County Observer and Monmouthshire Central Advertiser Abergavenny and Raglan Herald Usk and Pontypool Messenger and Chepstow Argus

THE MONMOUTH .7 BOROUGHS. Dr. Rutiierfoord Harris at Usk. LORD RAGLAN IN THE CHAIR. ;.LARGE AND ENTHUSIASTIC MEETING. INTERESTING SPEECHES. Under the auspices of the Usk Conservative raud Unionist Association, a public meeting was held in the Town Hall, Usk, on Monday evening, "for the purpose of hearing an address from Dr. F. Rutherfoord Harris, the Conservative and 'Unionist Candidate for the Monmouth Boroughs. 'The Hall was never better filled for a political meeting every part was crowded—and the -proceedings throughout were marked by unanimity and enthusiasm. Lord Raglan presided, and was supported on the ,platform by Lady Barnard, Mrs. Lister, Mr. J. XMaitlaud Watkins, (chairman of the Uek Conservative Association), Colonel Channer, Mr. J. H. Clark, Mr. J. Walker, Mr. C. Voyce, Mr. H. Xongstaff (organising agent), and Mr. C, Allen .Mortimer (secretary of the Usk Conservative .Association). Amongst those in the body of the Hall were:—Dr. and the Missas Boulton, Mrs. Bowen, Mrs. Channer, the Rev. Herbert Addams- Williams, Miss Cooke. Miss Addams- Williams, Mr. and Mrs. Biggp, Miss Clark, Miss E. B. Clark, Mr. H. A. Addis, Mr. and Mrs. Best, Mrs. Phillips, the Misses Phillips, Mr. A. J. Green, Mr. and Mrs T. Jones, Mr. W. Marfell, Mr. A. H. Watkins, Mr. R. Watkins, Mr. R. W. Spencer, Mr. and Mrs. C. J. Francis, Mr. J. Haggett, Mr. S. T. Griffin, Mr. A. Rivers, Mr. and Mrs. Rowen, Mr. G. Mundy, Mr. W. Thomas (White Hall), Mr. H. Dunning, Mr. James Davies, Mr. Joseph Davies, Mr. Thritig, Mr. E. W. Waters, Mr. W. Hobbs, Mr. John Parker, Mr. Edward Jones, and Mr. James Be van. As Lord Raglan and Dr. Rutherfoord Harris took their places on the platform they were warmly welcomed. His lordship, in opening the proceedings, said lie thought they might congratulate themselves on the fact that in Dr. Rutherfoord Harris they had a gentleman who could give them from personal experience an account of South Africa. (Applause). Dr. Rutherfoord Harris was one of those who had devoted himself to the interest of the Empire in distant countries, and it was a great advantage to them in that neighbourhood to have one with them who spoke of the British Empire as it appeared from the outside, as it were, from a distant point rather than ifiom the interior. (Applause.) DR. RUTHERFOORD HARRIS, who was cheered on rising, said: My lord, ladies and gentlemen, before moving the resolution of confidence in her Majesty's Government, which has been entrusted to my hands, I will say a few words on recent occurrences. I think it is a happy chance that our annual meeting at Usk has taken place so very close to the memorable month of May. I say memorable because it has witnessed two great events—the relief of Mafeking, and the presentation to the Imperial Parliament of the Bill for the Federation of the Australian Colonies. And this month has witnessed the consummation nf Lord Roberts's brilliant stratesrv. and the HOISTING OF THE BRITISH FLAG AT FRETOBIA. We are too near these events to appreciate them at their full value. A hundred years hence, when viewed in the light of their consequences, which I hold to be the true light, I feel certain that these two events wiil shine as stars of the first magnitude in the firmament of British history. In coupling the relief of Mafeking with the birlh of a new British nation in Australia, one may be displaying a disproportionate sense of perspective, but I will = say why I lay stress upon the defence aud relief of Mafeking, and why I speak of It in the same breath as the introduction of the Bill for the federation of the Australian Colonies. As you are aware, other sieges have been glorious for the display they afforded of British valour and heroism, but the sieges of Lucknow, Gibraltar, and even of Ladysraith were unlike the siege of Mafeking, because Mafeking was only an open, unfortified village, very inadequately provisioned, slightly armed, and garrisoned only with a few 8 iy hundred volunteers, who were not trained to war, and who were handicapped by the presence of thousands of natives and women. They had to oppose a well-fed, well-armed, and tricky foe, armed with heavy artillery, and out-numbering the garrison by at least four to one. Aud what was the re&ult ? You had A DISPLAY OF COURAGE, coupled with what I may term a schoolboy's sense of humour in being placed in a tight corner, such as cannot be matched outside British history. (Cheers.) When the Boer trenches came too near they were met by B.