The Welshman

HOUSE OF LORDS. I THURSDAY, JUNE 3.—A great number of petitions, for and against a change in the corn laws, were presented, but without any discussion bein raised in consequence. JEws' DECLARATION BILL.-Tiie second reading of the Jews' declaration bill was moved by the Marquis of Bute.— The Archbishop of Canterbury moved, as an amendment, that the second reading be put off for s ix months, on the ground that, if the bill passed, Great Britain would ce^se to be an exclusively christian country. On a division, the second reading was carried by 4-S asainst 47, and the bill was ordered to be committed on Tuesday. FRIDAY, JUNE 4. Their lordships were occupied with the presentation of petitions, chieily on the subject cf the corn laws. I

HOUSE OF COMMONS. I WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2. — WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN MIN ISTERS.—Serjeant Talfourd resumed the debate, and commenced by retorting upon Sir J. Graham some of the invectives which that right lion, baronet poured^out so freely upon ministers on Friday evening. The right hon. baronet had been educated in the school of Mr. Fox, whose name he had ventured to introduce into the debate, but he would tell the right hon. baronet that if Mr. Fox were now in the house, although his benign nature might prevent him from calling the right hon. b irooft a recreant Whig, he would look with as much astonishment at the spirit which had actuated the speech, as at the principles he advocated and the associates by whom he was surrounded. He should have thought that, t-ducated in that school, the right hon. baronet might ha,'e learned chat numbers were not always necessary to success, that might was not always right, and that great measures were sometimes brought forward without the hope of carrying them, and with the view of pointing out the path of future safety. (Hear, hear.) The learned Serjeant went on to show that, 111 a reformed parliament, the la'ge ii1éijoriries must not be looked for by which former governments were supported, and Sir R. Peel himself might not be long in ),-ice before he would be obliged to seek assistance from his opponents against the impetuosity of his Tory supporters, or against the designs lit his new admirers, the Chartists. The member for Pembroke had spoken of Nottingham, uttering a some- what piemature prophecy as to the ill fate which was to attend the President of the Board ofColltrulltl that place, lie should have thought that the lesson which the right hon. haronet had not very long ago received would have induced him to refraim from such a prediction, remem- bering his own journey from Cumberland to Pembroke. (Hear, htar.) The right hon. baronet also alluded to Ireland, a name which he would venture to assert, should the right hon. baronet enter on his triumphant career of oftije, would strike a palsy to his heart as cold as the I whisper of the s lave who attended the chariot ci' the Roman conqueror. (Hear, hear.) The learned serjeant passed in review the ministerial measures on which Sir J. Graham had commented with so much bitterness. The liberals, it was true, must assume the whole responsibility of the postage reduction, but there was another measure that was all their own, tei which the right hon. baronet had made no allusion, and that was the abolition of im- prisonment for debt on mesne process. The learned Serjeant here paid some handsome compliments to the Attorney-General. They were now placed in a financial difficult^, into the cause of which it was not then mate- rial for him to inquire (ironical cheers from the Tory benches), but which originated in causes of a less recent date than the last two or three years, for it originated in a period of Torv misrn!e and domination. The exigency, however, was not to be denied, and a remedy must be s ipplied. Ministers might be wrong in relieving instead of adding to the burdens of the people but if they were wrong, those who condemned their proposals were bound to suggest other appliances. (Cheers. )--Mr. H. Hinde supported the motion, chiefly on the ground that there was no security, after the measures now before parliament were passed, that ministers would not make even further j concessions to the popular party.— Mr. Giilon expressed his satisfaction with the ministerial measures of finance, hut thought they would not suiffce without the imposition of a p-,ol)ert y tax.-Nlr. J Grattan also placed confidence in her Majesty's ministers; and whether he looked to ■China, to the whole of their foreign policy, to the colo- nies, or to Ireland, he thought their whole conduct entitled them to the confidence and thanks of the house. He did not ground his conifdence, however, on their most recent proposals, for he thought those proposals dangerous to the welfare of Ireland w th a fixed duty on corn the whole Irish trade in food must be transferred to the ■continent. But he laid the bbme rathcron Lord Stanley, who, bv the impetuosity with which he had pushed on it is scheme of Irish r,gistration, had driven ministers to these measures.— Lord C. Hamilton argued that at the last general election an unfair use had been made of the Queen's name that the elections had taken place under circumstances peculiarly favourable to ministers, and that they were not justified in retaining office when their measures were condemned by a House of Commons elected under their own auspices. Sir G. Staunton justified the proceedings of government towards China. He did not thir.k Napoleon a very high authority on Chinese affairs. The Duke of Wellington's opinions on such a subject would meet with more respect from both Mdes of the house, and the noble cijke had acquitted ministers uf all blame with respect to the war with China. (Cheers.) With the events that had followed the capture ci Chusan he was certainly not satisfied but he was also not surprised for he had from the first anticipated that the contest would be a tedious one. There was not aduubt that the divisions ill that house had operated on the mind s of the Chinese government, and, perhaps, had not been without rinliuerice on our c,%vil lie;otmtors. In LliL, hands of Sir II. Pottinger he felt satisfied the interests of the country might he safely reposed. The hon. baronet eulogised the J financial measures of the governmerit, and on those mea- sures, even it he were opposed to them, he should still think ministers constitutionally entitled to appeal to the country. If the people chose to hug their own chains, j the ministry must of course retire. (Cheers.)—Sir W. James a ddressed the house at great length in condemna- tion of the general policy of the government.—Mr. Wal- bee said that if, at the last general election, the Queen's name had been put forward by the Liberal party, it was only in admiration ot that solicitude which her Majesty was believed to entertain, to see equal justice done to all her subjects. On the other hand, the Queen's name had by the Tory party been coupled with abuse. (Loud crie,i of No, no.") He would say "Yes. yes." The interests of the people, lie would maintain, were promoted by agitation, and he gave ministers gredt credit for the opportunity they had afforded the people of entering on a struggle to relieve themselves from the oppression of the Iti- z)terest.-L,Ir. Cressw,-Il denied that min isters ljad tver enjoyed the confidence of parliament iu a degree to entitle them to retain the government of the «-.o'«ntry.— Dr. Lushir gton did not repent the course which he had recently felt it his duty to take: but he avowed himself a sincere adherent to Whig principles, I g prircltj l es, a: d he denied that her Majesty's ministers had abandoned those principles. It was not from Sir R. Peel, or from those who had deserted their friends, that he (Dc. Lush- iogton) was disposed to accept a definition of what the principles of Mr. Fox and Lord Grey were. He denied that Sir It. Peel had made out a case that ministers were t: I-uzid to resign without an appeal to the coUntrv. In each of the instances quoted by the right hon. baronet, there was a moral impossibility for the minister of the day to dissolve parliament. When Sir R. Walpole and Sir R. Peel resigned, they both did so immediarely after a general election. The present parliament had sat four years, during which period many important measures had been brought forward by the government, some of which had failed, while some had been carried; and he maintained, under such circumstances, that a dissolution •or parliament was in harmony with all the principles of the constitution. He denied that a member who differed with government on one or two measures was therefore b'-u'id to join with those from whom he differed on everv oilier point. Ireland was at present governed according to the wishes of the vast majority of its inhabitants. If S- 11. Peel came into power he would not be allowed to follow his own judgment with respect to Ireland, but would be obliged to govern that country by means of the remnant of a party, under whose authority the prosperity and comparative tranquiliity that now prevailed there must be interrupted. There was another subject con- -jas atiotlier SUI)j cct coll- nected with our domestic policy—the education of the people-to WhlCII he attached the highest importance, but which ile never would consent to place in the hands any exclusive party. The labouring population had endured the most severe sufferings with a patience that entitled them to the gratitude of all classes; but there was a term to all endurance, and. when they spoke with determination it woul d be found impossible to refuse to do them justice. This was probably the last time lie should have an opportunity of addressing the house but he hoped, opposed as he had always been to a large poli- tical party in that house, he should not leave a personal enemy Iehirl(i him. (Cliaers )-Sir IV. Follett asked, if ministers had never swerved from the principles of Lord Grey, how carae it that there was every reason to believe that Lord Grey condemned the present course of the government? The present motion was not brought for- ward to deny the right of an appeal to the conn try. but to censure the retention of power without a dissolution ior the parliament, it appeared, was not to be dissolved till there had been a debate n the corn laws. in the hope that during that debate something might ocaur to excite the passions of the people in the forthcoming elections. (Cheers.) He believed the ministry would find them- selves mistaken in their hopes of reviving the spirit of ll. Passing to the terms of Sir R. Peel's resolution, Sir William maintained that since May, 1839, the minis- ters had never possessed the confidence of the House of Commons in a sufficient degree to enable them to carry '-i(-ir legislative measures without the concurrence of their or>pone:;to, and it w\v; the ,j.JltiIi::lL(' il pl:¡': under such circumstances that was contrary to t Si)ir?t of the constitution. The principles of free trade, and the modification of the corn laws, were not brought for- i ward with any expectation that they would pass into a law, but merely for the purpose of keeping ministers in their places. (Cheers.) Sir 11. Peel, in 1S-3-5, had the support of the crown, of the House of Lords, and ot a majority of the representatives of otio portion of the empire, yet on the first failure of an important legislative measure, he resigned office. The contrary course now pursued was at variance with the spirit of the constitu- tion, and that course, he felt convinced, could nut ue longer continued, without endangering the power and prerogative of the crown, and the peace and happiness of the people. (Cheers.)