The Welshman

HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, FITB. 21. Lord Palmerston announced that, in regard to the matters contained in the report of Sir John l\l'Neil and Colonel Tulloch, it was the intention of Her Majesty to appoint a Board of General Officers, to receive explana- tions from officers desirous of giving any, and to report thereon to Her Majesty. In reply to inquiries, the noble Lord further stated that, as the functions of the Board would be confined to re- ceiving explanations from officers of the aimy touching i their military conduct, it was deemed proper and right that the Board should consist of military men only that no officcr lately seiving in the Crimea would be a member of the Board, and that the proceedings would not be open to the public. After the reception of a host of petitions, Sir J. Walinsley moved a resolution, that it would promote the moral and intellectual impiovement of the working classes of this metropolis if the collections of j national history and of art in the British Museum and thp i National Gallery were open to the public inspection after morning service on Sunday." The object of the motion, be said, was to enable the working classes to visit those collections on the afternoon of Sunday, and that was its full extent, although propositions of a different character had been mixed up with it. He contended, and supported his opinion by authorities, that the measure would furnish not only sources of rational amusement and enjoyment, but means of enlarging the mind and cultivating the taste, while it would improve the moral habits cf the labouring classes. In answer to the objection that it would lead to a f _i-III desecration of the Sunday, he avowed his opinion thr.1 Sunday should be a day of rest hut lie saw no nccessat) connexion between the opening of the British Museui: and the National Gallery on Sunday and a desecration ol that day. He regarded the institution of Sunday as on- of the greatest blessings conferred upon man but rience showed that restrictive measures, far from encourag ing the troral and religious tone of the people, nourished a spirit o: antagonism to religion. When clubs and pHrks were open, and even soirees and reunions were held 01. Sunday, the shutting up museums and galleiies practi- cally prescribed one law for the rich and another for the poor. The motion was seconded by Sir J. Shelley, who thought that, after time had been given for devotional exercises on Sunday, labouring men should have inducements to quit their crowded streets, in means and opportunities of enjoy- ing intellectual recreations during the afternoon of that day, the only time which they practically had for that purpose. Mr. Pellatt moved, by way of amendment, that more frequent opportunities should be afforded for week-day in- spection of the Nailoiial Gallery, Government museums and works of art; also, that the British Museum should be open five days in the week. This amendment was seconded by Mr. Baxter, who argued that the adoption of the original resolution wo,u!d be a prelude to the opening of the theatres, as well as places of amusement in the provinces, on Sunday. Mr. Murrough supported the original motion upon reli- gious grounds, and would throw open our cathedrals during the week. Mr. Crossley opposed the motion. Sunday, he argued, would soon cease to be a rest day if places of amusement were opened, and it would be a dark day in England, he thought, if Parliament trifled with the rest day. Lord Stanley, after suggesting that large deductions should be made from the weight otherwise due to the vast number of petitions presented to the House against the object of the motion-on the ground that they were the result of an organized movement, conducted by an influen- tial body-observed that the question was not, as had been alleged, whether the rtsolutien would offend conscientious feelings, but whether the offence was reasonable. There was a broad distinction between permissive aud compulsory legislation but those who resisted the Sunday opening did not ask not to be compelled to go to places of amuse- ment, but to have power put into thtir hands to compel others not to go. He denied the right of the House or of any tribunal to lay down and enforce the duty which each man owed to a higher power The resolution contained nothing that interfered with religious observances on Sunday; it dealt, too, with only national and Government institutions. Excellent as was the institution of Sunday, he had known instances in which its Sabbatical observance had been carried to an undesirable extent. There was no objection to opening the British Museum and National Gallery that did not go to stop excursion trains and lay an embargo upon steam vessels on Sundays. Mr. Napier warned the House that if the step recom- mended in the resolution were once taken it never could be retraced, and Parliament might put in peril one of our most venerable and most valued institutions. This was only a small beginning, but by slow degrees the poison would be infused; and, however plausible the resolution might appear, taken by itself, it must be considered with relation to its circumstances and consequences. The Sunday was said to be a day of rest; but the rest was to be means to an end—namely the spiritual and religious welfare of man. If the foundation of the Lord's.d.ty were weakened, its religious observance would be impaired and eventually sacrified. TV e were not to inflict upon the Sabbath-day—a national and Christian institution a mischief growing out of our maltreatment of the labouring classes 011 the week days. Mr. Haywood supported the resolution as a humanizing and civilizing measure. Scientific men, he remarked, were no party to the movement against it, and he insisted upon what he considered the erroneous notions of many of the petitioners, who believed, he said, that the Sabbath was coeval