-P.'s trenches—(cheers)— when the forts were in danger the enemy was driven back at the point of the bayonet, when the Boer snipers became very aunoying a body of picked marksmen made them withdraw to a respectful distance, and when, on the two hundred and sixteenth day of the siege, the Boers under Eloff-who, about 18 months ago, used gross and insulting expressions regarding our Queen, and was shortly afterwards promoted by President Kruger to a higher position than he had previously held, in answer to remonstrations and to show his vseuse of what had happened—came within arm's length, two-thirds of them were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, and the rest ran away. Five days afterwards, after seven months of siege and "close investment, of incessant bombardment, cruel hunger, andmore crtiel suspense, Plti mer and Mahon joined hands with Baden-Powell, and the flag was saved. Why I wish to urge the importance of the defence of Mafeking is because it has left a deeper and more lasting impression upon the Boer mind than even the capture of Pretoria itself. Since the fall of British prestige in South Africa in 1881, when Mr. Gladstone, from motives of sublime magnanimity, but magnanimity which has cost the ,country very dear, gave back to the Boers the country, the Boers had entertained the utmost contempt for the British as a military nation. It was his contempt for us as much as his colossal armaments that tempted the Boer to challenge us to war. In view of the terrible blunders perpetrated by the system of the War Office, -in view of the serious reverses which our arms -sustained at the commencement of the war, ai.d in "view of the tremendous force we had to use to crush the Boer power, I am bound to say that but 'he four memorable sieges of Ladysmith, Jvimberley, Wepener, and Mafeking some of this contempt of the Boer for us would have lingered m his mind. He would have tried to assuage the bitterness of his defeat by saying that he had been compelled to surrender to an army of 200.000 men, but that man for man he had proved himself the Britisher's better. Now, I think that Baden- Powell and his gallant band have cured him of that -very dangerous way of thinking. (Hear, hear). That is the reason I believe that, viewed iu tut light, aud in the light of Us consequeuces, the defence of Mafeking will shine in our history as ONE OF THE MOST GLORIOUS EPISODES ) of this war. (Hear, hear). Now, I would like to draw your attention for one moment to another -use and meaning of this grand deed. Supposing i that some day England—these little inlands-were to become a Mafeking, to be besieged by the combined forces of Europe! I want you to vxemetnber that solemn warnings have been addressed to us as a nation by Lord Salisbury and Lord Rosebery. Because Baden-Powell and his gallant band fought with little else than first-class brains, directing matchless courage, do not let us leave our country as unprepared, under-manned, ,and defenceless as we left Mafeking. It eeCID; to me that of all the great national problems that demand solution at our hands, the most urgent and pressing is that of Imperial defence. First, llOW can we make these islands secure against invasion—and you must remember that the facilities and the means of invasion are increasing every year, and you know the possibility and the probability of an attack being one day made is also increasing every year and, secondly, how can thealmost illimitable fighting powers and resources of our nation and our race-the mother country and the Colonies—how can they be so organised that whilst leaving the Empire free, tolerant, and unaggressive, they shall make it iriesistible if attacked. Now, I think our Colonies have shown you their readiness to play their part. They have shown it in a manner that surprised even those who knew the abounding love aud loyalty that our Colonists have for the Crown. I trust, when the war is over, that due recognition will be given to their services by summoning an Imperial Council of the mother country and her Colonies in order to advise together on this question of Imperial defence. (Applause.) Meantime, it is satisfactory to know that her Majesty's Government have resolved to I INCREASE THE REGULAR ARMY up to any demands likely to be made upon it in the near future. From the speech made by Lord Lansdowne, in the House of Peers, there can be no doubt they really mean business with our Militia. because I am one who holds that until the Militia, in numbers and in equipment, have been brought to u full state of efficiency, or proficiency, perhaps, we cannot take our true place amongst the military powers of the Continent. (Applause). There is an old Latin saying—" Si vis pacem para, bellum" If you wish to have peace be ready for war," and I think it may be fairly paraphrased in English as follows:—"Be strong and you'll be left alone." In giving the first place in their programme of Army reform to the Militia the Government, I am sure, will not overlook the Yeomanry or