—Sir G. Grey quoted the words in which the dissolution in 1831 had been attacked by the Tory party of that day; and when he found that! dissolution so warmly applauded now by Sir J. Graium, and that applause so loudly cheered by those around him, | he (Sir G. Grey) could not hut hope that ten years hence Sir J. Graham would appeal with equal satisfaction to a dissolution under existing circumstances. (Cheers.) | Sir It. Peel had told them nothing of his intention res- pecting the corn laws, farther than that he was tar a sliding seal. and opposed to a fixed duty; but a sliding scale might amount to complete prohibition, or it might remove protection altogether. (Hear.) Was not the country entitled, before it transferred its confidence from I one government to another, to know something more distinct respecting the right hon. uaronet's views ? (Hear.) The only important measure that had originated on tne j opposite side was Lord Stanley s Irish registration bill, j and that was certainly not calculated to induce the Irish j to transfer their confidence to the advocates of that bill. The spirit of the party towards Ireland was shown even by Sir W. Follett's allusion to the preponderance of English members on one side, and Irish members on the other. He justified the of government in abandoning the poor law amendment bill, which, if per- severed in, must have put on to a distant perioa Mat dissolution for which hon. gentlemen opposite were now so eas;er. (Cheers.) Mr. Handley could not let the debate close without offering a few observa- tions in his own justification, more particularly after the lecture on consistency that had, with so much modest assurance, been addressed to him and Lord Worsley --a lecture that certainly came with igra from Sir J. Graham! He (Mr. Handley) had opposed government on the corn laws and sugar duties, but lie was not, therefore, going to withdraw his confidence from the government. His constituents might, in conse- quence of such conduct, withdraw their confidence from him, but if they did so, they would dismiss him for having remained faithful to his principles, whereas the yeomen of Cumberland kicked Sir Jrtmes Graham out of their county for having been false to his. (Laughter.) Mr; Hanjlt-y then, amid the enthusiastic cheers of the liberal side of the house, read the words in which Sir J.Graham. in 1 S'5. n i■pothrticallv condemned the cond uct of a public man, who. differing from his friends on one point,shotdd become their opponent on every other. What confidence could the agriculturists of Lincolnshire place in Sir R. Peel's attachment to the principle of a f.lid.ng scale ? A1 sliding scale might establish the pivot at --it COs., at •50s., or at 40s. Would he continue to the farmers the protection they now enjoy ? There was another subject which in his (Mr. Han.dey's) opinion was of quite as much importance a-? the corn laws, and that was, how th s i ster kii.gd.>:n •#< to be governed If he had faHen into this rat-'rap, wou i d not Sir R. Peel him.;e'f have despised hi;ii he ought scarc- I y to expect an answer to t'nat (?nesuon,asthe ariSv'rmlE?.- be persona l iy !}:2c:r:{j¡,r1;iii him. (Lend cheers.) The debate was then adjourned. The municipal corporations bill (for Exeter) was, after a divisi .n, read a second ti me. Two divisions on the qm'stl?n of adjournment took place, the motion before the house being the third reading of the copyholds and customary tenure bill, which was ultimately postponed to Thursday. NT OF CoNnnrNon IN MINIST^KS.—The adjourned debate was resumed, by Mr. CJ!I¡nW!IlJ, who began with an attack on Mr. Handley, retorting on that hon. gentleman the charge of having deserted his early principles. He went o:, at consider- able length, to attack the general character of the ministry, and in so doing recapitulated most of the arguments dwelt on by those '?u had gone before him on t',e same side.— ?!r. O'CoiiueiJ, after rem;nd'ng Mr. CoLr'houn that he also had not remained faithful to his early opinions, dis- dained a;i such persona i top i cs, w h en t h ere was rea!!y a great question before the house, nameiy, by whom and on what piinciples the country was to be governed. (Hear.) Many important advantages had been gained by the ab- sence oi the Tory party from the government, and of those advantages, ill his opinion, none was more important than the manner in which Ire:a:? had been governe d. ( H ear. ) ':he¡;lrt :I i t;il! I ii;¡t  '(ílgr:?:) Ireland with justice, and. withmt preferring party co:'?:- ? derations to the welfare of the people. He denied that the several elections that had taken place during the pre- sent parliament were any criterion of tht feelings of the people, for in those elections the most notorious bribery had prevailed. Here some gentleman on the Tory side exclaimed No," in so loud a voice, as to disconcert Mr. O'Conncll for a moment.] The fact was perfectly no- torious, and until the constituency was enlarged, and the protection of the ballot secured,"the same system of bri- bery must continue; but what hope could the people have of an enlargement of the constituency, if the Tory party came into power? What hopecouidlreland have of Sir It. Peel, who, when Secretary for Ireland, was the first minister who came forward as an avowed eu!o:;ist of the Orangemen, whom he described in that house as men, whose only fault was an exuberance of loyalty (Cheers.) During his administration, not a man was ad- mitted to the magistracy who did not bear the shibboleth of the p.,trty-tiot a year passed during which scveru1 in- -,ec i iv l i i c l i severa l in- dividuals were not shot at some of the Orange displays. (Cheers.) Upon that same party Sir R. Peel would now have to rely if he came into office, and it would be idle to suppose that he would have it in his power to restrain his supporters. There was some hope for Ireland during the existence of the present administration, but there would be none under a Tory government, and what was now endurance would then become despair. (Chccrs.)-1r. Lindsay defended the electors of Sandwich against the charge of bribery.—Serjeant Jackson said that almost the only two topics to which Mr. O'C aine!! had made no allusion were the two positions laid down in Sir R. Peel's resolution. The learned serjeant then proceeded to com- ment upon several points touched upon by Mr. O Council, to whom he addressed a series of severe personal remarks, against which the hon. member for Dublin rose twice to protest. Among other things, Serjeant Jackson accused Mr. O'Connell of cruelty as a landlord; aciding that he had a gentleman ready to prove on oath, at the bar, that the hon. member for DubHn had levied H'stressrs on his teii?.n?s in April for rent due in March, &c.—Mr. O'Con- ncll denied the charges iut brought against him. He let his land at lower rents than any of his neighbours, and had never turned out a tenant except for misconduct. He had never heard of a distress levied in the manner described, and if such a thing had taken place, he must have heard of it. If, however, his agrent had done anv- thing of the kind. he (Mr. O'Conneil) would not again employ him.-Sir D. Roche I)cr c' testimony to the humane and iiwlulgent character of Mr. 0 Connell as a landlord.— Mr. SIanev hoped, before the debate closed, that Sir R. Peel would make seme statement of the measures he meant to bring- forward for the benefit of the humbler classes of the community.—The Earl of Darlington main- tained that few statesmen of eminence would be able to show that they had been guilty of no inconsistency in the course of a long political career. Little importance was, therefore, to be attached to the charges made so pointedly against Lord Stanley and Sir J. Graham; but if honour- able gentlemen opposite were on the look-out for incon- sistency, why did they overlook Lord Palmerston, or why did they not single out Lord J. Russell, who in 1321 wrote so admirable a pamphlet in defence of the agricultural interest'against the competition of foreigners (hear) ?—Sir C. Grey defended the consistency of Lord Melbourne on the suhjccL -,I, the corn-laws. That noble lord had refused his consent tcr an agitation in favour of an alteration in the law, unt:l 1. became convinced that the benefit to the people of ,:tici "i a change would outweigh the evils of agitation. Sir C. C "cy spoke at great length against the resolution before the bouse, and maintained that it was necessary, before an aprcal was made to the country, that there should be a fn!! JisL'?ssion of u.} the measures pro- posed by government.—?h-. Cummmg Bruce said that a government could only be '?'.U,11), tl,c effects it pro- d!z and if the distress of ti. boui'mg ciasses were as e l a bouring c l asses were as great as had been stated by Mr. Si. t>e" and Sir C. Grey, i it followed that the government nu'st be bad one, such a state of tilings having been brsi.glu about under its auspices.— Mr. Bruce took it upon hiinsei? to defend the consistency of Sir James Graham, who, he L'lievcd, was as sincere a Whig now as when he sat at the OL'er side of the house, which he quitted only when he found i\°. could no longer act with his old friends, without a sac/ih."e of principles. The present financial difficulties had oriji- nated in the meddling interference of the government in i the concerns of foreign nations, whence a multitude of i Lttle but expensive wars had arisen. The hon. gentleman J more particularly blamed the want of energy shown bv ministers in the case of Algiers, and afterwards passed a general censure on their conduct with respect to the Scotch church.—-Sir W: Somerville said the question now before the house, important as it might be to the other portions of the empire, was a question of life and death to Ireland. (Hear.) If the accession of Sir Robert Peel to power was to be accompanied bv the passing of Lord Stanley's registration bill, a regular government would be impracticable In Ireland. On the subject of the corn laws he had .always voted with Mr. Villiers, and he still believed that a high price otcDrn was not necessarily b2- neficial to the Irish landholder.— Mr. Hamilton insisted upon it that ministers had brought forward their mea- "ures, not to relieve the labou!,i.r; classes, but to keep themselves in their pJaces. Cheap bread must lead to low wages.— Mr. Muntz denied that the only question before the house was whether the present Liberal go- vernment enjoyed the conifdence of the house. That was not the only question. The question was, whether the gentlemen opposite enjoyed that confidence. (Cheers.) Ue, tor one, did riot l)l,cc confidence in ministers, but he knewnoreason why he should place more confidence in Sir B. l'oel, who had given them no information as to what hu e i• ntended to do when in power.