with the creation of the world, the Mosaical account of which he regarded as a mere Jewish legend. Mr. Cairns said there was a ground of opposition to the motion from which he could not move,-narnely, the com- mand relative tj the sanctity of the Sabbath. If he could come to the conclusion that there was no positive law as to the observance of a particular day, he should be at a loss to understand why one day should differ from another; but he had heard no attempt to deny the existence of a law on the subject. The resolution only said that the opening of ceitain institutions would improve, morally and intellectually, the working classes—a fallacy which tempted our first parents to commit the original sin, and disobey a command for the sake of intellectual improvement. If public institutions were opened on Sunday, on what plea could places of private amusement be closed ? If these were opened, places of trade could not be shut, and Sunday would cease to be a day of rest. Lord Ebrington was inclined to agree with those who held the obligation of a Christian observance of the Lord's- day but the question was, not what he thought to be his conscientious duty to do as an individual, but how far he should enforce his views upon others. He should, in the present circumstances of the metropolis, support the mo- tion. Mr. Roundell Palmer observed that the interests, physi- cal and moral, of society in maintaing this inestimable institution were so enormous that almost any sacrifice of minor objects would be worth making for its preservation. It rested on the conviction of a moral obligation of a higher law than that of Parliament, and of the necessity of obeying that law; but, although the institution rested upon the religious conviction of the people, all admitted that legislation was necessary to secure the benefits en- joyed under it. In other countries, wherever the influ- ence of the Christian religion prevailed, and in proportion to that influence, there was a tendency to establish those rules for securing to the labourer his day of rest which the resolution sought to relax. If the working classes were invited by public authority to visit places of amusement or intellectual recreation upon a day hitherto consecrated to religion, it would be putting intellect in competition, with religion, and the museum in competition with the church. Mr. E. Ball opposed the motion, against the object of which he had presented, he said, 100 petitions. Mr. Wigrain expressed his surprise that no member of the Government had risen to explain its views. Lord Palmerston said it was not his intention to support the motion, but the way in which he looked at the subject would not be satisfactory to those with whom he should vote. He attached as much value as any to the observance of Sunday on the other hand, he did not think the mere opening two places of resort would of itself materially affect its observance or infringe its sanctity. But those who objected to the motion did so chiefly because they considered it the first step to something more, and this was an objection well deserving of attention. Concurring with the majority of the House, that it was not expedient to take this step, although not important in itself; consi- dering, on the one hand, that advantages would be derived from opening these places, and, 011 the other, that a great amount of feeling had been expressed which was entitled to the utmost respect, and that it would have a bad effect on the moral feeling of the country if the House acted in defiance of these opinions, he should vote, he said, against the motion. With regard to the amendment, lie sug- gested that it had better be withdrawn, and that the matter should be left in the hands of the tiuslees of the Museum. Mr. Muntz felt obliged to vote against the motion. The amendment having been withdrawn, after a repl) from Sir J. Walmsley, the House divided upon the original motion, which was negatived by 376 to IS. The Delamere Forest Bill was read a second time, after a brief conversation as to its objects between Mr. Wilson and Sir 11, Willoughby. The Turnpike Trusts Arrangements Bill and the C om mons Bill passed through committee. The other business having been disposed of, the House adjourned at 10 minutes to 12 o'clock. FRIDAY, FEB. 22. I On the motion that the House at its rising do adjourn until Alonday. Lord J. Russell, in reply to Sir J. Pakington, explained the course he intended to pursue with reference to his ie- solutions upon the subject of national education. In answer to an inqiury by Mr. Frewen, Lord Palmerston stated that it was not the inteniion of the Go, ernment to propose any measure with regard to leases of church property while the inquiries of the Committee on the Ecclesiastical Commission were pend- ing. Mr. Otway put a question to the President of the India Board concerning the instructions forwarded to thr Governor-General of India, having reference to the terri- torics of the Iiing of Oude. He observed that the ques- tion was one of great magnitude, involving impurtant considerations of morality as well as policy, and his wish was to elicit information upon the subject from the Go- vernment. He inquired, therefore, whether instructions had been forwarded to Lord Dalhousie to sequestiate tht territories of the King of Oude, and whether there had been any manifestation of feeling in the country sIl),vir. desire to come under our dominion. Mr. Smith replied that it was well known that fur many years the state of the kingdom of Oude had excited tile attention and anxiety of our Indian Government that the home authorities had, in their despatch, left, large discretion to the Marquis of Dalhousie in dealing with the qtieslion and to that despatch 110 answer had been received. Sir E. Perry considered this statement to be most un- satisfactory. For some years past, he said, the policy acted upon by Lord Dalhousie had been