Pioneer

I Political Notes. I I BY F. W. JOWETT, M.P. I Another annual statement was made in the House of Commons last week concerning the work of the Munitions Department. As on the last occasion when the work of the Munitions De- partment was reported upon there is much to be learned from the statement. The Ministry of Munitions is far from being the kind of organi- sation in industry that Socialists accept as an expression of their ideas, but it does serve the purpose of showing how wasteful and ineffec-i- e competitive industry under capitalism really is. In the two years of its existence the cost d ex- plosives, for instance, has been reduced by more than 50 per cent. although the cost of raw ma- terials and wages have considerably increased in the meantime as expressed in terms of money. Had it not been that the Ministry of Munitions stepped in, the manufacturers of armaments and explosives would have continued to plunder the nation as they did in the early period of the war, indeed, they would have plundered the ra- tion at an ever increasing rate. The metlud adopted to limit the opportunities of the private firms (known as controlled establishments) to re- duce their prices has been made possible by the existence of large State factories in which the cost or processes is an ascertainable fact. Armed with this knowledge, competent accountants have overhauled the books and accounts of con- trolled private establishments; with the result that their rapacity has been checked consider- ably. & The operations of the Munitions Department also show the effect of applying the system of "production for use" to industry. Even the wealthiest of private firms could not afford to erect new factories—equipped with the most up- to-date machinery and appliances—required for the purpose in hand. Shareholders, anxious for irrmediate payment of dividends and, therefore, suspicious and critical of capital expenditure, had not to be feared or reckoned with by the Munitions Department. Also, the absorbing ac- tivities of canvassing for business against com- petitors were unnecessary, and the energies of all could be directed to more effective purpose. These points are worth remembering notwith- standing the destructive and death dealing ob- ject to which the new method of production has been applied and the undemocratic and oppres- sive labour conditions under which product-ion is now being carried on. Democratically con- trolled industry, directed to production of use- ful things, with the sanae singleness of purpose as this war has imposed on tlta Munitions De- partment. would accomplish great things for the people. For this reason the lessons to be de- rived even from the ma.king of munitions of war, ought to be pressed home for the benefit of man- kind. Once more, s ince the revolution in Russia, the straight direct word concerning the war and its aims has come to us from that country. M. Chernoff, the leader of'the Social Revolutionary Party in Russia and Minister of Agriculture in the Russian Government, has issued a statement which is, in effect, a direct appeal to the peoples or Great Britain. With regard to the aims of the late Russian Government of Nicholas Ro. manoff, he says, "From the start of the war the Russian autocracv began to lead its allies, tpe democracies of Western Europe and mar ked out for itself the biggest and most savoury bit—Constantinople, the centre of the world's thoroughfare and the source of many previous murderous conflicts between the great nations. Meaning to get the lion's share of the spoils—Armenia and the Straits—the Russian autocracy did not stop at blackmail, and in- sinuated the possibility of a separate peace." After a reference to Belgium and Servia as the ill-fated victims of Austro-Russian quarrels, and the disinterested objects of England and France! in entering the war, the Russian leader goes on to plead with the British people that Russia will not be allowed to stand alone ;n the struggle for the elimination of Imperialistic tendencies everywhere." "No country," he goes on to say, is free from Imperialistic elements, "nl the union of all parties—the patriotic truce in face of the common enemy, gave prominence to those elements in political life: They (i.e.; the political truces) did everything to influence the war aims of the Allies and helped the Rus- sian democracy to stir up everywhere the appe titea for annexation, ths prolongiung the mur- and a. d vo- derous slaughter, exhausting Europe, and advo- cating a war to a victorious end. The Russian appeals to the British democracy for support in the great cause of securing the moral and poli- tical isolation of the Imperialistic elements every- where in Europe. This alone will enable the Russian Revolution to carry its influence over the line of trenches and to secure in Germany, with the help of the best elements of the Ger- man democracy, the political isolation of the Hollenzollerns, which will lead to their over- throw." Let the reader contrast the appeal from which I have just quoted with the most recent utter- ance of Mr. Lloyd George on the subject of the war and war aims. At Glasgow he began with a statement regarding the German Chancellor's declaration on the subject which was quite