Volunteers. After the brilliant services they have performed on the blood-stained veldt they will have earned, and 1 am sure will receive, at the hands of the Government still further consideration, and it has always seemed to me the Volunteers, as citizens, and with the pressure of the vote-and it is a great pressure have it in their power to force her Majesty's Secretary of State for War in the way he should go. (Applause ) To do this effectively, the Volunteers must organise for the purpose. They must know what they want, and thoroughly understand what they require at the hands of the War Office in order to be able to play their part as one of our bulwarks against invasion. (Applause.) The other great event which I have said made the month of May memorable is the presentation of the Bill for the federation of the Australian Colonies. The birth of A NEW BRITISH NATION must in the natural order of affairs be an event of great rarity. I think it can only happen once more in British history-that is, when five British Colonies in South Aftica--I say five, becauee we have abolished two Republics—(cheers)—when live Colonies in South Africa imitate and follow the example set by Canada and Australia. (Applause). I do not think it will be fair nor just in referiing to thin Australian Cjmmouwealth Bill if we do not emphasise the great services rendered to this country and to the Empire by Mr. Chamberlain, her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies. (Applause.) I am sure all here will agree with me that never has the confidence in the Government of the Mother Country stood so high with the Colonies as at the present time, and for that we must thank Mr. Chamberlain and Her Majesty's present Government. (Hear, hear.) I think, too, I might say that the temper in which Mr. Chamberlain approached his great task was only matched by his broad grasp of great Constitutional principles. (Applause.) If you compare him in this respect with Sir Henry Campbell-Baunerman, you can imagine what would have happened if the delicate negotiations between the Australian delegates and the home Government had been entrusted to his hands, because I venture to say it is almost impossible to find a more mischievous speech than that made on the first reading of the Commonwealth Bill by Sir Henry Campbell- Bannerman. The whole country and his own party, no less than ours, were relieved when he kept absolute silence on the second reading of the Bill. (Laughter.) Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman is the official head, I am sorry to say, of the Radical party, aud so long as they are led by a gentleman who can deliver such a speech as he did on such a momentous occasion, I maintain tha*; it is not safe to trust the destinies of the British Empire to that pnrty. Because, my lord, it is, and is going to be, A MOMENTOUS QUESTION, What are going to be the future relationships of the Mother Country and her Colonies across the seas in every quarter of the globe P Sympathy with their aims and aspirations, her eagerness to watch and protect them in their early steps to walk alone, will do far more to bind them to the side of the Mother Country than all the treaties in your archives. (Cheers). As an old Colonist I must say that the experience of the past has taught Colonists to look with greater certainty to a Unionist Government than to a Radical Govern- ment for those assurances. There are many here to-night, I am sure, who have sons, or brothers, or relatives to whom I would appeal to ask the question as to which Government they would rather trust, and I am confident what their reply would be, because I believe the Conservative Party have done more for them than their opponents have done. More and more as we are extending our Empire, more and more are the other nations of the world closing their doors to our commerce. This being so, more aud more must we study, not only oar own markets at home, but more and more must we study and protect and develop our growing markets in Africa, and in all our self- governing Colonies, because trade for this will re-pay you and your children and children's children many a thousand-fold for the sacrifices and exertions you are making there now. (Cheer".) I have said nothing to-night about the justice of this war. My personal views are so well known to you on this aspect of the war as not to require or need repetition, but I should like to take this opportunity of most respectfully addressing A WORD TO THE NONCONFORMISTS of the boroughs for which I have the honour to stand as a Unionist candidate, and to tell them that the churches and chapels of South Africa have spoken to them with one voice on this question of the justice of the war. And this is their message :— "The policy of the British Government, and of Sir Alfred