that of unscrupulous!) annexing every independent State in India to our territories as opportunities occurred,—a policy opposed to the opinions of the most experienced of our Indian statesman. Sir J. Hogg begged the House not to take the policy 01 Lord Dalhousie and the principles of his government from the speech of Sir E. Perry. After some remarks by Mr. J. Phinimore and Jlr. Roebuck, the motion was agreed to. The House having resolved itself into a Committee oi j Ways and Means. a 1 iiniii—11»1 u. ma—"Tumarwi The Chancellor of the Exchequer, previous to moving certain resolution*, laid before the Committee explanations concerning the state of the national finances, and th( reasons for deviating from the ordinary practice of reserv it)., these details for the Budget. He recalled to the recollection of the Committee the statement he made last April, when he estimated the amount of the revenue at and that of the ex- penditure at £ 81,899,000, leaving by way of margin, t surplus of £ 4,44-0,000, which was subsequently reduced by a remission of taxation, to £ 4,240,000. Supplemental estimates were afterwards voted, to the amount of £ 6.135.000, which raised the estimated expenditure to £ 88,034,000. An addition of Exchequer bills and bonds had increased the estimated income to £ 90,138,000, which left a margin or surplus of £2,105,000 at the end of the last session. He i hen reaù accuunts of the actual receipts r.f the several items of the revenue, of which the result was that these was a deficiency, or an amount below the estimate, of F-1,C,00,000, while there had been an exees- of expenditure beyond the estimate of LI,960,000 showing that the actual state of the finances turned out worse than he had estimated by £ 3,500,000. After some remarks upon the causes of the deficiency in certain items of the receipts, and of the excess in the expenditure, he stated what had been the precise sum which the war had cost, the difference between a peace expenditure and that of 22 months of war btil\. £ 43,564,000, including Army, Militia, Commissariat, Navy, and Ordnance. The result was that we found ourselves in the position of being about £ 4,000,000 less capable than hc had cstimated last session that we should be, and the object of the resolutions he had placed in the hands of the chairman was to enable Government to place the finances of the country in the present year in the position in which they would have been if the estimates had not proved deficient. The firs resolution was for a loan of L5,000,000, which would provide amply for the present, and leave some surplus for the ensuing financial year. The entire sum which had been borrowed in the present year, including Exchequer bills and bonds, was £23,000,000. If the resoluiion were agreed to, there would be a further amount of £ 5,000,000 making a total £ 28,000,000. Sir Cornewall then entered into statistical details of the state of our trade and commerce, showing that the resources of the country were unirnpaiic-d. Theloan,hesaid,had been arranged 011 terms not disadvantageous to the nation. Another resolu- tion related to the funding of Exchequer-bills. These securities had been, and continued 10 be, at a discount, in spite of an increase of the rate of interest, it was therefore necessary for the Executive Government to resort to one of two expedients—either to fund, or to make a further advance of the rate of interest. The process of funding was simply a conversation of one species of Government security for another. The amount of Exchequer-bills it was proposed to fund was £ 3,000,000, the total amount of outstanding bills being £ 23,000,000. Assuming that the operation succeeded in raising the price of Exchequer- bills to par, the saving to the public thereby, in compari- son with the other alternative, of raising the rate of interest, would be E193,000 per annum. In conclusion he observed that if the pending negotiations should pro- duce peace, the Government would have it in their power deliberately to consider the state of the revenue; but if they should unhappily not so terminate, it would be their duty to appeal to the House to place the finances in a position which would enable them to meet the large estimates that would be required for war pur- poses. The resolutions (which arc given in the leport) were then put, and, after a short discussion, were agreed to. On the order for going into a Committee of Supply. Colonel Dunne called for explanation as to the very large amount of the Ordnance estimates, and expatiated upon the contracts and method of supplying the army with clothing, arms, and accoutrements, complaining of the existing system, and of mismanagement, inefficiency, and incompetency in those departments of the army. He insisted that, when the Honse was asked fib vote such large sums, these matters ought to Le inquired into, and he concluded by moving that the estimates be referred to a committee. Mr. Monsell observed that the matters noticed by Colonel Dunne could be better discussed in the com- mittee. Mr. J. L. Ricardo thought this was not a satisfactory answer, and insisted upon the inefficient system adopted for pro\'iding dothin and supplies for the army, which, he said, drove respectable and fair traders out of the market. He suggested that undue means were em- Lord Palmerston pointed out the inconvenience attend- ing this discussion, -except with the latitude allowed in committee. Sir De Lacy Evans protested against what he considered sharp practise on the part of the Government, in calling upon the House to discuss estimates of great importance, framed iiiit)n v now plan, at 0G hours notice. The discussion continued for same time upon mis- cellaneous topics. At length the Speaker was allowed to leave the chair, and the House went into a Committee of Supply upon the Army and Ordnance Estimates. Mr. Monsell explained the nature of the votes he pro- posed-first; the