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-1-1 I THE DEFEAT OF MINISTERS. I [From the Post.] I The people of England will be surprised to learn the fact which we publish this morning, of a majority of sixteen against the Government on the Chinese question. They may not have the patience to sift with extreme minuteness the nice legal questions as to the character of the lorcha which was seized, but they will read and will understand the strong broad statement which Lord Palmerston gave iaat night of the policy of the British Government. They will know what this country owes to the great War Minister, and they will act accordingly when they are called on. On such a question, on a vote of censure, carried by such a combination, the course to be taken, we presume, cannot for a moment be doubted. The present Parliament has nearly run its legal term, and it has brought on itself its dissolu- tion. That, we have no doubt, will take place in as short a time as is consistent with the discharge of the necessary preliminaries-those that are absolutely needed for the current business of the country. That done, England will be called on to declare itself. The whole world-that is to say every quarter of the world where an English newspaper penetrates; where ex- tracts from it appear in a translated form where English doings are reported as objects of wonder, and talked of with with utter amazement—must look with more snrprise than ever at the heat and strength of discussion that has occupied four nights of the House of Commons on the Chinese question. They may understand that parties entirely op- posite in the profession of general principles may combine for one purpose that leaders, whose speeches Lave been for years a series of savage retorts and stinging reflections one against the other, may join in the warmest apparent friend- ship for the sake of what they deem a common interest. Such things have happened, and do happen, in the politest and even in the most savage countries; but what does not often happen except in England is the public manifestation and avowal of the compact, and the deliberate seizure of the question on which it shall be made. We have here a Minister who has successfully carried out the policy of this country in a war, under the suddenness and difficulty of which his predecessor had sunk. He has not only gained a peace full of honour, credit, and strength to the country, but he has met our enemy Russia-the great professor of dishonest diplomacy, in the field of treaties-and has fairly beaten her, winning for England the greatest place which under any other Minister she would have lost in the rank of European nations. He has shown himself strong, vigorous, and able in peace, as he did in war. He has proved that a Ministry which succeeded in times of trouble, when no other man dared undertake the heavy task, was not less able nor less disciplined in those comparatively easy days when the wars of this country were confined to the chastisement of the ruffians at Canton. He has entered the present Session as truly great a Minister as England ever possessed. He has borne with him the proofs of his greatness in the success which he has achieved under circumstances which, except himself no man dared face. The peace which was won by him has been at once attacked by a combination than which nothing more disgraceful appears in the history of any country. A miserable pretext is seized on in our relations with China the true facts of the case- are distorted to the utmost. The Legislators of England gravely attempt, not to protect the rights, but to enforce the abandonment of those great interests which are involved in the trade of this country with the East. Three opposite parties, three parties who have been for jvars directly and strongly op- posed in politics, in character, in personal speech, have joined against the Minister who saved the country when the directions of affairs was abandoned by Lord Aberdeen in dismay, when it was shrunk from with terror by the very members who at the first moment of peace join to beat the man whom they could tolerate so long as they needed him in war. The country will judge the combination. (From the Globe.) I The division of this morning will surprise the country, as, if we may judge from the anticipations in Mr. Cobden's reply, it surprised the mover of the Resolution which was carried, That Resolution was indeed 80 framed as to catch as many loose votes as possible, and really affirms little more than the incompetence of the House, as at present advised, to express a decided opinion on the subject. Mr. Cobden's Resolution runs as follows That this House has heard with concern of the conflicts which have occurred between the British and Chinese authorities in the Canton river; and, without expressing an opinion as to the extent to which the Government of China may have afforded this country cause of complaint respecting the non-futfilmcnt of the treaty of 1842, this House con- siders that the papers which have been laid upon the table fail to establish satisfactory grounds for the violent measures resorted to at Canton in the late affair of the Arrow." If we suppose, for the sake of argument, the documentary grounds for the recent proceedings at Canton to be incom- plete, surely it will not follow that the House of Commons, in the present state of things, need have been in such hot haste to give an opinion on the subject. Government had been indeed compelled to support or disavow their officers in China and in concurrence with the judgment of all best fitted to pronounce with connaissance de cause, they had thought it their duty to strengthen the hands of those officers with all the moral and material support which could be given them. The House of Lords, in like manner, had refused to look at the question like mere lawyers, or mere rhetoricians, or to go out of their way to pass a censure on distant proceedings, which those best qualified to judge, whether on the spot, or in this country, concurred in deeming to have been dictated