-Colonel Conollv wlsned to know upon what pretence ministers retained power, It tney were, on their own showing, unable to brin" the country out of the difficulties into which they had brought it? lie had never placed confidence in minis- ters, but their late measures ought to induce the whole country to drive them from their places with ignominy. The debate was then again adjourned.—The copyhold and customary tenure bill was read a third time and passed.— Sir E. Sugden was not in his place, nor did anv of his honourable friends move the clause of which he had given notice. FRIDA Y, JUE -t.Seyer:} priv;¡te bills were advanced a stage. The house was occupied tin half-past five o'clock with the presentation of petitions for arid against an ^.Iter- ation in the corn laws, and on the proposed al'eration of the duties on sugar and timber. — Mr. Scholefield renewed tl-.e ( iz;s', -ccss ex i stilig ")If-")g his motion on the subject of the distress existing among the industrious classes for the 10th June.— Mr. I ox. Maule brought in a bill to amend the Act Z and •!■ Wuliam 4th, chapter 83, relative to banks of The New South Wales and Western Australia biils were brought in by Mr. croon Smith, and read a first time. NOTTINGHAM ELECTION.— Mr. T. Dunrombc pre sented a petition from an individual named Kfiby, denying the allegations contained in a petit ion presented a few nights since fron) a person named Cox, and stating that he was prepared to prove that gross bribery had been practised hy the Tory party at the last Nottingham election. The petitions were ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday next. Tw- COR LA"*NS. Ir; answe: to Sir Edward IC.uateh- biiil, I.jrd Paimersr.ai said he believed it was the intention of his noble friend (Lord J. Russell) to bring on the dis- cussion on the corn laws on Tuesday next.—In answer to Lord Teignmouth, Lord Palmerston said the government, had despatched instructions to their minister at Constant tinople to induce the Turkish government to make such arrangements with regard to the revolted Candians as would rescue person and property. WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN MINISTERS.—The debate was resumed by Air. Sheil, who expressed his surprise that the right hon. bart. the member torTamworth should call upon the House of Commons to pass a vote of want of confidence in a ministry to which it was indebted for its existence. Let the house look hack at the important events that had taken place during the period the present ministers were in office-the country had already acknow- ledged its deep obligations to the government, and it appeared to him that the right hon. bart. the member for Pembroke had exceeded the limits of fair discussion when he charged ministers with resorting to improper expedients to inflame the public mind. One of the objections to the policy of the government that had been urged by that right hon. bart. was, that almost all the measures brought forward by them had been modified and altered by the other side of the house but had the right hon. bart. such an opinion of his new friends as to suppose; that the value of a measure would be deteriorated by their support. (Loud and vehement cheers.) It had been said that the measure of post office refann belonged exclusively to the Whigs, but it had been supported also by a large portion of the Tories, and, among others, by Lord Ashburton, with whom the right hon. baronet had probably some feelings in common. If that measure, however, had been fraught with so much evil, was it not the duty of the other side of the house to resist it. He thought it would have been most unjust to have withheld that great commercial boon, in order that the monopolies upon the necessaries of life might be maintained. The right hon. baronet had been very cautious in his allusions to their foreign policy-he had made no reference to the victories of the British arms in India, and bad he known that the British fit,- was Hying on the walls of Canton, he would not have indulged in his premature sarcasms on the result of the Chinese exped tion. The right hon. gentleman then referred to the opinion of M. Berryer on the policy of Lord Palmer- ston, which had won the approval of even his political opponent, the Duke of Wellington. With regard to the home policy of the government, he congratulated the honourable baronet the member for Wilts, that, without the employment of Edwardses and Olivers, the peace of the country had been preserved. Much had been said about the appropriation clause, but hon. mem- bers on the other side ought not to forget that they had concurred in passing an appropriation clause- he meant the clergy reserves Canada bill, by which property secured to the church by act of parliament had been diverted to oîher purposes. He could not consent to displace a ministry which had carried the parliamentary reform bill and the municipal reform bill, which had abolished slavery and opened the East India trade, which had unshackled | commerce and afforded a cheap transit to intellectual and commercial communication, which had promoted educa- tion, and conciliated Ireland, winch had united the Canadas and laid the foundations of a mighty empire, to contribute hereafter to the glory and renown of England, and by which the peace of the world had been secured.— Sir Caiiiii, ig, although approving of the policy of the noble lord (Palmerston) generally, and the many glorious re.su l .i lie results he l had achieved, thought that policy would have been much more creditable to the country and much more successful ifit ud been carried out in a truly English spirit. He could not help reminding the noble lord that most of these measures would have been inoperative,had it not beon for the support he had recei ved from the other side of the hou-te. He would remind him also that it was during his administration the Canadas had been driven into rebellion and almost lost to the mother country. Placed as the right hon. hart, the member for Tatnworth was, at the head of a great party in the house, he thought he would have neglected his duty if he had not taken some steps to declare his sense of the unconstitutional course pursued by the government in retaining oifice after their recent defeat. Mr. C. Bulier said, his historical recollections afforded him no instance of a ministry resigning office upon a particular defeat, unless the whole circumstances of the case showed that the power of the executive government could not be efficiently wielded in their hands. The defeat of the Duke of Wellington on the civil list was the immediate occasion, but not the adequate cause, of the resignation that followed. A strong government might have acquies- ced in "he proposition with a good grace on such an occa- sion, but in that case there never was a ministry so unpo- pular at home and so despised abroad. It could not dis- c h arge the most ordinary c! i ve govern- charge the most ordinary duties of an executIve govern- ment for the protection of lue and property, and therefore it had b-en compelled to resign. lie certainly did not agree with the policy of the noble lord (Palmerston) on the Eastern question; but it was undeniable that the noble lord had carried with him the feelings of niiie- tenths of the people. Much stress had been laid upcn the resistance which had been gi ven to the measures d the present government, but they had lost nothing of importance since the Irish registration bill, and that was of the less practical importance that the law still re- mained as it was, and that the other side had not succeed- ed in carrying their measure for the virtual disfranchise- ment of the Irish people. He admitted the weakness of the present government, but he would rather have one which sinned in not being able to carry their good mea- sures, than a government which was able and willing to carry bad ones. He regretted the right hon. baronet the member for Tamworth had not, when the emancipation bill was carried, adopted a high and exalted line of policy, which would have conferred upon him everlasting ho- nour instead of that he preferred being borne into office on the shoulders of a no-popery mob, as he was now carried to its gates as the champion of monopoly* The explicitness of the right hon. gentleman on the subject of the proposed measures of the government, had led most people to believe that nothing would prevent him at a future period bringing forward similar propositions. lie had left the public completely in the dark as to his finan- cial policy. Whether he intended to square matters by adding to ihe national debt, or by reducing the establish- ments he had helped to create; by resorting to some system of indirect taxation to affect an interest which at present knew nothing of it, or by returning to the old rates of postage; by proposing that highly popular tax, a property tax, or by coming round (as was most probable) with a proposal for such an alteration of the tariff as lie was now opposed to, remained a subject of doubt. His wide and loose policy had, however, succeeded in collect- ing round him a large party, one half of whom were fully convinced that the moment he came into power he would throw the other half overboard.- Lord Dung-annon in- stanced the results of the recent elections as a proof of the unpopularity af ministers with the country. He thought their policy was calculated to bring the country to the verge of ruin.—Sir H. Verney denied that the late elec- tions were any index of public opinion, for the Tory party had concentrated their strength and pecuniary resources upon them. He should certainly oppose the motion of the right hon. bart., because he did not know how the country could be benefited by the accession of hon. mem- bers opposite to office.—Col. Sibthorp was surprised at the sentiments that had been expressed by the hon. member for Lincoln and the noble lord his colleague, and he was satisfied their constituents would take them severely to task for supporting a government whose propositions were calculated to effect the ruin of the agricultural inter- ests of the country. The government had promised a diminution of the public burdens, and had involved the country in an enormous debt. They had retained oifice by shuffling which would have disgraced the devil him- selt, and he would have no objection to give them a quarter's salary, provided they went out of office at once. (Much laughter.) — Mr. Hawes would give his hearty support to the government, inasmuch as the measures they had proposed were calculated to promote the manu- facturing aral commercial interests, and better the condi- tion of the people. He had no doubt that the alterations in the tariff would more than meet the deficiency in the revenue.