Ordnance supplemental estimates for the expenditure already incurred, and next the Army and Ordnance estimates for the present year. In the course of his explanation lie she,wed that the present war ex- penditure was much below that fit the end of the last war; and lie gave a very satisfactory account of the condition, moral as well as physical, of the army in the Crimea, and of the arrangements lately made for the benefit of the troops. The supplemental Ordnance estimates amounted £ 1,316,023, for which he pr(Jpocd to take a vote 011 account. Tile number of land forces of all kinds to be voted was 246,716 men (all excess of 30,378 over the vote of last year), including 22,719 foreign troops; the sum required for the laTHl forces was £ 10,950,398, and the grand total for the effective and non-effective services was L31,998,501, being an excess of £ 6,328,007 over the votes of la-it )ear. Mr. Monsell went through the various iteiii,s c,?ni l )ozs i t, .?, the a, items composing the aggregate vote, accounting for the exctss in each, and replying to the observations of Colonel Dunne. The supplemental estimates for barrack supplies, wages, s ores, and for the scientific branch, amounting in all to EI,346,02,3, were agreed to, as well as the number of the land 'forbes, and the Chairman was then ordered to report progress. The Delamere Forest Bill passed through committee. The Turnpike Trusts Arrangements Bill and th e Commons Enclosure Bill was read a third time and passed. Leave was given to Mr. M. Gibson to introduce a bill to abolish tbe Oath of Abjuration. The remaining business having been disposed of, the House adjourned at 25 minutes to 1 o'clock, until Monday. MONDAY, FEB. 25. Petitions were presented by Mr. John Lloyd Davies, from inhabitants of Bettws Bleddrws pai-;sii, also from the in- habitants of Llanwenog parish, both in the county of Cardigan; also from inhabitants of Cenarth parish, in the County of Carmarthen, against the removal of St. David's Coileue from Larnpetcr, and praying the House to repeal the clause authorizing such a step, and to add to the en- dowments of St. David's College. Mr. T. Buncombe asked whether the conduct of Sir II. Young, in abruptly proroguing the Legislative Assembly of Tasmania, pending the sitting of a committee appointed to inquire into the working of the convict system in that co- lony, had received the approval of Her Majesty's Govern- ment. Mr. Labouchere, after stating the facts of the case, said that, on the best consideration he could give to it, he had come to the conclusion that the Governor had committed an error in judgment in putting himself in opposition to the Legislative Council on a point in respect to which lie, was ill tlw wrong, and that he had stated his opinion to the Governor but he was not prepared to express an opinion whether he was in the wrong in proroguing the Council. The reports of the Commitee of Supply and of the Committee of Ways and Means were brought up, and agreed to. In a Committee of Ways and Means, on the motion of Mr. Wilson, a resolution was agreed to for a grant upon the Consolidated Fund for the amount of the Supplemental Estimates. On the order for the second reading of the Local Dues on Sliil)piu! &c., Bill, Sir F. Thesiijpr moved to defer the second reading for six months. He was justified, he thought, in this motion by the absolute refusal on the part of the Government to listen to the fair and just claims of those whose interests were affected by the bill, and by their determination to per- severe in a measure fraught, he said, with the greatest in- justice, and which tended to shake the security of all corporate property. Mr. Lowe had assumed, he observed, that corporations might be deprived of their property by the Legislature for the benefit of the public,-a doctrine which recalled to his mind the time when assaults were made upon charters. But even then a pretence at least was made of a misuse or an abuse of chartered rights whereas, in the present instance, there was not a single allegation of improper application of the funds, but, by a mere exertion of the power of Parliament, the property of corporate bodies was to be seized and confiscated to the use of the State. He did not, ssid, oppose the first portion of the bill, relating to passing tolls, which were not private property nor to. the fourth part, which con- cerned charities. The second part proposed to transfer all rates, dues, duties, and imposts upon ships and goods from corporate towns to jhe Customs, to be applied as directed by the Board of Trade and the third proposed entirely to abolish the differential dues, on the plea that corporate property was public property. Sir Frederick distinguished between different species of corporations. One species, he argued, consisted of those which were invested with a public trust, without any beneficial interest; and these tninht, he admitted, be dealt with by Parliament for the public advantage. Other corporations were created to be the medium of conferring rights and privileges npon in- divi .uals, in vhich each individual possessed a right to and share in the privileges and property of the corporation. In the latter case, with reference to the public at lar»e, the corporation had rights and property which 'it was en- titled to possess as exclusively all individuals yet the bill applied the same tulc to both species. He then entered into a minute disquisition upon the cases of Liverpool and other marine corporations affected by the bill, which he followed up by an examination of the precedents produced by Mr. Lowe, observing that the case of the Trinity-house, which was strictly a public corporation (no member having '"Mwww'Ma 1 HI ■mil—inn—»———■■ ■■■IHIIMUII I any interest in the funds), and that of the Municipal Re- form Act—both of which had been cited in favour of thir bill-were strong cases in support of his argument against