear that we should be in a better and honester position if we acted more independently, and did not bind ourselves up so much with others. We are managed by the diplomatists as a clever mistress manages a restive suitor; we suffer in character and in moral nature, and the continent is retained in leading strings by the Jesuits and despots. We should either interfere more, or not at all, unless we intend, come what may, to carry our point, and see justice done .-Spectator.

I THE CAUSES AND RESULTS OF ANGLICISING I OPINION IN FRANCE. I' The heavy penalty which has fallen on Count de Mon- talembert and the Editor of the Correspondant, and the still more important consequences which the conviction involves in subjecting the condemned after their release to the operation of the worst provisions in M. Espinasse's Law of Public Safety-we mean, the serveillance of the police and liability to apprehension, punishment, or trans- portation, without trial, at the discretion of the Govern. ment officials-will scarcely tend to remove the indignant dislike with which England regards the attitude assumed towards the Emperor's Government by her principal politi. cians, whether in power or in opposition. England is indeed not so vain as to suppose that the animated eulogy which is passed upon her political life and institutions by the Count de Montalembert would have been pronounced at all but for its reflex significance with regard to the deplorable oppression of France. But while England's influence and prestige are thrown by all her leading states- men into the scale of French Imperialism, she is only too grateful to any Frenchman of note who will counteract the painful impression produced upon Europe by bearing witness to the world that the whole heart of the middle classes of England, in short the whole sympathy of the nation, is not with Imperialism, but with that French people whose voice Imperialism is now doing its best to smother. In both countries alike, it is the false policy of the Governments which forces so much and so close a mutual criticism. While France is not permitted to express directly and naturally its criticism. French institutions, the stifled comment instantly takes an indirect expression in the peculiar emphasis of French admiration for institutions which in France are prohibited. And while the English nation fails to find in its Government the natural expression of its own wish not to lend its sanction, —not to contribute any foreign lustre, to a regime whose principles it abhors, the dislike to that regime is aggravated a thousandfold, and naturally expresses itself in a tone and warmth of criticism on the part of the English press, which would not be appropriate were we not labouring to disabuse France and Europe of the false impressions produced by the foolish policy of our own Government and leading statesmen. French and English statesmen are thus doing all in their power to turn the English press into the organ, unfortunately we cannot say the safety-valve,—for there is the greatest danger inherent in the use of a foreign medium of criticism,—of French disaffection. The Emperor greatly promotes this result, inasmuch as he stifles all direct political discussion, and obliges the intellect of France to seek oblique channels of expression, by enlisting not only the sympathy but self-love of England in its defence ;-and our rulers promote it almost as powerfully by misrepresenting us in the eyes of Europe, and thus irritating us into an incessant fire of protest against a system which we might otherwise only too easily appear to be sustaining by our sanction. While the French and English Governments pursue their present policy, this condition of things is inevitable, and can only grow worse. Yet it is well worth while to recall how truly morbid and artificial is the state of things thus induced, how fatal to the growth of a true standard of political criticism on French affairs, even amongst the very men who think most freely, and most cordially admire English institutions. Montalembert, Remusat, and many who, like them, evince the most wonderful appreciation of English institu- tions and modes of thought, are accused by a party among their own countrymen of the wish to Anglicise France, and to distort the utterly different cast of French society in order to make it fit an English framework. This cry has been raised in France within the last week by a moderate opponent of the Montalembert school; and were the French nation left with any liberty to mould and organise truly national forms of development for itself, the cry might not be without justice. In a pamphlet described as moderate and friendly to England, which has just issued from the French press, called" France et Angleterre," M. Meuche de Loisne has, we are told, attempted the refutation of this mistake. I undertake," he says, to relate in what manner French and English society have been formed and developed, and how, having from the very outset gone in opposite directions, they have arrived at different constitutions. Much has been lately written upon England. Avowed or concealed, the object of the greater part of the books is the same. M. de Remusat has described it in a few words when he said, L will avow it, here Is the dream of my iife, the English system of Government in French society.' And the writer goes on to impugn the wisdom of such a wish, and to maintain that the history of France points to a totally different organisa- tion of the national will from that to which the history of England naturally gave rise. Now we do not in the least impugn,—indeed we are disposed to concur in,—this criticism on the writings of Montalembert and his school. We are quite willing to admit that Frenchmen may be unwise in wishing to naturalise in France English institu- tions, and that England