—Lord Stanley commenced by pointing out the inability of the government during the last five or six years to carry any measure of importance, without hav- ing first obtained the sanction of his side of the house. He did not think the question before the house was, whether they should have dissolution or resignation the question was, whether the government possessed the confidence of thehouse sufficiently to enable them to conduct the affairs of the country. It appeared to him that much of the success of the policy of ministers, both at home and abroad, had arisen from their not having been permitted to carry through the measures they had proposed to parliament. There had never been so extraordinary an instance of adhesion to office as in the case of the pi ssfnt govern- ment, for no instance had occurred in of confidence had been carried, that the ministry lwl w;t at once resigned. lie complained of the manner in whil: the threat of an immediate dissolution had been held out to that house during its deliberations upon most im- portant measures. lie could answer, however, for the hon. members on his side of the house, that they had no fears as to the result of an immediate dissolution (vehement cheering). It should be always borne in mind that the government was responsible for its conduct to a future parliament. The noble lord referred to the authority of Lord ^Lansdowne, Earl Grey, and Mr. Whitbread, to show the unconstitutional and unparliamentary nature of the tlll _at of a dissolution pendii g the deliberations of the house. He thought minister: were wholly unjus- tified in bringing forward measures of such great impor- tance at a time v. hen they had no hope whatever of carry- ing them. It was most improper, in his opinion, to en- deavour to excite, aid inflame the public mind on the eve of a general ejection, by calling upon the people to return a House of Commons which would put down some of the greatest iMerests of the country under the designation of monopolies. The conduct of the hon. members for Lincoln, in supporting ministers on the present occasion, was most inconsistent, and could scarcely be justified to their constituents. There were limits to forbearance, and he thought the house and the country had now reached these limits—ministers had received many friendly admonitions and warnitcgs, which, as they had hitherto neglected, the house would, he trust- ed, give them a much stronger hint, and compel them to yield to the force of public opinion.—Lord John Russell referred to the various precedents that had been cited, and in the first pbce to that of Lord Nort! against whom there had been a vote of want of confidence: but the great difference between their case and that of Lord North was, that the vote was against his administration, while it was against the legislation of the present govern- ment. In the case of Mr. Pitt, although he had been defeated on the motion for going into committee on the India Bill, he did not go out of office, and that was never made a ground of complaint against him by Mr. Fox. So that Air. I-ox, so far from affirming the d( ctrine laid down on the other side of the house, affirmed precisely the reverse; and yet the present resolution had been proposed by a true president of the Pitt Club, and sup- ported by a gentleman who maintained the principles of A.r. Fox. It should be recollected also that the position ot ministers and the state of public affairs was very diller- eru now from what it was in the days of Mr. Pitt. He wuuidrrnundhon. members oppo-iitethat the adminis- tralio-i of E.,d Grev, strong as it was, had sustained many defeats, and even upon their budget they had, on one occasion, been left in a minority. They had been compelled to give up the appropriation clause in the church temporalities bill when the opposition was only IHJ, to adopt the suggestions of the right lion. bart. opposite. These tilings could always occur in the present state of affairs, and no ministry could hope to carry through their measures without paying attention and deferring, to a certain extent, to the opinions and suggestions of their opponents. The right hon. hart. had s;:id he had nothing todo with the conduct of political affairs for the last tea years. Since that period 200 nomination members had been done away with, and 800,000 had tet free. (Loud cheers.) Muni- cipal cOi1)Or.tiJ!IS luel bèil reformed, and the poor bWiJ 1 had been amended. (Cheers.) The Irish poor law act had been carried, and the English tithe bill had become law—the act for the registration of births, deaths, and marriages had been passed, and the acts for the amend ment of the criminal hw, and for theunion of the Canadas. (Loud cheers.) When these and other reforms were taken into consideration he thought he might safely say, that in the course of ten years no ministry had introduced and carried such important measures. It should be recollected, further, that no reforms of so much impor- tance and magnitude had been carried in that or any other country without any of the horrors of revolution. (Loud cheers.) The noble and talented lord then refer- red to the financial difficulties in which the country was placed, and observed, that the question the government had to consider was, whether they should impose new taxes to meet the deficiency, or relieve the burdens of the people by a revision of the tariff. They had resolved upon the latter, and so long as they saw any reasonable prospectofcarrying out that policy they were bound to per- severe. (Cheers.) He denied that an appeal to the constituency of the country had been held out as a threat to the House of Commons; but he contended that they were fully justified in taking that step with regard to such important propositions as they had brought forward. -Sir R. Peel contended that the deficiency which the revenue of the country had exhibited for several years, I was in itself a sufficient proof that the government had 1-niisiiiatiageti its resources, and lost the confidence of that house. He was justified in giving notice of the resolution, by seeing ministers, under the circumstances of their recent deteat, going forward with the ordinary business of the session. Thinking it a violation of every consti- tutional principle that they should remain in office under sur:h circumstances, he had resolved to put that to the test of a division. The noble lord having adopted the alternative of dissolving, he contended that he should have resorted to it at the earliest opportunity. Instead of that, the noble lord proposed to bring forward such measures as were likely to damage hon. members in the eyes of their constituents. It might have been much better to allow them to bring in the corn laws, and to sustain three successive defeats, each diminishing the number of their supporters, and it might have been more politic as regarded party views. He knew the disad- vantages under which he laboured in bringing forward the present measure, but lie thought he should be aban- doning his duty if, after the declaration of the government to continue in office, he had not given that house an opportunity of giving their assent or denial to the prin- ciple of their retaining office under such circumstances. The house then divided, when there appeared—for the motion, 312; against it, 311 majority against minis- ters. 1. The announcement of the numbers was received with loud and protracted cheers by the opposition members. Lord John Russell stated, that on Monday he should take the estimates necessary for the public service, and he should then state what course he would pursue with regard to the corn laws. Adjourned at half-past three; o'clock.

WEEKLY CALESDAB. THE MOON'S CUANGEs.-Last quarter, on the 12th, at 711. 58m. morn. The Moon rises: Junel2.- Oh. 1m. A.M. Jane 16. Ih. 3m. A.M. 13.— Oh. 13m. 17. Ili. 32m. —— 14.— Oh. 26m. 18. 2h. 14m. 15.— Oh. 42rn. —— The SUN rises. Clo'tk aftwr Sun. The SuN sets. June 12 3h. 44m. Oni. 35 sec. Sh. !4m. IS. 311. 44m. BeL Om. 41 sec. 8h. 17m. June 13. First Sunday after Trinity. Proper les- sons morning, Josh. 10, Mark 13; evening, Josh. 23, 2 Cor. 10. June to. Length of dav, lOh. 33m. Day's increase from the shortest day, Sh. 48m. No real night, but constant twilight during the week. June 12. Trinity Term ends. F A I K S In the Counties of Carmarthen, Pembroke, Cardigan, Glamorgan, Rad nor, lion riiotitli, A iimiesea, Carnar- von, Denbigh, Flint, Merioneth, Montgonu-ry, and Brecknock, during the week Llandilo-fechan, Newcastle-in-Ithos, and Haverfordwest, t2 Ta, vernspite and Hay, 14; Wrexham, 16; Llanarth, 17; Monmouth, 18, I TIDE TABLE. durin! tlll wp!'k, I HIGH «VVR ATUFT at during 'H|R week,  i Cumberl. Botlmrst Morning. E,In 9. 11 6",t?" Gates. H. M. H. 1I'J'I FT. INC.! FT. I?c. June? 11 51 22 7 11 4 13 0 21 0 55 22 4 11 1 14 1 29 2 0 22 f) 11 6 15 2 38 3 7 i 24 1 12 10 16 3 4t 4 12 25 10 14 7 17 4 495 14 27 6 16 3 IS 5 49 6 7 29 4 18 1 EQUATION OF THE Tir)rs.-Ttits(! eqtiati(in, applied to the above table, will give the approximate times of HI GII WATER AT THE FOLLOWING TLACES — 1l. JILl H. M. Abei-ystivitli arlti 15 Holyhead add 2 45 Carmarthen-bay sub. 1 5 Liverpool add 4 6 Cardigan-bar sub. 0 15 Lundy Isle sub. 1 45 Cardiff-road sub. 0 55 Milford Haven, .sub. 1 30 Carnarvon n(fd 1 45 Newport, Mon.. sub. 0 30 Chepstow sub. 0 13 Swarisea-bar sub. 1 ]5 Fishguard-bay sub. 0 30 Thames' mouth, sub. 5 45

I GARDENING OPERATIONS FOR THE WEEK. (Carefully selected from the best sources.) We spoke last week of the kinds of plants to put out of doors for summer and autumn blooming, and we recur again to the subject for the purpose of observing that in those gardens which are laid out in a series of beds, each bed should contain but one kind of plant, or at least plants of one colour. For example, suppose the lfower-garden to consist of a series of circles placed round a lawn; the first bed may be filled with white Petunias, the next scarlet Geraniums or Erysimum Peroffskyanum, then a bed of white Rockets after which may be placed E, nothera Lindleyana, or a plant of similar colour then yellow Cal- ceolarias the following bed may be purple Petunias, and finallv a mass of Spoenogyne speciosa, Gasania ringens, or some other orange-coloared plant. If there are more beds, the same order may be again introduced, and the effect will be excellent, particularly when looked on from an eievated situation. Where the garden is so small as only to admit of one bed, the plants in it may still be advan. tageously arranged in conformity with the same rule. Balsams, Cockscombs, and other tender annuals intended to succeed the Pelargoniums in the greenhouse should be shifted into larger pots, and indeed all plants that require it. Pick the young seed-vessels immediately off Azaleas and Rhododendrons, especially the latter. Pinks may now be piped, which is performed in the following manner :— Select a healthy shoot, tear down carefully some of the lower leaves, and cut it over clcanly at a joint, with a sharp knife. When the piping is made, plant it in a shady situa- tion on a bed slightly raised above the common level of the soil: the mould should be composed of rich vegetable earth, mixed with very rotten manure and drift sand. When a sufficient number of pipings are planted give them a good watering, and place a hand-glnss over them, after which it will only be necessary to remove dead leaves, nnd supply them occasionally with water. All hard-wooded gieen- house plants may now be set out of doors. Give plenty of air to the greculouse, and attend carefully to watering.