it. In respect to the dues which it was intended to trans- fer to the control of the Board of Trade, tha change would not be of the slightest benefit to the public, while th' principle was one of most dangerous tendedcy. With re- gard to the dues to be abolished, if other corporation- looked on wilh folded arms while this spoil and confisca- tion went on, they would tind, probably to their own cost, he said, that thep would obtnin only the melancholy pri- vilege of being the last devoured. The measure, iu hi- opinion, was calculated to take away rights secured bv charters, acts of Parliament, public agreement, and imme- morial posses-ion, and thereby to undermine the security of all corporate property. Sir F. Baring, in seconding the amendment, observed that any one who looked at the provisions of the bill must hesitate at voting for its principle. He objected to the second reading- npon two grouiids-first, because he recog- nised in the bill a determination to interfere with self-ma- nagement in affairs which he thought should be left to the local government- and, secondly, because he recogniscd throughout the bill a caeelessness of private rights, and a sacrifice of public and Parliamentary faith. Mr. Lowe after replying to the ciificisms of Sir F. Baring anp Sir F. Thesiger upon his speech introductory of the bill, observed that the measure was founded upon the introduction of a commission, and the question was how the views of the commissioners could be best carried out. This object was one of consider ibl, difficulty, and he he complained of the want of candour with which the bill had been received, and of the hart terms of confiscation" and spoliation" applied to it. Sir F. Thesiger had dwelt, lie said; much upon the term property." What was property ? Ho could understand pioperty in land and property in capital; but property in other men's property he could not understand, and it was the claim to this spurious kind of properly which the bill sought to transfer to the Crown,—a proceeding supposed to endanger not only all corporate property, but all private property. He warued I those who employed this argument that, while it would not fortify corporate rights, it might suggest to the public that private property rested upon no surer foundation the other. If the existence of public bodies whice were crea- ted for the public good was not compatible with the pub- lie interests, it was not only the right, but the duty of Parliament to abolish them. They were means for the at- tainment of ends, and when they ceased to answer those ends they ought to give place to something that would an- swer them. In their zeal for property the opponents of the bill, he observed, would destroy the right of property. This was not a mere question of corporation property it involved the interests of those who paid the dues; and lie maintained that he it was who stood up for the principle of property, and that the opponents of the bill were really- advocating spoliation. After a brief examination of the cases referred to by Sir F. Thesiger, he averted to the doc- trine of compensation, contending that this was no case of compensation, or for throwing the dues upon the commu- nity. It might be said that the injury olth,se extortions was small but there was no injury, as Mr. Bentham said, the multiplication of whfch might not make it intolerable. Mr. Cairns said he had intended to vote for the second reading of the bill but the speech (if Mr. Lowe, and the interpretation he had put upon the measure, had made one covert against it. He disputed the doctrine of Mr. Lowe, that a task was not propsrty, and that it was robbery to take a tax without rendering an equivalent, contending that it was inconsistent with his own bill. If this doctrine was true, and the Liverpool corporation had, as alleged, so spent the money so raised improperly, the Goveiuuseut would be entitled to take possession of the buildings and other property into which the corporation had converted the town dues. He pointed out other particulars which, he thought, showed that the measure was crude and ill- considered. He insisted that, although, the bill was said to be for the relief of shipping, the locai dues did not fall upon ships, nor did the differential dues, while new imposts were to be levied upon shipping. On the motion of Mr. W. S. Lindsay, the debate was adjourned (after some discussion) until this day. The Prisons (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. The Delamere Forest Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. Whiteside's Irish Court of Chancery Bills were read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee, The Aitornev-Ganeral obtained leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the act ISth and 19th Yictoria, for the bc-tter local management of the metropolis. I Mr. Wilson (for Mr. llorsman) obtained leave to bring in a bill to abolish the office of Secretary to the Poor L-vw Commissioners in Ireland. The remaining business having been disposed of, the House adjourned at 10 minutes to 1 o'clock, TUESDAY, FEB. 2G. In reply to a question, Lord Palmerston said, the endeavours of Her Majesty's Government had been directed for some years past, and very recently most urgently, to induce the Turkish Govern- ment to construct a serviceable road from Trebizonde to Erzcroum. The report of the Committee of Ways and Means was brough t up and agreed to. On tke order for resuming the debate upon the second reading of the Local Dues on Shipping. &o., Bill, Lord Palmerston said, he was anxious to state to the House the course which Her Majesty's Government, 011 full consideration, had deemed it tneir duty to take with regard to this measure. They had felt that these burdens upon the shipping and industry of the country were matters which deserved the interference of Parliament, and, with the view of liberating those interests from sueh hurdens, under