un- warranted. What is worse, he put his own dis- torted version of the German Chancellor's de- claration in the form of a quotation, and it ap- pears in the report of Mr. Lloyd George's speech within quotation marks. In the alleged state- ment, attributed to the German Chancellor by Mr. Lloyd George, the former is accused of saying that although Germany would restore Belgium to its people, Belgium must in future form paart of the economic system of Germany and of the military and naval defence of Ger- many and that Germany must have some con- trol over its ports. This misrepresentation of his adversary is quite characteristic of Mr. Lloyd d ve.r,gai?y 1.11 qii George's methods of controversy, and the effect of it will be to stiffen the resolution of the enemy and increase the sum of misery and loss of life by the prolongation of the war rather than to bring the end of the war nearer and save iife. But the most striking feature in Mr. Lloyd George's response to Russia's appeal to the AI-II lies for a revision of the war aims for which they are expected to fight is the evasive manner in which he endeavoured to effect a compromise with regard to annexations. The new Russian ? itli i I Government has thrown over the whole of the annexation claims of the late Russian Govern- ment and calls upon the Allies to do likewise. Mr. Lloyd George affects agreement, so far as to say that Mesopotaiii li,, its fate shall be de- cided at the Peace Conference when the war is over. He does not say that Great Britain will not claim it at the. Peace Conference. So, also, with the Gernull Colonies. The fate of these also, lie says, must be decided at the Peace Con- ference after taking into account the senti- ments of the natives. Natives," of course, in this connection meaning the native chiefs, and, so far as their sentiments are concerned, and so far as their sentiments are ascertainable at all, it will be through the medium of agents of the British Government the information will be conveyed. There will will not be much un- certainty as to the choice of native chiefs who have "been fighting with Great Britain against Germany, as between German rule and British rule. The native chiefs would scarcely be likely to hand themselves over to the nation they had recently been fighting. The one thing helpful to a solution of the difficulty, however, ^r. Lloyd George carefully refrained from discussing, and that is the neutralisation of those parts of Africa in which the natives cannot with safety be drilled and exploited by any so-called civilised nation. If, in speaking of the African Colonies and of Mesopotamia, Mr. Lloyd George could have re, sponded to the Russian appeal and said that their future status would be entrusted to the decision of an International Peace Conference, at which Great Britain would put in no claim to annex them, he would have brought the world considerably nearer to the peace is sorely needs. As it is, he has exhibited once more his old dex- terity and succeeded in evading the real point of the Russian appeal—for the present. I say "for the present" advisedly, for the new Rus- sian method of direct speech in international affairs will not permit him to escape so easily.

Wretched State of Affairs. MFERTKYR GUARDIANS LECTURED BY I AUDITOR. The- possibility of the Merthyr Guardians being: surcharged for the £ 700 regarding which they have been at variance with Mr. M. D. Propert (district auditor) is now remote. This amount is made up of a.bout £ 360 on un- oollected arrears on long-standing strike relief and £ 350 owing on out-door relief by men who joined the nrmy, and which was wiped out by a resolution of the board. At Saturday's meeting of the board it was re- ported that Mr. Propert had sent a memo, the proposals in which if carried out would (in his opinion) ensure sound administration and no preventible losses." In a letter, which was-read by the Clerk (Mr. F. T. James) Mr. Propert suggested the memo should be brought to the notice of the Finance Committee for endorsement by the board and said: If this can be done I for my part slia.11 be glad to drop the proposed surcharges, be- cause there will be an assurance that if these reforms are acted upon that there will be no repetition of the wretched state of affairs that [has been allowed to develop. "The Guardians, no doubt, had the best intentions but after all the trouble and hard work put in they will now see that there has been not only a lot of energy but considerable sums of money frittered away. From an exam- ination of the books a stranger might almost have been justified in coming to the conclusion that the Guardians were out to bring ridicule and contempt upon the Poor Law and the offi- cials of the board. I do not think for a. moment that result was coontcmplated here, and I hope it will not have that effec t. "I think you will agree that if the sugges- tions in the memo are carried out it will in no way derogate from the powers or duties of the Guardians." In a personal letter to the Rev. [Jew. M. W il- liams (Rector of Dowlais) the a:ii.ditor said: "So far as the minutes show you appear to have sup- ported sound business methods throughout." It was decided to refer the matter as suggested to the Finance Committee.