Milner, is the only possible policy which can result in the securing of liberty, truth, and justice throughout South Africa." I don't ask you to take my word for this. Glance at the recorded opinions of the churches (and Dr. Rutherfoord Harris at this point produced a publication issued by the South African Vigilance Committee at Cape Town), from which one or two brief extracts may be taken, because they seem to throw so much light on the situation, as it is viewed by our countrymen who are so deeply concerned in the settlement:— The Congregational Union of Natal has addressed to the Congregational Union of England and Wiles the following expression of their deliberate views and convictions :— "As Christians they deeply deplore the present war, bringing with it the invasion of the colony of Natal, with looting and plundering of hundreds of homes in towns, villages, and farm- steads. The authentic reports which they hear from scores of friends are simply heartrending. And yet, humanly speaking, the conflict was inevitable. The war now raging, has long been premeditated and prepared for by the Boers. with a view to military and political dominion over the whole of South Africa, and the plea of fighting for independence has been but a blind to hide the real aim of the enormous military preparation of the Republics, which commenced years before the disastrous Jameson Raid. They desire to impress upon their fellow-Christians in England, that the Boer ideal of government is a military oligarchy, the power being exclusively in Dutch hands, while the British ideal is based upon the equality of all white men and the humane and just treatment of the native races ana they believe that in British administration lies the only hope of uniting the various States of South Africa, and of the permanent peace and prosperity of the whole country. For this, great and large numbers of the Colonists of Natal, very many of whom belong to the Churches and Sunday Schools of the Union, are now fighting at the front. They deem it of vital and transcendent importance that government on British lines should be established in every State of South Africa, under one flag, as in Canada and Au-itralia. Trey trust that this statement of the views and convictions of the Natal Congregational Union will command your sympathy." The Congregational Association of Cape Town and district resolved (1) that it regarded the war as unavoidable if there was to be permanent peace, prosperity, and liberty in the land, and justice done to the native races and (2) that the absolute control of the country must ba in the bands of Great Britain. The Presbyterian Churches in all parts of the country, like the evangelical ministers of Kimberley, Wh8 published a memorandum of their views, have resolved that peace and pro- gress can only be secured by creating a new government in the Republics, a government broad-based upon the people's will," and that an endeavour to patch up peace while giving the slightest predominance to the Dutch would be fatal in its consequenees." The Synod of the Wesleyan Methodist Church of South Africa unanimously resolved as follows —" The Synod desires to place on record its entire approval of the policy now being pursued by the Imperial Government in South Africa, and it is the earnest prayer of members of the synod that the operations now being undertaken may speedily result in the success of the British arms, and that peace and righteousness may be assured to this land, which it is believed will be attained through the unquestioned supremacy of Great Britain in South Africa. The Baptist Churches have framed a series of resolutions, which have been signed by their officials and ministers, aud by the president, the vice-president, and seven ex-presidents of the Baptist Union. These resolutions include four that very closely touch the question at issue, viz. "In our opinion, the war now being waged has been mainly brought about by the action of the South African Republic in its intolerant attitude towards the rights, liberties, and interests of British subjects and native races." We do not believe that her Majesty's forces are fighting on behalf of capitalists or for acquiring new goldfields for our Empire, but in defence of British Colonies, in the interests of good Government, and to secure justice and liberty for all races in this land." We are convinced that the interests of the Empire demand the predominance of British policy all over South Africa, and that the future indepen- dence of either of the Republics, or both, would be inimical to the peace, the progress, and the material and spiritual development of the peoples of this country." We earnestly com- mend these resolutions to our brethren in the Baptist Ministry of Great Britain and Ireland, in the assurance that the interests