which it was not fitting that they should labour, this measure had been proposed to Parliament In the discussion upon ihe bill, nothing, he observed, had been said by its opponents to shake the confidence of the Government in the justice and policy of the course they bad pursued. But in that discussion it became manifest that, in the case of some of the towns affected by the bill, there were circumstances of far greater complication than the Government were at first led to suppose, and which could be very imperfectly and inconveniently dealt with in a committee of the whole House, so as to arrive at a conclusion satisfactory to the Government or just to the parties concerned. The bill consisted of two parts,—one relating to the passing tolls, and the other to the differential and town dues. With reference to the last, it was evident that a great variety of representations was entitled to he made by he towns, and these special cases it would be difficult to deal with in a committee on the bill. Considerable difference of opinion prevailed on the subject of these dues, and the Government had come to the conclusion that it would be more consistent with public convenience, and more likely to lead to a clear understanding and a satisfactory arrangement of the complicated details relating to the differential and town dues, to refer that portion of the measure to the consideration of a select committee. The Government, therefore, thought that the course most respectful to the House was to withdraw the bill, for the purpose of talking the whole matter into consideration, and, while the complicated details were referred to a select committee, seeing whether the other simpler matters might not-be made the subject of a separate bill. He proposed, therefore, to withdraw the present bill. Mr. Disraeli said, he had heard the proposition of Lord Palmerston with satisfaction. When he had considered the alarming character of the bill, supported by a speech more calculated than any speech he had ever listened to in that house to disturb and alarm the public mind, and to unsettle all confidence in prescription, he had felt it to be his duty, the previous evening,^to impress upon the House the expediency of coming to a quick decison upon the question. The noble lord, he observed, had spoken of the consideration bestowed upon the subject but he (Mr. Disrali) wished to know what part of it could have received any consideration by the Government. The House was now told that a select committee was to investigate the subject; but if it had already been throughly investigated by the Government, where, was the necessity of a select committee? What was the use of a Cabinet and of a responsible Ministry, if they could bring forward crude measures, then recoil from them, and devolve then' duty upon a select committee r Mr. Disraeli concluded with some caustic remarks upon the general conduct of the Government business this session in that and the other House of Parliament, which had witnessed, he said, the defeat and discomfiture of Ministers by their own followers. Mr. Labouchere animadverted upon the tone adopted by Mr. Disraeli, which he contrasted with the temperate spirit in which the debate of the preceding day had been conducted, lie defended the course taken bv the Govern- ment with reference to this bill, which, having been founded upon the report of a commission, was not open, he said, to the reproach of crudeness, and he thought, when the circumstances of the case were duly considered, the song of triumph which Mr. Disraeli had thought proper to sing upon that occasion would be moderated. After a few words from Mr. 'Headlam and Mr. Had field, the order was discharged, and the bill withdrawn The Charitable Uses Bill was read a third time and passed, after a short discussion of the amendments proposed. The Select Committee on the Court of Chancery (Ireland) Bill, and that on St. James's Park, were nominated, not without some opposition. Some further business was disposed of, and the House adjourned at five minutes after 7 o'clock. WEDEXSDAY, FEU. 2". The Speaker took the chair at twelve o'clock. Sir J. Walinsley asked the Secretary for the Home De- partment, on what day the Government will proceed with the Police (Counties and Boroughs) bill. Sir G. Grey said, he intended taking it on Monday, pro- vided the army estimates progressed sufficiently on Friday to allow him that day. If not, he would then name a day on which he would proceed with it. Mr. Mitchell, 011 moving the discharge of the Contractors' I Disqualification Removal Bill, dwelt upon the unfairness of excluding members of the House from the fair field of com- petition in contracts ottered by the Government. At the same time he found that there were so many objections to the bill that he begged to withdraw it, more especially as Mr. Ricardo had given notice for a committee for a full in- quiry into the whole system of contracts. Mr. T. Buncombe said that if this bill had been persisted in he should have moved that it be read a second time this day six months. lie had now much more pleasure in se- conding the motion for discharging the order. The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought Mr. Mitchell had exercised a sound discretion in withdrawing the bill. It was not desirable to make any alteration iu the existing law relative to contractors, and if the bill had been persisted in he should have voted against the second reading. He thought the Parliament of 1783 acted wisely in passing the Act which it was now proposed to repeal. After some remarks the bill was withdrawn. Mr. Colville, in moving the second reading of the Justices of the Peace Qualification Bill, said he wished to extend the qualification for justices of the peace to persons possessing .