by the necessity of the case, and the abnormal nature of our position towards the Chinese people and government. As the terms of Mr. Cobden's motion seem to have been studiously framed to enable men to give a vote on the ques- tion who could not come to any decided conclusion on it, so he laboured in his reply to set his supporters quite at ease with regard to the consequences of the vote they might give. It seems to me that all the mischief that could be done has been already done, and a vote of this House cannot make the matter worse. The noble lord predicts that terrible dangers would result from a change of Ministry; but we all remember that in the midst of the last Chinese war, in 1840, Sir Robert Peel was carried into power,—and yet we do not find that British interests in China suffered by that change of Ministry, for the war was, in fact, carried on more fiercely than before." If a vote of the House could not make the matter worse, it was equally clear that a vote of the House could not make the matter better. It would have seemed then that the part of good sense and patriotism was to abstain from a vote given without adequate information, or (avowed) practical object. Making however all due allowance for the operation, how- ever mistaken, motives in some quarters, we must seek, we fear, for the practical objects of this morning's vote in a direction very different from that of the public interest. The Coalition which has for the moment triumphed in the Lower House of Parliament presents no slight resemblance to the present object of its ostensible sympathies-which Sir John Davis describes [in 1852] as the vicious and incur- able rabble of Canton." Since the conclusion of the war with England, it has been the fixed idea of the Canton populace that they are fully capable of administering them- selves, and of dealing with "outside barbarians," on their own account. During the war, their jarring factions had waged internecine conflict in the heart of the city—" a war of extermination," says Sir John Davis, raged within the crowded space of the walls, aud the Chinese leaders, unable to quell the general rage, or to control their own people, resolved to conclude a convention with the enemy (the English) at any risk and expense." But however little the Canton rabble found it possible to unite during war, for defence of their city, they have contrived repeatedly to coalesce since the peace, in asserting the privilege of internal anarchy, and planning the plunder of the outside barbari- ans." In the very year following (we attain quote Davis)— "in December, 1812, soon after the Treaty of Nanking had ?een formally concluded, the Canton mob burned down the British factories and flagstaff, and their excesses were perpetually and annually renewed up to the public decapitation of the four murders of the Englishmen in 1847, with the subsequent punishment of eleven more,— since which a diminution has taken place in their taste for mischief." The taste for mischief" in the Canton coalition of the local rulers and the local populace will doubtless receive some degree of encouragement from the similar taste in the new-born Coalition here. A parliamentary Coalition did its best, in the last century, to overthrow British power in India and to ruin the man by whom that power was chiefly con. solidated. A parliamentary Coalition is doing its best now farther to embroil our relations with China. Considerations of commerce and empire kick the beam in the scale of fac- tion it is for the sense of the nation to redress the balanoe, and vindicate its own cause in the scramble of selfish ambitions. [From the Times of Thursday.] I Had it been possible to make an immediate appeal to the country on the result of the Division yesterday morning Her Majesty's Ministers would only have met in Cabinet to resolve on a course so evidently to their advantage. They would not have given an hour's opportunity to the political sections who have just made the discovery that union is force, As we have it on the authority of one of their chiefs thftt" England does not love Coalitions," the sooner Eng- land ill invited to express her feelings on the character of the present extraordinary specimen the better. A dissolution, is not, however, possible at this moment. Parliament could not reassemble before the expiry of the Mutiny Act in April, and her Majesty would then be left without money and men for the service and defence of the State. To-day, therefore, the Premier will propose tucli temporary arrangements as wi 1 allow time for an appeal to the constituencies. A Three Montl»' Mutiny Act, instead of the usual one for a year, and the necessary votes for the same period, would answer this purpose, and unless the three branches of the Coalition wish to add to the existing difficulties they will throw no obstacle in the way. No doubt there are people to look on such ah iaterval as a sort of Saturnalia, when, like ship- wrecked sailors rushing to the liquor, they may indulge in any proceedings, however factious and futile. It is not on behalf of the Government that we deprecate any course of simple annoyance. The new Coalition has a character to make, and it will not do that by throwing everything into confusion, as well at home as abroad. We believe that Go- vernment has no other wish than to take the opinion of the country on the question raised by its opponents, and so far carry out their wishes. It will, on its side, abstain from all new measures, only going on with those on which Parlia- ment has fully declared itself. The remission of the War Ninepence," and, we presume, too, the other parts of the new Budget, will be proceeded with; and if the House of Commons, under its new inspiration, should think fit to recede from its present decision on these points, it will have the opportunity of doing so. Under these arrangements it is evident that a dissolution may be expected in the course of the present month, and a new Parliament in May. The constitutional ceremony we are about to go through is, in fact. a trial of Her Majesty's advisers at the bar of the people. The House of Commons does but perform the part of a Grand Jury, and, as it has not thrown out the bill of indictment preferred by the triple accuser, that bill goes at once to the jury of the nation. When that nation, how- ever, hears of the task which devolves upon it, we are in- clined to think it will be rather at a loss to know the precise question to be answered. What is the offence ? What is the substance of the solemn interrogatory, Guilty or not guilty?