of the Kingdom of Christ, especially in relation to the native races of this Continent, are intimately associated with the success of the British arms, and with such development and extension of civilisation as invariably accompany British rule wherever it obtains." Now, my lord, ladies, and gentlemen, I don't think anyone will challenge the testimony of the Churches in South Africa as being partial testimony. It is absolutely impartial testimony as to the justice of this war, and it is not neceisary for me to say another word on the subject. I would now like to pass on to local topics. I dare- say some of you read some time ago the great speech that Lord Salisbury addressed to the Primrose League at the Albert Hall—a speech which attracted a greit deal of attention, and which fell like a thunderbolt, because Lird Salisbury, of all men, said he wished he could see a rifle club and a rifle rauge in every parish in this country. (Hear, hear.) Now, before Lord Salisbury could have said that, he must have had some very urgent reason, because that speech was not only listened to by people in this country, but by all the Chancelleries in Europe. I have wondered why we could not have A RIFLE CLUB I and a rifle range for the parishes of Usk and Llangibby. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) There is more than mere sport and mere pleasure in such a thing, although I believe there would be both sport and pleasure, but we should all be doing a duty to oar country. Many of us cannot join the Volunteers, but many of us can join rifle clubs and when the Prime Minister said he wished that there were rifle cluba in every parish, I think we ought to follow on the line which he has suggested (hear, hear) and I should like to take a practical and real and genuine interest in it, if a committee of residents would only take the matter in hand. (Hear, hear.) Last year a deputation from Usk came to see me with reference to your market buildings. As far as I know, the matter is still in the same position as it was when you left rne, The matter is in your own hands, but I should like that what- ever is done should be done with the approval of the majority of the people of Usk. If that is done I should like to give it whatever little assistance I can. (Hear, hear.) Since living here, during the last thirteen or fourteen months, it has struck me that YOUR RAILWAY COMMUNICATIONS with the outside world are shockingly bad. (Hear, hear.) I find that if you want to go to Newport or to Cardiff, which are places very neir here, it entails an enormous waste of time and a great deal of inconvenience and loss of opportunity. (Hear, hear.) It has its serious side, because this inaccessibility of Usk shuts up the town and district from trade and progress, and the opportunity of doing business and making money. Personally, I would rather drive two aud-a- half miles to Usk Railway Station than five-and- a-half miles to Caerleon, and personally, I shall try to see if we cannot get one decent train each day to and from Usk. (Heir, hea-.) I don't know whether we can succeed, or whether we shall get the directors iu a melting luo-id-(a laugh)— but, still, it is well worth trying. (Applause) It has been said you must noL prophesy unless you know. I don't know that there will. be A GENERAL ELECTION this year, but I have a shrewd idea that about the month of October there will probably be a general election, and I shall then have an opportunity, of which I hope y III will allow me to take the fullest advantage, of speaking to you on topics you read of In the papers, and which interest all of us living I r, in the country. I have followed these topics with considerable interest. I have taken, and do take, a great interest in many of them. I take a great interest in the cause of education, in the improve- ment of the artisan and his standard of living, in the board schools and the voluntary schools, iu licensing, and upon all these question I have made up my mind, and, with your permission, at the right moment, I will address you at full length, and perfectly frankly, and give you my views on each and every one of these topics. Living within a stone's throw, there is no chance whatever, even if one wished, which I do not, to evade any of these questions, but I think it would be wiser, perhaps, at this meeting to draw attention more to the great topic in which you take so much interest, and that is the relationship that exists between the Mother Country and the Colonies, with a view of keeping to the forefront the greater question for us of England and the Empire. (Applause.) But I have not done so because I wish to evade giving a clear and decisive opinion, for what it is worth, upon each and all of these other questions. I shall, when the time comes, address you upon all of