ItllBftGTi, I MARK-LANE, MONDAY, JUKE 7. I During the early part of the week the weather was extremely hot and dry, and though the reports respecting the growing crop were still generally of a favourable nature, some apprehensions were beginning to be enter- tained with regard to spring-sown corn; these will, however, now soon subside, as light showers of several hours' duration have been experienced this evening (Saturday), which having set in with a westerly wind, have probably passed across the whole breadth of the island, and may therefore be expected to have refreshed the country before they reached us. In most of the southern counties the wheat plant is already in ear, and present appearances give ample promise of an early harvest. Respecting the probable yield, it is of course much too early to form an opinion; a full average breadth of land having, however, been sown, we may, with mode- rately favourable weather, calculate on at least an average produce. Notwithstanding the drought which has pre- vailed during the greater part of the last fortnight, the crops of barley and oats are described as wearing a healthy aspect. Beans and peas, we are informed, are likewise looking uncommonly well, and should we now be favoured with a few days of showery weather, the slight injury which may in some instances have been sustained, for want of rain, will soon give place to increased luxuriance. We had a moderate supply of English wheat this morn. ing choice fresh parcels were taken off at Is. per qr. advance over last Monday's prices, but the secondary qualities and foreign wheats were no dearer. In wheat under lock little doing, though offered at our quotations. Beans dull sale and cheaper, the market being overdcne with Egyptian.—In prices of barley and peas no alte- ration.—Our arrival of oats since this day week is large, we experienced an exceedingly heavy sale for this article to-day, at a decline of 6d. per qr. on fresh oats, and Is. per qr. on those which were muggy and out of condition. II. S. t. 8. Wheat, Engl., red53 to 59 Rye, Foreign 31-33 White.55 63 Oats, ERA"I.Poland 21-27 Fine red 61-62 Potatoe 24 — 27 Do. white. 65 — 70 Feed. 22-23 Scotch 54 60 Scotch, Potato 24 26 Do. white. Fine 25 Foreign, red.. 55 62 Irish, Potato 22 f4 Do. white. Feed 20 22 Russian, red.. 49 56;Tares per quarter 36 44 Barley, Malting.. 32 34 Rapeseed 351.to4Ol. Distilling.29 31 per last of 10 qrs. Grinding 24 28 Clov* rseed,red,for. Beans, Tick 35 38 White, do. tl;trroiv 37 411 English Pigeon .41 43 Linseed, Baltic and Peas, ltuiling 35 381 Russia 40-44 Hng- 3'i 38 Flour, Town-made Maple 39 —40j and best country inlalt, BroNvti 5o-53'1 marks 50 — 53 Pate :58 -60 YorkshIre. Rye, English .32 36 Norf.& SuSbtk 45 — 48 Average of thE' Wheat I Barley OaU. Rye. Beans Peas ?H-eeks?hieh regulates the rJ II L Y. I 62 8/ 31 5/ 22 9! 35 4 38 7 37 It Duties payable 24 8 15 4 13 9 16 # 1 12 6 14 0 Ditto on grain I from British pos- S,Ssi.n3 Out of Eurupe 61 2 01 3 01 0 6\ 06 PRICE OF BREAD. The prices of Wheaten Breid in the Metropolis are from 9d. to 9 £ d.: of Household ditto, 7id. to Sid. per 4lbs. loaf. BUTTER, BACON, CHEESE, and HAMS, perCwt. NEWIRISHBUTTER.S. s. CHEESE. S. 8. SH?o. — 84 DoubleGlouccster 70 76 Carlow. — 94 Single ditto 66 74 ENGnsnBuTTER,per firk. Cheshire 66 86 Dorset. 561 BACON, New. CO FOREIGN. Middle 50 Pri,Fi-iebi ilnd,ct. 94 HAMS, York 80 Do. Kiel 92 Westmoreland 70 78 SMITIIFIELD CATTLE MARKET, JUNE 7. (Per 8 lb.to sink the offal.) s. d. s. d. s. d. s. tf. Inferior Beasts 3 4 3 6 Southdown Slieep4 4 4 6 Second quality.. 3 8310 LargeeoarseCalves4 8 5 10 Prime large oxen4 2 4 8 Prime small do. 5 6 5 8 Prime Scots, &c.4 10 5 0 Large Hogs .4 0 4 6 Inferior Sheep..3 4 3 6|SmalI Porkers.. 4 8 4 10 Second quality..3 8 4 0.SucklingCalvesl8 0 35 0 PRICES OF SOAP. VeHowSnap 46s Od to 50s 0dlMeltingStuffs360d to—sOd Mottled do.52sOd 54s Od Rough ditto.24s Od -80d Curd do 60s Od Os Od Graves, 16s.; and good dregs, 5s. per cwt.; Rough Fat average 2s. 7 £ d. per 81bs. PRICES OF TALLOW, &c. Prices this day 50s Od to —s Od. 46s 6d to -I Od Town Tallow last Friday 51s Od.. 47s 6tl. CURRENT PRICE OF HOPS, JUNE 5. 1838. per cwt. I 1839. per cwt. 1838. ?839. Kent Pockets. 80s 96s I Kent Pockets. 105s 1 I ts Choice. 90s 105s Choice Pockets. 126s 174* Sussex Pockets. 70s 80s Sussex Pockets. 104s 108s Choice 85s 93s I Choice Pockets. 112s !t6s EastKentpockets 84s 100s EastKentpockets 130s 135s Ch.Canterbury's 104s 112s Choice. 145s 182* BRITISH WOOL per lb. s. d. s. d. j s. d. s. d. Knot Fell Combing..0 10^ 0 11 Marsh Wool.. 0 12 I It Matching Tops 1 4i 1 5 Skill Comhiug-O 11 0 12 j Sorts,fineHead0 lOt 0 11 RAW HIDES, SHEEP & CALF SKINS, at per stone of 141bs. Per skin. s. d. s. d. s. d. s d. Best steers&heif.S 10 6 2 Market Calf 7 6 96 Middling hides.. 5 6 5 8 Long woolled sh. 5 0 60 Inferior ditto—4 10 5 4 Short ditto 3 6 4 6 LONDON HAY MARKETS-SATURDAY. Smithfield. Whitechapel. Coarse Meadow Hay. 80s to 85s 80s to 855 Fine Upland and Rye Grass 96s 103s 95s 100s Clover Hay. 105 120s 110s 130s Wheat Straw 43s 44s 42s 44s METALS. Copper continues very firm, and none is to be had under our quotations. Deliveries to foreign ports may be ob- tained under kgl, discount 3 per cent. In Spelter we have no transactions to note this week. The intelligence from India has had no influence on its position. There are sellers at our quotations. Iron continues its retro- gressive movement, and sales have been effected at our quotations. Buyers keep still aloof, in the persuasion that the market will still recede, which is not unlikely. Foreign without any demand. British Tin does not main- tain our quotations, and E. 1. is flat. The metal market, like almost any other at this moment, does not exhibit symptoms of animation. X. s. d. IRoN, Eng-Bar.ton ï 5 0 Do. Carg. in Wales ton 6 5 0 Hoops ton 915 0 Sheets t4)n 10 15 0 Pig, No. I ton 5 0 0 Do. in Wales ton 4 6 0 STEEL, Eng.— Blistered 25 0 0 to 45 0 0 Stivar, do. do. 45 0 0 to 0 0 Cast, do. do. 45 0 0 to 81 0 0 COPPER, Brit.r-Cahe. ton 95 0 0 THe. ton 91 0 0 Sheets. lb. Ilid 10 TIN, Brit.-Bloclis cwt. 4 0 0 Bars. cwt. 4 2 0 Banca 0 0 0 to 3 16 0 Straits.. 0 0 0 to 3 11 0 TinPlates-i.c.(box) 1 11 0 to 1 15 0 i.x. do. 1 17 0 to 2 1 0 ton 20 5 0 Sheet. ton 21 5 0 Shot. ton 22 10 0 '»•?) ton 26 10 0 ?ntm??.. n 0 Oto29 0 0 S-LTErt. I 1/1 0 For delivery 0 0 U n, ,iu For dn!iverY. 0 0 U?. TEA, COFFEE, COCOA, SUGAR, AND SPICK MARKET. SATURDAY, JUNE 5. TEA.—On the arrival of the overland mail on Thursday, with despatches confirming the intelligence brought in by the express, the market became one of great excitement; at first, Company's Congous advanced from Is. lid. to 2s. 3d.; the market since, however, has become a little more calm, and prices have receded to 2s. 1 jd. per lb. In free trade, there has been a fair extent of business done. Com. mon Congou, 2s. old. to 2s. ld.; Twaukay, Is. I lid. to 2s. 2d. per lb. COFFEE.—There has been a want of buoyancy in the the colonial markets this week. In Coffees, Ceylons have been sold at rather_lower-rates but in other descriptions, there is no material alteration. SUGARS. -The market opened heavily; and, to effect sales, lower prices for all descriptions have been accepted. SpICF,S.-There has been a large quantity of Pepper brought forward this week at public sale, which has been forced off at rathsr easier rates. Other descriptions have maintained former prices, and for Cassia higher prices have been paid.