-' put to the Government now at the bar of public opinion ? The question is an extraordinary one, and we doubt if the like was ever put to the British people before. It is simply this,—Has Lord Palmerston's Cabinet forfeited the confidence of the people, on account of a series of acts committed on the other side of the world six weeks before they were here even heard of, and by public servants ap- pointed under a former Administration? The present Cabinet neither appointed the men nor advised the measures, nor bad anything whatever to do with them. At Christmas,lwhen all the world was in the country, Ministers went down among the rest, and there read in the papers, some hours later than the London, and Birmingham, and Manchester world, that an unfortunate dispute had broken out at Canton. The greater part of the proceedings that have occupied the attention of Parliament during the last ten days had oc- curred several weeks before the least inkling of them could come to this country and, from first to last, including the firing of a river-side suburb of Canton to prevent its being a perpetual ambuscade, everything took place long before the arrival in China of a despatch from the Government at home. In fact, had the scene of the narrative been the Moon, or had it been a chapter from the Arabian Nights, the present Cabinet could not have had less to do with it. It did not even appoint the men, for they were bequests from a former Cabinet, and stand upon their own merits, in which they can well bear all the scrutiny the public choose to require. Here, then, is the question which the people of England are called to answer.—Is Lord Palmerston's Ad- ministration to be condemned end displaced for what it never did and could not do;—for what it only heard of when everybody else heard of it;—for what was done by men whom it did not appoint, and with whom it had not yet been able to hold any communication ? We have only heard of one question at all like it, though hardly so foolish a one, and it was put by certain persons who made a great pretence of religion and justice,—"Did this man sin, or his father, that he was born blind ?" Of course, it will be said that as Government accepts the issue, declining to agree in the condemnation of these proceedings and the consequent surrender of their authors, it is responsible for them. Strictly and constitutionally Government is responsible for everything that is done by its servants, even if it be in fact wholly beyond its control, or even its knowledge. They, however, who have carried this doctrine to the theoretical perfection exhibited by yester- day's vote must have borrowed a hint from the system of > that Celestial Empire which they have taken under their patronage. We read in Mr. Meadows's work One of the principal defects of the polity of the Chinese Empire is the existence and operation of numerous provisions in the code entitled 'Code of the Board of Civil Office for the l'unishment of the Mandarins,' whereby the mandarins are made responsible for a vast number of things over which they cannot possibly exercise any control, and in which punishments, more or less severe, are laid down for them in the case of failure." But we need not travel out of the very case before us for a parallel, only not quite so unreasonaole as the new English practice. One of Yeh's pretences for seizing the crew of the Arrow was that there was an old man on board whose son was a pirate, and, as the son could not be caught, the old man's head was wanted instead of his son's. Certainly a father may in some sense be held accountable for a son. But according to the Code of our threatened rulers at home a Cabinet is to be held responsible for the appointment of its predecessors, and for the acts of the officers so appointed. This is to hold the son account- able for the father, over whom he can have no control. It is true that Government does refuse to remove or censure the alleged offenders, and does accept their acts. We too, we believe, should have done the same in their case. We are persuaded there was no other alternative, and when the whole story is before the world England will think so too. We shall not at present drag our readers over the ground they have so often traversed during the last week. We may say that, assailed with deliberate outrage by one of the greatest miscreants ever heard of, threatened with more, denied reparation or, what was more important, any guaran- tee for the future, in the ;very presence of daily atrocities, and with a fanatic population ever ready to rise up against them, Her Majesty s servants in this trying situation acted according to their discretion for the honour of the British flag, the observance of treaties, the interests of their country, and the cause of civilization. No doubt, beset with horrors, and latterly assailed with poison, assassination, and every form of villany, they had a trying time of it. Yet they did their duty to the best of their knowledge, and we shall require better and less factious arguments to convince us that they were wrong. It is, theu, for not joining in the censure and abandonment of these men that the British people are invited to expel the Government which, among other services, has brought the war with Russia and now that with Pe.sia to an honourable termination, and, with the exception of China,—and must we add Naples ?-has not a single quarrel with any other Government in the world.

THE DEFEAT OF MINISTERS. -1

THE CORN TRADE. I

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