these questions. (Applause.) I only now thank youfor the very patient and kindly hearing you have given to the few remarks I have made. In conclusion, he moved, "That this meeting of the electors of Usk desires to express its full and entire confidence in her Majesty's present Government. It looks with hearty approval upon the statesmanlike way in which our home, foreign, and Colonial affairs have been administered, and whilst regretting the outbreak of hostilities in South Africa, is strongly of opinion that the Boer ultimatum rendered war inevitable." (Loud and continued applause.) COLONEL CHANNER, in rising to second the vote of confidence, regret' ed the absence of the Squire of Llangibby, who was to have performed the duty. He was sure, he said, that all bad listened with the utmost pleasure, and with the greatest benefit, to the very eloquent speech made by Dr. Harris, who had put so ably before them the topic in which they were all so greatly interested, and had in such c( nvincing language described the position of afiairs in South Africa. (Applause.) He (the sp( aker) must ask for forbearance that evening, because, although he was a very old soldier, that was absolutely his first appearance as a political person. (Laughter and applause.) As a soldier, and as an English soldier, he had always refrained from politics. They saw in the country across the water—in the beautiful land of Friince-liow politics affected the Army, and how the Army was affected by politics, and how ruinous it was to the welfare of the nation. For that reason they in the English Army were content, so long as they remained active members of that Army, to carry out the orders they received, as well and faithfully as their abilities allowed them, without interfering with politics. (Cheers.) Dr. Harris had alluded to the way in which our interests are affected by our Colonies, and he (Colonel Channer) was certain that a very large number of those present derived their incomes, or a portion of them, from our possessions abroad. Ours is a large family, of which the head and centre is in this littld country, and at the head of all is our gracious Sovereign the Queen. (Applause.) They had also heard allusions to party he did not know exactly to what party he belonged, but he believed it was to the party of Union. (Cheers.) So far as he could gather from a study of race and country, not only of our own race and country, a great dealof the gocd and evil that happened to nations was due to the people that led them. The great Russian Empire dated its rise from Peter the Great the rise of our power dated from Alfred the Great. Proceeding to speak of Lord Roberts and the progress of the war »fter his arrival in South Africa, Col. Channer said he revered mid loved, aud regarded with the greatest affection, Field-Marshal Lord Roberts (cheers)—under whom in active service and in peace he had had the honor and privilege of serving. He had ha 1 also the great privilege of being brought into personal contact with Lord Roberts, and he would say truly, and from hii heart, that if Lord Roberts asked him at that moment to leave and join him in South Africa or elsewhere, he would join him with the greatest pleasure. (Cheers.) He believed their great chief inspired in all who had the honor of serving under him the same feelings of admiration and devotion that Napoleon did. But there was this difference whereas Napoleon was unprincipled to a degree, Lord Roberts was not only the bravest of the b ave—a quality which Englishmen always admired—but a most perfect type of a Chris- tian gentleman. (Cheers.) There was a charm of manner about his lordship which it was impossible to explain, but which meant the absolute devotion to his person of those who were under him. In conclusion the gallant Colonel said it was with pleasure he seconded the resolution, believing that they could not do better than follow their present Government. (Cheers) The noble Chairman having put the resolution to the vote, it was carried unanimously, and amid applause. MR. E. W. WATERS, speaking from the body of the Elall, said he believed the interests of all in the Boroughs would be safe in the hands of Dr. Rutherfoord Harris- (applause)-and as on the present occasion, and other occasion., he bad proved his fitness for being their member, and the justice of the Conservative cause, he hoped, as au old colonial himself, that when the polling day arrived, all would rally round their great Colonial neighbour, and place him at the head of the poll. (Hear, hear). Mn. J. MAITLAND WATKINS, said it was with very great pleasure that he rose to fulfil the duty entrusted to him of proposing a very hearty vote of thanks to their excellent candidate for his enlighten- ing and most eloquent speech. (Applause.) He had had the pleasure of