BRISTOL LEATHER MARKET. lb. lb. d. d. Crop Hirles 30 to 35 11 to 12* niuo ditto. 50 60 15 16 Foreign Hides 25 — 30 — 12 Middling-s Vi — 13 Butts, Eng. 16-20 14 -16 Ditto ditto 24 — 26 15 -16t Ditto ilitto (ex). 3 36 16 18 Ditto Fort-igut. 16-20 14 iii Ditto ditto (ex). 34 — 36. 16 HI B. Saddlers' H 34 — 38. 11 141 Common ditto 35 — 40 12J — 13$ Shaved Hides 16 — 20. 14 17 Shoe ditto 22-24 14 Ili Common ditto. 27-34 I It lit Welsh Hides 11 — 13 Bull ditto 11 1.5 English Horse Hides J2 — 13 Welsit ditto. 11 13 Spanish ditto 14 -18 German Horse Hides 12 16 Horse Butts ii 12 CalfSkin (Best P.) 30 36 24 2tJ Ditto (common) 65-70 24 26 "Welsh Skins 24 36 13 — 15 Ditto ditto 50-56 19 23 Printed and published for the Proprietor, bv Jou-i LEWIS BRIGSTOCKE, at his Rreidenceand General Printinsr-Office, situate and being in Lammas-Strfwt. in the Parish of Saint Peter, iR the County of the Doi-t,ugh of Carinarthea.-rrid.ay, June 11, IS41,

THE CORN LAVIS. IMPORTANT PUBLIC MEETING AT SWANSEA. On Wednesday evening, the 2nd instnnt, a publi-c meet- ing was held in the Town Hall, for the purpose of petitioning the Legislature for a revision of the import duties generally, but more especially upon the important articles of SUGAR and CORN. Never was such an assemblage witnessed in Swansea. The large hall was literally crammed, and although the greatest interest was felt, order prevailed throughout. The meeting lasted four hours. Matthew Moggridge, Esq., Mayor, occupied the chair. The Mayor addressed the meeting as follows :-Gentle men—We will proceed to open the meeting. Before doing so, allow me to express my gratification in seeing so large and so respectable an attendance. Doubts having been entertained as to whether I could comply with the requisi- tion or not, I will merely state what has always been my guide. The line of conduct I have always pursued is sim- ply this whencver a requisition is handed to me, nume- rouslv signed, [ consider it my duty to call a meeting, even though I should be opposed to the prayer of the requisition. In saying so, do not understand that [ am opposed to the object this meeting has in view I shall express no opinion on the subject. Sitting here in my present capacity, it becomes me not to express an opinion on the subject. I may be excused for reminding you, that one of the dearest privileges of a Briton is, freedom of speech (cheers), and therefore I hope, you will patiently hear any gentleman who may adùress ýOtl, a" long as he confines himself strictly to the purpose for which this meeting was convened and also, that he be an inhabitant of the town. [The Mayor then read the requisition and afterwards stated he was ready to hear anv gentleman who wished to address the meeting.] i Mr. W. H. Smith: Gentlemen-T will not make any needless apology for addressing you. I am sorry to ob- serve, that others who ought to have been your leaders on this occasion, are not present. Where is Mr. Dilhvyn ? AVliy ii he not here ? I see Sir John Morris here he is the only gentleman of the neighbourhood who has thought fit to come forward. Sir John Morris: Colonel Cameron is here. Mr. Smith I am very glad to hear it; and other gen- tlemen connected with the landed interest ought to have been here to address you. It was not necessary that they should approve of every thing you might approve, but as public men they ought to have had the moral courage to come forward, and avow their sentiments (loud cheers). Within the last few minutes I have been requested to come forward I did not choose to take the lead on this occa- sion, when there are others who ought to have done so. This is a subject that is now agitating the whole empire, and why are those gentlemen who are so ready to take a prominent part in other questions, not here this evening? A resolution has just been put into my hands by Mr. Tripp, which, vitli your permission, I will read to you. [The res0luton was rcad.'] tenting at the question of restrictive laws (on the i rt?cion of provisions espe- ciaUy,) in a t?orai or ?lancia! po?t-cf view, I conceive it to be a most important measure—a more important mea- sure there never was presented to the House of Commons (hear). Mr. Smith proceeded to explain that there was a deficiency in the revenue of about two millions per annum, that it was necessary for the purpose of keeping good faith with the public creditor to increase the revenue to that -imount-that the plan proposed by Ministers with that view was to equalize the duties on all imports, but more especially on corn, sugar, and timber; and he proceeded to shew by argument and illustration, how that could be done so as to benefit the revenue— increasing the revenue by reducing the taxation. He said that obtaining the articles, bread and sugar, at a cheaper rate than at present, under the monopolizing system, would not be the only advantage attending an alteration of the restrictive laws; it would also open fresh markets for the disposal of our manufactures, and thereby increase the demand for labour, the natural effect of which would he, a rise in the wages of the operative. He entered very fully into the sugar question. We give an extract from his speech:- With regard to the sugar question, it is extremely plain. I will state a few facts to you briefly. The duty on our West Indian colonial sugar is 3d. per lb. The duty on foreign sugar is 7d. per lb., making a difference of 4d. on one pound. (Hear.) This difference operates as a com- plete prohibition on foreign sugar (hear, hear), because we are obliged to pay so much more for it. I do not wish that any duty should be remove d which is necessary to the revenue but I contend that this duty is not necessary— I wish to equalize the taxation on colonial and foreign sugar (cheers) let them have the same privilege, in order that monopolies may be done away with. (Loud cheers.) I feel that I am unable to explain the whole to you clearly, called upon as I have been suddenly. (Criea of go on.) It appears to me that the prohibitory duties are detri- mental to the revenue. The working man is, in conse- quence of these laws, precluded the use of the commodity of sugar in a great measure. If the duties were equalized, sugar would be placed within the reach of many who now scarcely ever see it; it would become an article of very extensive consumption, and consequently a considerable source of revenue. Why, say you, if -all these advantages are to be derived from this clikinze, how has it not been adopted before this ? It was only proposed to Parliament a few days ago and is already strongly opposed by the peers, and by parties who hold property in the West Indies. They are alanned for their monopoly-that monopoly which they have enjoyed for so many years and hence they set up the cry, that by allowing foreign sugar to be introduced, we should he encouraging slavery in foreign countries. Encouraging slavery [ Why, the very men who now set up that cry, are the parties who so long -I sl,%very i'n tli@ Bl- i ,;Ii resisted all our efforts to abolish slavery in the British, colonies (hear, hear): they are the mcn who declared only a few years ago that they had a vested interest in slaves that slaves were private property, and that they must be paid for fhem before they would liberate them (bear, hear) aud these, their vested interests, they were paid the sum of ti.ty millions (hear, hear) they were paid out of the pockets If the working mea of this country. And now, when sugar is to be a necessary article of life to the masses, these are the men who first oppose it, and oppose it on the nio-I-t and lying pre- tences. (Hear.) They are not sat.^Ged with having received twenty millions but tl.ey irmst tax' you over and over again to gratify their cupidity. But if you submit to be taxed in this manner, you richly deserve iL." Mr. Smith next adverted to the Corn Lfiws:- W.:th regard to the Corn Laws, it is really a question that I hardly dare trust myself to speak on. These Corn Laws tend to cripple the operatives in the most destructive manner. The trade and commerce of the empire suffer much by them. They constitute a tax of no less than fifty millions on the poor and industrious classes. These taxes were imposed in avci at days, nearly 150 years ago. When William the Third came over from Holland, he was received by the people—he was the king of the people. The aristocracy received him as an usurper—they were the followers of James. They were then, as now, a pow- erful body, and Wiliiam found it absolutely necessary to conciliate them and what did he do ? He laid the first great and intoleratie burden on the people, by passing a bill prohibiting the importation of foreign corn until bread should rise to starvation price. But he did more than that for ttiern-he gave them a bounty by Act of Parliament of five shillings for every quarter of corn they should export." Mr. Smith enumerated the various measures adopted by the landed interest for the purpose of keeping up high prices for corn. He explained the present sliding scale duty and then -went on—The landlords say that they must be protected they say, we bear the burdens of the whole country, and we ought to be protected; it is not the ma- r.ufacturers that pay taxes we pay them"—a more false, a more unfounded statement could not have been made yes, I say, deliberately false. They say, they pay all the road duties, that they pay all the highway rates. The rural parishes do pay highway rates, and they amount to about uine hundred thousand pounds per annum but they seem to have forgotten what the manufacturing and commercial classes pay. Mr. Smith then stated the amount of this kind of taxes paid by the commercial classes, X3,200,000, which clearly shewed that they paid immensely moreth-in the agriculturists towards the maintenance of government. Mr. S. argued from that circumstance, that they were more entitled to protection, as it was called, than the agricultu- rists; but he did not wish that, all be contended for was, equalization of right?. Mr. Smith's speech was most effective but from the extreme rapidity with which he spoke, and also from his continuing to speak while the meeting were cheering him, it was almost impossible to follow him. He conduded in these words—" I ask you to work for yourselves. Assist your noble Queen- she is with you-she will aid you in this great constitutional struggle. She willlitl you ia repealing the Corn Laws-laws that are at variance with the beneficence of Providence—laws that are in opposition to the Divine injunction to pray for cUt daily unct i (,n to pi-ay for ( ur daily