may be very narrow and self. inclosed in constantly assuming, as she is apt to do, that tne one specific for all the political miseries of France is an honest application of the retnedita found efficient in England. But who can help seeing that this error, if error it be, is caused, and sedulously watered and fostered, by the policy of the Imperial regime in France ? If France is to undergo a strictly national development, her political intellect must at least be at liberty to feel its way. If every pore of intellectual activity is to be stopped up lest it encourage discontent,—if every free expression of the national mind is to be prohibited, what alternative is there but to turn away from France to some freer neighbour, and at the same time-for this is a necessary result- to sacrifice French modes of thinking and the analogy of English institutions ? It is inevitable that modes of thought should be moulded by the experience and know- ledge of the audience actually addressed. If in England alone French patriotism can find a voice, in England it will seek for its arguments, and in the history of England find its lessons. Were great political thinkers allowed freely to speak out in France, they would not come to English "Debates on India" for their precedents and illus trations. They would ransack French history, and eagerly gather up the lost clues of French constitutionalism. Who, but the Emperor and his policy, forces them into the strange atmosphere of English politics ? It is no doubt unfair to France, and is likely to yield mistaken inferences, to judge her institutions and progress by an English type. But if no room is given for indigenous French thought to develop itself, there is no alternative for it but to graft itself on the free stem of English opinion. When the most distinguished of French thinkers is fined 3,000 francs, imprisoned for six months, aud subjected to an indefinite term of of political surveillance, for commenting bitterly on the comparative conditions of-Fiance and England, —how is it possible that the contrast between the two countries can ever be forgotten-that Frenchmen can help thinking more and more exclusively in English moulds ? And as for English narrowness and the English disposi- tion to recommend her own insular institutions to all other nations without any regard to their history and ante- cedents, how can that be checked while the English Government irritates us by a parade of homage and friend- liness to a system which we are always hearing condemned in the severest terms by those who are its victims ? Even if we did not try to understand French modes of thought and French traditions, we might at least leave them more to their own workings, if we were not vexed into hostile criticism by seeing our Government parade a respect and es-eem for those who are working out the present system, which we do not feel and cannot feign. And as soon as we begin to comment at all, it must necessarily be according to our own experience we cannot measure French despotism except by the rules and patterns of English constitu- tionalism. If, therefore, the Emperor has reason to complain, as the counsel for the prosecution of Montalembert has com- plained, that Frenchmen think by English types—that the English Government have reason to complain that we embroil them with France by applying English notions to French politics—they have only themselves to blame. Montalembert would not hold up English freedom to the envy of the French nation if he were not aware that nowhere but in England could he blame freely without fear. The English press would not criticise the Emperor so severely as to embroil England with France, were it not that the English Government misrepresents the national feeling to Europe, and so extorts from Englishmen a fitting vindi- cation. -Economist. NEW LEGAL CHANGES.—It is understood that Lord Justice Knight Bruce is to be made a peer, when he will resign his present appointment. Vice Chancellor Wood will be the new Lord Justice, and Mr. Malins, M. P., of the Chancery Bar, is expeoted to be the new Vice- Chancellor.-Post. ECCLESIASTICAL INTELLIGENCE.—The following pr e- ferments and appointments have been recently made Prebendary-Rev. W. C. Townsend, to Ballysadare, diocese of Achonry. Rectories—Rev. R. Hodges, to Pilton, Northamptonshire; Rev. T. Watts, to Herbran- ston, Pembrokeshire; Rev. R. Williams, to St. Stephen, Bristol. Vicarages-Rev. T. S. Rawlins, to Denchivorth, Berks Rev. R. P. Waller, to Straton, Cornwall. Cura- cies, &o.—Rev. R. E. Baillie, to Free Church, Derry Rev. F. A. Baines, to Christ Church, Ware, Herts Rev. H. R. Bramwell, to Buglawton, Cheshire; Rev. J. O. Brook, to the chaplaincy of the Union, Calne, Wilts Rev. S Cheetham, to Hitchin, Herts; Rev. A. O. Cotton, to St Paul, Stepney, Middlesex; Rev. E. Gilson, to Christ Church, Mount Sorrell, Leicestershire Rev. J. R. Hen- derson, to Newcastle, diocese of Limerick; Rev. J. E. C. Husband, to Selattyn, Salop; Rev. J. Jones, to Tremeir. chion, Flintshire Rev. W. R Lawrence, to be diocesan secretary for the diocess of Gloucester and Bristol and Hereford, conjointly, for the Society for Promoting the Employment of Additional Curates in Populous Places ltev. H. J. Marshall, to St. Peter's Episcopal Church, Montrose Rev R. Mussen, to Donoughmore, diocese of Derry; Rev. W. T. Nicholson, to St. Thomas, Stepney, Middlesex Rev. G. R. G. Pughe, to Aberhafest, Mont- gomeryshire Rev J. Sturkey, to St. Asaph, Flintshire Rev. T. Sutton, to Sunk Island, York; Rev. T. H. Tarl- ton, late incumbent of Warmley, Gloucestershire, to the vacant living of Stroud Rev. J. Whitaker, to be chaplain to the Royal Russian Company at Moscow also, to be euccursal chaplain to the British Embassy Rev. M Wild, to Alton, Staffordshire; Rev. F. C. Woodhouse, to St. Mary, Hulme, Lancashire.