hearing Dr. Harris address a meeting very often and he could say that his speeches were always listened to with delight, and when they appeared in the Press they were read and re-read with great advantage and increasing appreciation. He would advise the purchase of the newspapers containing the reports of Dr. Harris's speeches, so that they might be kept carefully for suosequent perusal wiirl tne greatest possible intellectual and political benefit. He (the speaker) had, after every address, looked for the criticism of their opponents upon it, and he found that it was mainly directed to the fact that Dr Ruther- foord Harris was a capitalist. That appeared to him (Mr. Watkins) not to be a very damaging criticism. He did not quite know what grounds their opponents had for arriving at their conclusion—whether they had inspected Dr. Harris's private books or not. At any rate they knew that Dr. Harris had made money, and were more certain still that he knew how to spend it. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Dr. Harris knew, and it was a very difficult thing to know, how to employ his meanq. May they be as ample as their opponents estimated them to be- (hear, hear) may he employ them to the very best advantage, and long be with them. (Cheers.) It was a little more than two years since they had the pleasure of welcoming Dr. Harris at an Usk meeting, and he thought he (the speaker) would be voicing the sentiments of each one present when he said, as they would say of every good and strong man, that the more they knew of him the better they liked him, and the more they wanted to see of him. (Hear, hear, and applause.) That day was the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo, and was a very fitting occasion on which to greet him. The Battle of Waterloo resulted in one of the greatest victories that was ever won, and he trusted the meeting that night was the forerunner of the greater occasion when they should return Dr. Harris at the head of the poll for the Boroughs of Newport, Monmouth, and Usk—(cheers)—which would indeed be another great victory. After the addret-ses they had heard, and after what they, had seen of Dr. Rutherfoord Harris's conduct, it would really be a decided victory to the Constitutional cause to return one to Parliament so eminently fitted by extensive experience of a subject in which all were deeply interested, and in which, it might be said, he was a specialist. (Cheers.) If they searched the United Kingdom, or the world over, no one more fitting or more worthy to represent the Monmouth B troughs, could be found than he. (Hear, hear.) He (the speaker) must, however, warn them net to take it for granted that because Dr. Harris had achieved popularity he would necessarily be returned without trouble on their part. They knew very well their opponents had the advantage- perhaps the greatest one that they could boast of- of being in possession of the seat, a possession held for eight years. Every layman knew that possession was nine points of the law—(laughter)— but they must do their best to disturb that possession. (Hear, hear.) He believed they had an excellent registration agency, but he would urge that registration work was work that one and all could and should attend to, according to opportunities and knowledge. They had been told the dissolution would be in October. Well, let them make up their minds that the general election would be in August, and prepare for it in time. (Hear, hear.) They had been told, too, "if you wish for peace, prepare for war." The sooner the better, therefore, they prepared for the struggle at the poll. He did not think they had any pro-Boers in Usk—at any rate, he hoped not-but in order to get their opponents up to the proper standard constitutionally he would prescribe the wholesome tonic of reading Dr. Rutherfoord Harris's speeches, and would supply any gentleman in the constitu- ency with those speeahes if he would only apply to him. He fully believed that if their opponents took that wholesome tonic-that is, if they took it honestly, and without prejudice-it would win them over, and they would plump for Dr. Rutherfoord Harris when the polling day came. (Cheers.) In conclusion, he said, he would call upou them to give what Dr. Harris thoroughly deserved-a most cordial and enthusiastic vote of thanks for his address. (Cheers.) Mr. J. H. CLARK, in seconding the vote of thanks, said two years ago it was his privilege to introduce Dr. Rutherfoord Harris to the constituency at Usk. There was then a capital meeting, and after hearing what was said thereat of Dr. Rutherfoord Harris, a most enthusiastic welcome was accorded him. Since that time he had been busily engaged in settling affairs in South Africa, in consequence of which they had not seen him so much amongst them as they