bread, and directly contrary to the word of inspiration for iu the Holy Bible it ia writtc-a, He that withholdcth corn ¡ the people shall curse him," and I believe a curse will corns upon the country, if these laws are not speedily repealed." (Mr. S. sat down amidst deafening cheers that continued for several minutes.) Mr. Michael seconded the resolution, "That it is the opinion of this meeting that any laws which give exclusive protection to one class at the expense of the rest of the community, are unjust in principle, oppressive in their consequences, and utterly incompatible with the welfare and prosperity of the country." Colonel Cameron, after some introductory remarks, said I am against the Corn Laws more than any of you are, because I wish them to be repealed altogether. My opinion is this, and you shall have it, whether you approve of it or not Mr. Smith says, that the repeal of the Corn Laws will give you cheap bread my opinion is different, but I may be wrong. I think the fluctuating duty, as at present, beneficial to the working classes, as it tends to prevent speculation in corn. If the duty were reduced, say to a shilling a quarter, the consequence would be, that we should have an immense number of corn merchants. They would purchase corn, and hold it back from the market until it became dear-until they could realize large profits. It would thus give rise to speculation. Colonel Cameron expressed his willingness to sign the petition. A Mr. Cuddlipp began "talking" about something; but his twaddle was quickly stopped by the laughter and hisses or the audience. The resolution was carried by acclamation. Mr. Aubrey moved the second resolution—"That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the laws which restrict the importation of commodities of general consumption, are of the character described in the preceding resolution, and have in their effect created obstacles to a free com- mercial intercourse with other nations, diminished the demand for labour, and by operating as a prohibition, necessarily caused ruinous fluctuations in the prices of the first necessaries of life, alike injurious to the producer and the consumer; and that this meeting is therefore most decidedly of opinion that all such laws require an imme- diate revision by Parliament." Mr. Aubrey thought that a repeal of the present corn laws would at once lower the price of corn. The second effect of their repeal would be, to rise the price of corn on the continent, and thereby equalize the rate of labour both in this country and on the continent. He then adverted to the effect it would have on the manufacturing districts—that at present the conti- nental nations refused to take our manufactures, because we would not take their corn and timber. If this country were to declare the corn trade open, it is natural to expect that foreigners would receive our manufactures that would produce a demand for labour, the natural consequence of which would be a rise in the wages of all classes. The agricultural labourer, finding he could earn more in the manufacturing districts than by farming pursuits, would compel his employer to increase his wages, or, in case of refusal, repair to the works, which would eventually compel the farmer to increase the labourer's age, Mr. A. related the following fact: Some time ago a Baltic house offered to take of me X 1500 worth of stone coal, provided I would take wheat in return. I considered the subject, and made inquiries. I found that it would be nec?ssary to engage stores, to keep a man to turn the wheat over, and that it might be years before the price of corn would be such that I could pay the duty, or make a return to myself; the consequence was, that I was obliged to refuse the offer." He concluded b7 declaring that he had always been an advocate for free and unrestricted trade with foreign countries, and that he had great pleasure in moving the resolution. Sir John Morris, Bart., after making some general remarks, said I think we send our Members to Parlia- ment, not to legislate for a particular class, but for the whole country. They are trustees for the public, and in my opinion most especially for that part of the community who are not representated at all (loud cheers). You will recollect that representatives are only sent by the electors, persons who generally possess property to a considerable amount, and therefore the mass of the people are not represented (hear, hear). I say that Parliament are trus- tees for the nation at large, and therefore they are bound to pass such laws as vill benefit the whole nation, without any reference to the interests of a particular class. In discussing the Corn Law question, or any other question, this should be their object, and not the interests of party. I think it has been made quite clear to you by the previous speakers, that we cannot import corn freely; or, if im- ported, that it may lie years in a warehouse before it can bn distributed among the people. Curing the period corn is in bond, it is very well known that it suffers damage, and consequently will not sell as well. When corn gets to starvation price, the bonded corn comes out; but then the speculators suffer great loss unless they lay on high prices. Now, if they were allowed to import corn freeiy, neither the corn-merchant nor the people would be subject to these difficulties, and your markets would be supplied at a regular price-a price you could pay with ease to your- selves, and which would give a fair remuneration to the farmer. The price of corn would rise on the continent, as it has always done before, when any unusual demand is made, and the rate of labour would also rise, putting the English labourer on a level with the labourers abroad. Sir John Morris then proceeded to state, that corn, to the amount of X2,500,000, was imported from the con- tinent last year that the manufacturers on the continent, sot being fettered by restiictive laws, were enabled to sell their goods at a much cheaper rate than the British ir anu- facturer could the natural consequence of which was, a fall in the demand for articles of British manufacture, which directly affected the poor man by lessening the demand for labour; that the remuneration for labour was always, and naturally, guided by the demand. He urged upon the meeting the necessity of supporting Ministers that there was a strong and influential party in the House of Commons who were endeavouring to perpetuate this system of partial legislation and if this party could once succeed in obtaining authority, the people would have new taxes, and starvation throughout the country. Mr. Rutter made a most admirable address to the meet- ing but the great length of the report necessarily obliges us to curtail it, as well as some of the other speeches. He began by stating, that he had just ascertained the fact, that a great number of artizans from the iron works were shipping themselves off for New York, to which place their passage from Liverpool had been paid by agents of the iron works in America. He thought it was highly important that measures should be adopted tending to secure em- ployment for these people at home especially as the iron trade was a very important branch of our manufactures and commerce. He could not agree with the feeling of disappointment expressed by Mr. Smith at not seeing any of the higher and influential classes of society present; it added one more to the many striking proofs so often ex- perienced before, that if the PEOPLE wish to get rid of their grievances, they must put their own shoulders to the wheel, and not lean on the tottering crutches of the Aristocracy. Many of those gentlemen who take an in- terest in the prosperity of the working classes have ex- pressed much surprise at the apathy which they (the work- ing classes) bad lately exhibited in matters so closely connected with their welfare but when the course of legis- lation that has been pursued is reflected on-that every Act of Parliament ever passed had a reference to the interests of certain influential classes, and not to the public benefit, no one could wonder at the people falling into a state of despondency. It is now, however, the interest and duty of all, and especially the working cl^fs?3' come forward at the present crisis to support her Majes y s Ministers. The plan of finance proposed by the ?hancet- lor of the Exchequer was in his (Mr. R. s) opinIOn eon y measure that had for the last 100 years been proposed within the walls of St. Stephen's, with honesty of iiiten. tion and sincerity of purpose, and which, if carried into operation, would have a direct and immediate effect in benefitting the condition of all classes of operatives in the kingdom. Mr. R. continued The system of endeavouring to prop up different branches of trade by fiscal regulations and prohibitory duties, is unsound in principle, and defeats its own object. The truth of my position is exemplified in the silk and cotton trade these branches of trade have always been hedged round by the fence of Government protection, yet no trades in this country are liable to more fluctuations, or have produced half so much suffering to the operatives employed in them. Take away this support- withdraw the tax on the food of the mechanic—give them the wide world for their field-teach them to depend upon their own energies-to trust to their own resources, and our manufactures will again flourish, and find their way as far as British influence and enterprise can possibly extend. It is right the people should be made acquainted with the sacrifice we have hitherto been making to support a false and injurious policy and for that purpose I will i elate one example. Last year, when we were paying fron' 23. (0 03. 