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POPULATION OF THE SOUDAN.…

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CLIFTON AND THE LAWRENCES.

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A GRIEVANCE OF BRITISH SHIPOWNERS.…

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I THE BETTING EVIL.

THEFT OF CANNON. I

AN IMPUDENT THEFT. I

THE BALTIC FLEET TO GO TO…

DIFFERENT VERSIONS OF THE…

INUMERICAL TITLES FOR LINE…

ICAMPAIGN AGAINST THE JEWS.

Ecclesiastical News. I

The Chinese Labour Problem.

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German Foreign Policy. I

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German Foreign Policy. I Everybody in this country knows that there was no intention to create a menace to Germany in the Anglo-French agreement, which was framed entirely in the interests of peace; but there are, nevertheless, some people in Germany who imagine that they read between the lines of the document a menace to the interests, if not the the safety, of the Fatherland. A Berlin paper for in- stance, says that "an uncomfortable feeling is created by the fact that France and Eng- land, in concluding their treaties, did not think it necessary to consult Germany." But surely there was no necessity for the Powers concerned to consult Germany on the question whether they should or should not agree upon a modus vivendi. Had the agreement completed an alliance, the signa- 0 tories would, no doubt, have informed the Powers, as Britain informed them of the treaty of alliance between herself and Japan. But the recent compact was simply a com- mon-sense arrangement between two nations, to the end that they might not quarrel over any such questions as have helped to es- trange them in the past. Of course, we can quite understand that the introduction of common-sense into international questions is such I AN AMAZING NOVELTY that some of the powers do not know what to make of it, and we must not judge of our 15 German neighbours too severely if they see such an event in much the same light as Z5 that in which the Romans regarded those prodigies which are said to have portended the death of Ceesar. But the Germans need not fear. We have no intention of bring- ing down a mailed fist" upon their deli- cate susceptibilities, and there is no reason to believe that anything short of justice will be extended to the interests which they cherish in Morocco. No doubt, if Germany were to adopt the Chauvinistic attitude of the Pan-German League, there would be very marked friction between France and Germany, but we need not anticipate that the Kaiser's Government will allow them- selves to be forced into pursuing such a foolish policy. The attitude adopted by Count von Biilow, in ha speech which he addressed on this subject to the Reichstag, was an eminently correct one, and it is gratifying to find him expressing the wise and statesman-like opinion that the crea- tion of points of friction between Great Britain and France is altogether ANTAGONISTIC TO OTJR WELL-CONSIDERED INTERESTS." INTERESTS. It would be an impertinence for any nation to attempt to dictate to Germany what her foreign policy should be, but at the same time, one may perhaps be permitted to say that if Count von Billow desires-as we believe he does-to maintain friendly relations with Britain, he would do well to abandon the traditional Bisrnarckian policy. Whatever Germans may think of Bismarck, his methods are altogether discredited in Britain, and none the less so because they brought such awful suffering upon our friends the French. So far as we are concerned with Bismarckianism, it is a policy of facing-both-ways towards Britain and Russia, and, seeing how clearly that fact is apprehended in this country, it can scarcely be a matter for wonder that such an attitude is not regarded with enthusiasm. France and Britain have shown to the nations a better way, and although we think they deserve infinite credit for their splendid example, yet they have no desire to patent their invention for preserving peace, and if other Powers will do them the honour of adopting it they will be more pleased.

Sir Edward Reed on Radical…

Lord Windsor on Chinese Labour.

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