would have liked, but now that he had come permanently in their midst with his compiehensive mind, his liberal and hospitable manner, and his wealth, he could make Usk a happy little town and a prosperous centre. (Cheers.) He had touched upon one or two subjects which affected them closely. As to the railway facilities they would all fall in with every word he had uttered, and they would hope that hie efforts iu the direction of I improving their train service would be successful, 1 and that the Great Western Railway Company would see the wisdom of carrying out his wishes. (Hear, hear.) Since Dr. Rutherfoord Harris had taken up his residence at Llangibby Castle, they had experienced his hospitality and liberality, and :he comprehensive grasp be had of things in general, combined with his great experience of affairs abroad, especially those connected with South Africa, should command for him the support of every one in Uek in preference to one who would rob the poor man of his drop of beer on a Sunday. (Hear, hear, and applause.) In conclusion, Sir. Clark said he heartily endorsed all that Mr. Watkins had said in proposing the vote of thanks to Dr. Harris, which he with great pleasure now seconded. The vote having been carried with acclamation, Dr. RUTHERFOORD HARRIS thanked the meeting for their kind vote and cordial reception. They had made him so accustomed to kindly receptions that he felt they had only been keeping up that custom on the present occasion. He had the pleasure of proposing a voce of thanks to their noble chairman for presiding that evening. The first time that he (the speaker) ventured to ask Lord Raglan to preside he expressed his great interest in the meeting, but as he had to go and see some of his brother officers off to South Africa the date of the meeting was altered to suit his lordship's convenience, and he had now attended at considerable personal inconvenience. They naturally liked to have someone historically connected with the district as was their chairman- (hear, hear)-bat they were still more proud at having the representative of a family connected with the history of England living in the district. He proposed to Lord Raglan a h arty vote of thanks. (Hear, hear.) Mr. C. VOYCE seconded, and the vote was carried with cheers. In reply, Lord RAGLAY said it was unnecessary for him to say how deeply grateful he was to Dr. Harris for the extremely kind way in which he had proposed the vote of thanks, and to the company for the very hearty way in which they had received it. He could only assure them all that it had been a very great pleasure to him to visit Usk and see so many of his old friends. (Cheers.) As Mr. Watkins had reminded them that was the anniversary of the great battle of Waterloo, and if they were not tired, he would ask them to bear with him while he said a word or two with regard to that great battle. (Hear, hear.) A great friend of his said to him one day, My dear fellow, what the deuce was the battle of Waterloo? The English simply stood on a hill all day, and did not run away." Well, that was the battle of Waterloo, and what those gallant souls were who fought at the battle of Waterloo, their grandsons were who were fighting for us to-day. (Cheers.) Now, what did that battle do for them ? What came of it ? The British 1, Empire came out of the Battle of Waterloo. (Cheers.) If they thought of the British Empire as we have it now, that British Empire, to all intents and purposes, dated from that time. It was the great emigration which set in ar.er that battle- the emigration of old soldiers-that founded the British Empire in which we all now take such pride. (Cheers.) It was our business now to see that the battles being fought at the present time should consolidate and crown that work. (Cheers.) He supposed that the last 15 years had been the most important in the history of the world. Upon what had been done in that time, and upon what we should do in the next 15 years would depend very largely the destiny of this planet. If we are true to our destiny, he believed the Almighty had put it into our hands to make this world a nobler, a better, and a more God-fearing place than it was ever before. (Cheers.) If the British race were true to its destiny they would carry that out. It rested with them to do it. It was no use sitting down to see others work, and say Capital Go it! Do itEich one must consider What can I do to forward this?" because it is the greatest work God has put into the power of any nation. Let us see that we are strong at home if we are strong at home, we shall carry our Colonies with us, and if we do that we can dictate peace to the entire world. (Cheers.) The meeting concluded with the singing of the National Anthem, followed by cheers for the Queen, Bobs," B. P. Dr. Rutherfoord Harris, &c.