£300 a year in personal property, or who were in receipt of pensions to that amount from the Government or the East India Company. lie would also enable County Court judges to act as magistrates in virtue of their office. He wets aware that persons not possessed of landed property could by a sort hocus pocus arrangement become justices of the peace, by obtaining from some friend a lent charge to the extent namely o, f 4100 a 'ear, the amount required by law. Mr. Deedes thought the hon. member had failed to give an adequate reason for so important a change—that of sub- stituting personal instead of property qualification for the magisterial office. At present it was not necessary that the property of a magistrate should be in the county in which he acted, but it was clear that a magistrate who had a pro- perty qualification would be much better acquainted with (lie matters with which he would have to deal than a gen- tleman having £ 300 a year, or a pension, who went, down -iito the country to enjoy himself, and who had no real in- terest in the county. Sir G. Grey thought there were many cases in which it would be advantageous to extend the qualifications of ma- gistrates. He did not pledge himself to the details of the hill, but believing that there should be an extension of the qualification, he should not oppose the second reading. ilr. Iladfield did not see why solicitors should be excluded from the magistracy; but 11" would not permit them to practice in the Courts in which they acted as magistrates. The profession of a solicitor eminently qualified him lor the discharge of judicial duties and he could see no valid reason why they should be excluded. Mr. Bankes thought the bill would require much considera- tion in committee. The duties of the magistracy could not be too often discussed in that house, and no one who acted in that capacity would be jealous of such investigation. If attorneys and solicitors were to be excluded, it must be done in a manner which would not cast any reflection upon that important body. The bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com- mitted on April 16. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the second read- ing of Annuities Bill. He had no doubt as to the correctness of the decision of the committee of last session; neverthe- less he could not shut his eyes to the fact that gentlemen of great weight and authority in that house were subject to the present state of the law, and it was only right that they should be cleared. He was unwilling to press the house to any decision oil the principle of the liability of loan con- tractor prematurely or without due consideration. The course he proposed to take was to introduce in committee a clause relieving the subscribers to the existing loan, simply declaring that they should not be liable to any penalties under the Contractors' Act. That course could not be held to throw any reasonable doubt upon the decision of the com- mittee of last session, while it would provide satisfactorily for the future. If the house was prepared to take that course he would propose the clause in committee. The bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed. The Consolidated Fund (. £ 1,631,005 Is. 5d.) Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. The Exchequer Bills Funding Bill was read a second time. On the motion of the Solicitor General for Ireland, it was agreed that the committee on Court of Chancery (Ireland) Bill shall consist of seventeen members (instead of sixteen as suggested)—and that Sir Fitzroy Kelly and the Solicitor General (Sir 11. Bethell) be added to the Committee. This being the whole of the business on the paper, the house adjourned at ten minutes before two o'clock.

THE BILLS OF MORTALITY. Death visits us in the most unexpected forms; and we are more impressed by the removal of a few of our fellow creatures in distinguished places, or in singular modes, than by the arithmetic of the Ilegistrar-General. While the daily paper repeats for us, in forms almost shocking, the warning fiat 11 Stladin must die," the Registrar- General informs us that the mortality is below the average. In the week before last the number of deaths was about six under the average, and last week it was about 115 deaths less. Yet the sense of mortality is pressed upon us by its coming in familiar names, and now, alas in fa- miliar crimes. The visitation appears at once to come home to ourselves, and to affect the whole community, when a man so personally known to the entire body of the English public as John Braham at last gives up the con- firmed habit of living. Braham had so long passed the age which is recorded- no longer correctly, modern statists would tell us-as the term of life, that he seemed to have outwitted the enemy. Unlike many men, too, somehow he contrived to preserve an aspect comparatively li!tle changed. The venerable Braham of our own days was the very portrait of the promising Biaham before our day. Nay, he had joined the moustache movement," as if he belonged to the most stirring and juvenile of spirits. A departure like this lends a new effect to otbet records in the obituary. While we say farewell to the familiar name of Aikwright in the House of Commons, the loss of the Duke of Norfolk in the House of Lords seems to mean more than such incidents usually mean and every name added to the list, like that of a Bigot or a Stoddarr, dibturbs the statistics and makes us see death in a greater number of places. But death has taken new forms lately, as in the slaughter by parents among their children. Tnis week we have several cases; and the hideous story, hastily compiled, respecting the woman Simner, accused of inveigling her daughter into a coal cellar and there cutting her throat, probably to save a small pecuniary outlay each week, while the mother lived in a well-furnished house. This incident presents the state of feeling in classes below the middle half cf society, poitrayed with colours so odious that the com- moner examples seem to