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War and Politics.

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War and Politics. On Tuesday of last week the Prime Minister I moved, in the House of Commons, an address of congratulation to General Botha and General Smuts, and the officers and forces of the Union of South Africa, and Sir Robert Borden was the guest, at the House of Commons, of the Empire II Parliamentary Association, with Mr Balfour pre- siding, and Mr Bonar Law proposing the toast of Canada and Canada's Prime Minister. There was an underlying association of spirit between the two events, for, it is the same principle of liberty and free-conceded self-government which has drawn Canada ever closer to the Mother Coun- try since Lord Durham drafted its constitution, and has made it possible for the Commander-in- Chief of the Forces in arms against us in South Africa, at the beginning of this century, to ren- der "such inestimable service to the Empire which," as Mr Asquith felicitously said, "he en- tered by adoption, and of which he has [ome one of the most honoured and cherished t 3. We are sometimes tempted, in our admiration of the highly-organised machine into which the German nation has been converted for purposes of war, to carry out self-depreciation so far as to forget the immense moral advantages which the British sys- tem has over the German system. ,We cannot af- ford to neglect the material means in this world- conflict. But, while it is open to us to develop and perfect our material organisation, it is not pos- sible for our enemy to retrieve those moral blund- ers and crimes which have alienated the sympathy of the civilised world, and she has been guilty of that stupid miscalculation to which the idolaters of brute force are ever exposed when she believed that the bonds which unite the British Empire were fragile an d Elusive because they were only moral and s p iritu Behind the rivalry which has prompted Ger- many's challenge to British sea-power was the dream of a great German Colonial Empire. On July 8th, German dominion in South-West Africa, a territory exceeding in size Germany itself, ceas- ed to exist. The striking success of our arms at comparatively small cost was due, as Mr Asquith said, "in the first place to the admirable strategy of General Botha and next—and perhaps most of all-to the combined mobility, endurance, and valour of the Union troops, which made ef- fective resistance at any point impossible." The Germans profess to draw consolation from the thought that this crushing blow was inflicted by a Boer. Only a. very brief while ago they were building great hopes on the smouldering fires which they believed to be still alight under the soil on which, fifteen years ago, Boer and Briton were at war. There is a profound difference be- tween the British and the German policy of Em- pire, and South Africa is not Alsace-Lorraine. Mr T. P. O'Connor, speaking for his colleagues and countrymen, added the voice of Ireland to the House of Commons' tribute to General Botha, statesman and soldier. "Ireland, like South Africa"—in despite of Germany's Mac-chiavellian calculations—"has banished, in wise and. gener- ous wisdom, to oblivion, the old misunderstand- ing, and has recognised that in the great struggle in which we are engaged, the fundamental prin- ciple, as the Prime Minister has said, is the broadening of human liberty." "Nothing," said Mr Bonar Law, in proposing the toast of Canada at the luncheon to Sir Robert Borden, "had more touched the imagination or more stirred the hearts of the people of the United Kingdom than the deeds of the Canadian soldiers on the field of battle." Sir Robert Borden, in his reply, said that Canada had sent over-seas nearly 75,000 men and had another 75,000 in training. He estimated that the Over-seas Dominions of the Empire have in the field or training, as organised troops, no less than 350,000. But, as Mr Bonar Law reminded the House of Commons in support- ing the address of congratulation to General Botha, "we had no power, and if we had had, we should never have dreamt of exercising it, of com- pelling one of the self-governing Dominions to give up the smallest help." A powerful confirma- tion of Botha's dictum that from the free and un- constrained generosity of a people there is to be derived a far larger contribution than compulsion can ever wring. It was the defects of our qualities which Lord Lansdowne emphasised in moving the second reading of the National Registration Bill in the House of Lords. We have been convicted, he de- clared, of prodigious inefficiency in our national organisation. National organisation is as neces- sary in peace as in war, and Lord Lansdowne urg- ed the value of National Registration for the tre- mendous problem which awaits us after the war. As to the relation of the Register to Conscription, Lord Lansdowne professed his personal belief that the nation would in the last resort insist upon compulsion to ensure equaJity of eervice. Lord Weardale made a vehement protest on behalf of the voluntary principle. There are three main schools of thought, as "streams of tendency" vis- ible in regard to compulsion (1) Those who think the time has come, or is nearly arrived, when compulsion is neces- sary. (2) Those who think that the voluntary system, which has done far more than any one could have expected before this crisis, may yet pull us through. (3) Those who believe in "compulsion" not as a necessity, but as something to be desired for its own sake. Of the last school of thought, what may be called the "Yellow Press" is the most vociferous champ- ion. This "Yellow Press" asserts that every man in the country ought to be compelled to serve either (1) as a soldier or a sailor, or (2) as a munition worker. On the 10th inst. the list for the new War Loan was closed. Mr McKenna announced the results on Tuesday. Through the Bank of England X570,000,000 has been subscribed by 550,000 sub- senbers. X15,000,000 has been applied for through the Post Office by 547,000 persons. This huge total of nearly X600,000,000 does not in- clude any amount of Stock which will be issued for the purpose of conversion. The process of enlist- ing the savings of the working classes for the nation's need is a continuous one. It is still go- ing on. The Chancellor of the Exchequer also explained that thousands of people would have sold securities to put into the War Loan if a market had been available. This sum "represents actual subscriptions of everything that is avail- able." As Mr McKenna said "This has been an exhibition, a necessary ex- | hibition, of the unrivalled financial resources of the British Empire. They have been thrown in- to the scale in this War, and the result is a de- claration to our Allies and to our enemies alike that the United Kingdom will prove faithful to its trust in the cause of its Allies." :¡, There is no possibility in these notes of giving more than a passing reference to the Govern- ment's scheme of aircraft and bombardment in- surance—the question of economies in National Insurance, which, like Education, a certain type of mind regards as the first appropriate victim of a national emergency demanding economy; or even of the German reply to the American Note. But the substance of that Note has been aptly charac- terised in a newspaper cartoon :—Not amends for past outrages, but a list of the rewards Germany is willing to receive for a promise of discontinuance of further outrages.

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