6ù. a pound for coffee, there was tt large quantity in bond in Liverpool, from St. mirwmcii could have been sold (had Qot b::u prohibited) for 4H. a pound. The owners of this coffee did not ask to be paid in maney; no, they offered to take every farthing of the amount in British merchandize. Who can tell the loss we suffered by this transaction ? Again, if you knew the history of the sugar trade, connected with our West India population, it would from first to last present one of the most atrocious systems of partiality and injustice that can possibly be conceived you are all, I dare say, aware that only a few years ago the people of this country were taxed to pay upwards of twenty millions to the planters for their loss in the eman- cipation affair: one would have thought this was quite cnouth for them-that this sum ought to have balanced the account; but so far from that, we are continuing to pay them a bounty upon the sugar of upwards of 40s. per cwt., or, which is the same thing, the sugar grown in other countries is not allowed to come into our markets without paying 40s. per cwt. duty more than the produce of the West Indies. Thus, not only are our interests, but the interests of our other colonies, sacrificed to gratify the owners of West India property. Mr. Rutter adverted to the "efforts made by a certain class of opponents," who are doing all in their power to turn the current of popular opinion against Ministers, by appealing to the feelings of philanthropic individuals, assuring them that lowering the tax on foreign sugar would have the effect of encouraging slavery. He said that nothing could come with a worse grace from those opponents, for they were the very men who, during the whole of the struggle for the abolition of slavery, op. posed it by every means in their power. He (Air. R.) always liked to judge of men by their actions more than by their words these men care nothing in the world for slaves, all they require is to gain their own selfish ends. He assured the working men present, on the authority of Mr. Mac Gregor (a gentleman connected with the Board of Trade), that they paid one-half their wages in taxes. Mr, R. then proceeded—"What now becomes of the boast, that the aristocracy pay their full share of taxation ? the war was carried on, the expense was incurred, for the pro- tection of property, and by every principle of justice and equity, the owners of property ouuht to bear the burden." Again, speaking of the Corn Law, Mr. Rutter said, Every working man ought to recollect, that a tax upon food is, in point of fact, a tax upon wages but the monopolists tell you, that if bread becomes cheap, wages will neces- sarily lower. Experience does not prove this to be the case for example, last summer bread was at a moderate price, yet on the canal, masous, &c. were getting from 6s. to 8s. a day, and why was it ? Why, because labour was in great oeinand, and like every thing else it rises or falls in proportion to the demand." Mr. Rutter concluded a most able speech by calling on the meeting to strive to get rid of this" practical grievance," whichforced itself upon every one's attention three times a day because the operative could not sit down to a meal without having the unpleasant reflection thrust upon him that he was deprived of the comforts of life by unjust taxation. He urged them to prepare for the coming struggle-to improve their minds by acquiring useful knowledge —to make themselves ac. quainted with the main questions now agitating the coun- try, and by persevering in so doing the voice of the people would ultimately prevail. The restdution was then put to the meeting, and was carried by acclamation. The Rev. John Jenkins, A.M., after some introductory remarks, read the petition that bud been prepared for pre- sentation to the legislature. He then continued Feilow countrymeu—Having read to you this petition,| I have the pleasure of moving that it he adopted by this meeting, and be sent up to Mr. Vivian for presentation. I shall not address you at any considerable length, because I am aware that a very eloquent gentleman intends succeeding me. I have always been a firm firiend to the working classe-their uncompromising advocate under all circum- stances (cheers). It has ever been my anxious desire to raise the working man in the scale of social existence (loud cheers). With regard to the specific object for which we are here assembled, I may simply state, that I give my free and unhesitating support to the measures brought forward by Ministers not as the tool of a party I do not support the men, but the measures, because I believe them calculated to improve the condition of all classes and this opinion I have formed after looking at them coolly and dispassionately (hear). With respect to the Corn Law it the present law were repealed, I do not believe you would purchase corn much lower than at present; but the effect of its repeal would be, to cause the means of pur- chasing it to be more easily obtained. The House of Lords and the House of Commons are composed, in too great a proportion, of the landed aristocracy these bodies compel you to go to the English market for your supply of corn, where you cannot purchase it under such advantageous circumstances as you can abroad. It is the same in prin- ciple as if they were to compel the inhabitants of England to purchase their corn from the farmers of the Isle of Wight, even though famine stared them in the face. That is a correct statement of the case. It would be just as absurd for Government to make a law prohibiting us to get our wine cheap from abroad, and compel us to buy from a certain favoured few who were pleased to raise grapes in their hot-houses (hear). A gentleman, whom I shall always mention with respect, because he is a friend to the working classes, has asserted, that a necessary consequence of the repeal of the Corn Laws would be, the procuration of cheap bread that may be true to a certain deoree-it may have that tendency but not to the extent anticipated. According to a high authority, corn could not be imported from Dantzic to London much under 48s. per quarter. Adding the 8s. duty, will make it 56s. per quarter, exclusive of profits, and allowances for damage after warehousing, &c. (hear, hear). But although the difference in price may not be great, yet corn will be made actually cheaper to the working man by our extended commercial relations in- creasing trade, and thereby the demand for labour. Labour is only an article brought into the market and its price rises or falls according to the demand consequently, whatever tends to increase the demand for labour, benefits the working man. Therefore, it matters not what the price of corn may be, if the working man can supply him- self with the necessary means of purchase. The conclu- sion is inevitable, that whether you lower the price of corn, or give the working man increased means for obtaining it, it will amount to the same thing-corn i, in fact, made cheaper to him. Mr. Jenkins read an extract from the evidence of Mr. Walker, of Wolverhampton, given before a committee of the House of Commons, to show that the trade of this country is on the decline. lie also quoted Mr. Mac Gregor's opinion, which was strongly opposed to the corn monopoly. Mr. Jenkins then continued licntle. men, I dismiss this subject by desiring you not to be misled by believing that high prices for corn are necessary to obtaining high prices for labour the price for labour, like the price for corn, or any other marketable commodity, is regulated by the demand. The matter is so plain, that if you sutfer yourselves to be misled, you deserve to be taxed till you cry out a little more than you do at present. There is another subject to which I would refer for a moment- the tax on sugar. We are told, that if we take sugar from the Brazils, we shall thereby he encouraging slavery- encouraging the atrocious traffic in human blood this argument has been edvance(I by Dr. Lushington. I ask him,Where do you g-et your cotton from ? Is it not the produce of slave labour? Is it not stained with the blood of the slave? Is it not bought at the price of the slaves' wrongs (hear, hear, hear)? I tell them, be consistent in your argument; if you refuse to take sugar at 3 pence, and choose to pay 9 pence, in order not to encourage slavery; for consistency's sake allow not your wives or your families to wear a single article of cotton (hear). There is some- thing akin to miserable cant aud hypocrisy in this argu- ment (hear). I say, that he who supports the Ministerial scheme for opening the trade to the Brazils, is the best friend to the liberty of the slave and I will endeavour o prove my assertion. The Brazils are not under the Bri- tish Government. We cannot act with them as we did with the Jamaica planters. Our Parliament cannot make a law, and free the slave. Well, how can it be done ? I too would strike the fetter from the slave, for I hold that man was created in the image of his Maker, tree as the air of bounteous heaveu, which he breathes. But what best means, under the circumstances, must we adopt to eman- cipate the slave It must be by indirect, by moral means --by extending our commerce to the llrazils-by establish- ing an intercourse of sentiment-of mind, and above all, of that mighty spirit of humanity, whose power has already achieved so much for the slave (loud cheers). From the history of past ages we derive the lessons of true wisdoiii-we learn that nations have been civilized by in- tercourse with more polished nations. What introduced into Spain those elements of freedom, which, smothered for ages, have now burst forth, but our connexion ith that country during the peninsular war? They caught a portion of that spirit of liberty which animates the breast of every Briton, and their late ardent struggle for consti- tutional liberty is one of the glorious results arising from their intercourse with us. (Loud cheers.) A similar effect may reasonably be expected from a connexion with Brazil. The love of humanity is a distinguishing feature in the character of a Briton. Our intercourse with the Brazilians may induce them to view slavery in the same light as we do—as the greatest curse that can be inflicted on any people whatever. If I have, established my point, that by opening a trade with the Brazils there will be an exchange of something more than that of cotton for sugar, that there will be an interchange of Ino-le(ige-of moral feeling—of the glorious sentiments of humanity—that there too will be the experience (hostile to the perpetuation of slavery) derived from the comparison of the advantages of free and slave labour; then, I say, the doom of slavery in that country is scaled, and upon its ruins will be raised a glorious superstructure of liberty. It is thus destined by Providence that liberty should .gradually be established in every clime of the world-it is thus designed by Hiin who has established the moral no less than the physical har- monies of creation, that by supplying each other's mutual wants, all nations should be bound together by common ties, and commerce become the pioneer of universal liberty, the herald of universal peace. (Tremendous cheering.) I have done. In conclusion, I have only to express the very great pleasure I feel in meeting so many of you, my townsmen, on this occasion. (Loud and long continued cheering.) (Continued in our third page.)