acquire a new character from the juxta position in time. With this figure in the foreground, o-.hcrs behind make up a revolting picture of English so- ciety, which Mr. Ilenry Fitzroy's Bill is powerless to » redeem. But that is not all. The poisoning cases at Darlington, Rugeley, Manchester, and Dingwall, are incidents ill another Story without an End." Two surgeons are called to account, criminally, for a murderous carelessness which sends the soldier Stillson out of the world by opium wrongly administered and a gentleman whose name is weil known in the society of the Westend, the society of office, and the society of commerce, is discovered on Hampstead Heath, released from all the entanglements of his speculations by the aid of a large dose from the chemist's. It has often been remarked that the mortality-tables of the Registrar General do not fully exhioit that which is, if we may be allowed the expression, the aggregate sum of death abroad-the abatement from life, the destruction to the vital principle, physical or moral. In the official table there are fewer deaths from those particular diseases that inflict the final stroke, and that is all. It does not follow that the seed3 of death-that is, physical death—are not laid at those healthy periods and many a consumptive patient, who is carried off by the heats of summer, may probably date his first ascertained illness from a fine bracing season." It has often been remarked, that a time of war is attended by a domestic war of trade, of religion, of the household—a war of death in its many forms against vitality; but of course the seeds of the disease that then burst out into overt results have not only then been laid. The crop must grow before it can fall under the great sithe Thus we pay in seasons of stoim the redemption- penalties for the corruptions engendered during the season of quiet.—Spectator. .t

COMMITTAL OF A CLERGYMAN. The Rev. Richard Meux Benson, perpetual curate of Cowley, Oxford, appeared on Friday before the county magistrates, to answer to the charge of having feloniously, knowinttly, and wilfully solemnised matrimony between Richard Pintieli Carey and Sarah Carey, his wife without the publication of banns, license from the surrogate, or other authorised person. The rev. defendant was attended by Mr. F. Morrell, solicitor. The case was heard by a full bench of magistrates, and occupied about four hours but the facts were sittiply ille.,ze;-On tha 23.1 of May, 1852, Richard Carey and Sarah Polley were married at the office of Mr. J. T. Dobney, ihe|superintendent registrar^of Oxford. By that marriage these parties had three children, the two first being twins. A month after their birth Mrs. Carey applied to the parish clerk to be churched, upon which the clerk called on her, and said that the Rev. Mr. Benson. could not church her because she had not been married by the registrar. Three weeks afier, Mr. Bensou called on her, and objected to church her on the ground that the way in "hich she had been married was not right in the sight of God, and not in accordance with the religion of the Church of England. He did not in the slightest degree insinuate that the parties were not legally man and wife, or that their children were illegitimate. He, however, maintained that he could not church her until she and her husband had been again married at the parish church, but did not use any persuasion in the matter. Mr. and Mrs. Carey, however, feeling that they were placed in a very unpleasant position, voluntarily agreed to be re married according to the rites of the Chuich of England, and the ceremony was consequently performed on tne 3d of May, 1855, the Rev. Mr. Benson officiating, and foregoing his fee in consideration of the needy circumstances of the party. No banns were published previous to the marriage, nor was any license of any kind obtained. The rev. gentleman subsequently churched Mrs. Carey. At the conclusion of ths evidence, Mr. 13ensoit was asked if he had anything to « say in answer to the charge, when he replied that the facts of the case was admitted 011 all sides; that these parties had been married before by the registrar; that he had without any publication of banns, or license from the surrogate, or certificate from the superintendent registrar, solemnised the marriage service between them, according to the Church of Jbugland and he considered that in so doing he had done no more than was required of him as a clergyman, and that he had not violated either the letter or the spirit of the law. He added, that acting under the advice of his solicitor, he should reserve his defence, as it was a matter of law, until a future time. The magistrates told the defendant that the proceedings had been instituted by the Secretary of State, and that after hearing the evidence, they were of opinion that there was sufficient to justify them in sending the case to a higher tiibunal, and it was their painful duty to commit him for trial at the next assizes. Mr. F. Morrell applied to the Bench to allow the defen- dant to be bailed. This they acceded to, and fixed the bail at £ 300, the defendant in £100, and two sureties of £ 100 each. The Rev. J. Slater, of Rosehiil, and the Rev. H. Vena- bles, one of the curates of St. Paul's, Oxford, offered themselves sureties, and were accepted. The case has excited considerable interest, especially among tne High Church party, several ot whom were pre- sent at the investigation. 1 .THE LATE DUKE or NORFOLK. In a communication addressed to the Cork Examiner the hon. member for Dungarvan states thai the Duke of Norfolk was restored on his deathbed, and in his last moments, to that fold which he scandalized by his temporary apostacy." And it is further stated that, from the liev. Mr. Tierney, the Catholic pastor of Aiundel, the Duke received the eacra- ment of extreme unction, 111 the presence of the Earl of Surrey and Lord Edivaidiioward.