The Theatre Royal. I The two last week's reproductions of the great dramas of the last decade at the Theatre Royal have made me hunger for more. I trust that, unlike Oliver Twist, I shall not be sent empty away. And of the two pieces that have been resurrected I infinitely prefer this weeks splen- did staging of Shadows of a Great City," to that great staging of Tom Taylor that moved me to praise last week. There are enough episodes developed in the course of the play to supply the modern playwright with plots for a year. That is one of the things I like about these virile old masters of the melo-dramatic art, they were big and grand in their generosity. When they set to work on a play, the whole intensity of their natures was expended on th3 work, the ripest! fruits of their robust imagination were piled in the basket of the piece without stint, and the result was always a tense gripping piece, which, however crude its shading, did get hold of the audience, grip it tightly to the last curtain, and hammered its moral, generally the defeat of vice and the triumph of virtue, home with sledge- hammer blows. 1 believe that it is only the growth of the ephemeral in the audiences, due largely to the to the influence of the music hall, that has sent such plays as Shadows of a Great City out of fashion. At all events, the work is worth doing, and the workers are well able to do it. The last is not a small mead of praise, for few of the newer histrions are able to handle this full-blooded stuff. Next week should be a still happier resurrec- tion for that great historic work Jane Shore has been chosen for production. I question whether there is a play in the language that has attained the same fame as Jane Shore," or one that has been seen by a greater number of geniuses who have set their appreciation in glow- ing words. a Jane Shore" is to drama what Shakespeare is in the higher realms of art—one of the outstanding classics, and I am thankful that it is a company of the ability of the Wat- son Mill Company that is to handle it. FLATGOER.

Mark Starr's Reply to his Critics. I CONCERNING POLITICAL ACTION. I TO THE EDITOR. I Dear Sir,—Were it not for the importance «» the question at issue, I would leave the letter 0 Mr. Glyn Jones unanswered because the best re- futation of his charge of failure would be to again carefully read the original article and note the big questions he has left untouched in the selection of his points of criticism. The first point, made by our friend is that original proposition was boggled by conflising "palliation of past and present conditions "the emancipation of the working class," aD- by the assumption that "the workers' indus- trial betterment" and "the safe expansion ot their industrial activities are synonymous the same phrase. Though to be sure" va. la- tiOll" is allowed to be of importance "ia s0 far as such palliation may ensure the free d& velopment of the prime historical forcJ viz., the economic." If the article criticised did not clearly show that palliation did ensure tlns "free development" then it was a failure. The crux of the matter lies in what is tlider- stood by the emancipation, of the working" class," or rather the mode of its happening. if that is some future event which has not yet f gun,, f industrial betterment and expasrion ° industrial activity have nothing to do in bringing nearer the end of that emancipation, and n palliatives have, and still do, hinder and not help the coming of the Social Revolution, then my critic is right in asserting that political aC- tion is useless. But if, on the other hand, bet ferment, expansion and palliatives have brought" the workers nearer to the end of their emanCIpa- tion. then, my critic is wrong; the propositi has not been altered in its sense though its forDl may be slightly enlarged. > John Morley has said with truth: The con- ditions of speech make it indispensable for tis to use definite and compendious names for move- ments that are bath tardy and complex." An such a "definite and compendious name" is the workers' emancipation. To me, as far as the modern wage-working class is conserned. tInS emancipation began with the rise of the Unions and it, will end when the wage-workeJ through his organisation owns the means of Pro- duction and consequently, the whole of the P? duct. This then is my justification of dea-lt? with the past and of showing how in hf period treated the unions came into contact vd^ "legal and juridical obstacles" necessitating political action-—an historical demonstration' based upon undisputed facts, which my critic conveniently ignored. We both desire to help accomplish the Social Revolution and to substi- tute Industrial Democracy for wage-slavery; 3111 booth insist upon the need of a fundaInentt change—the changing of water into steam, as it were. However, I pay notice to the continually rising temperature of the water which I' )e,an to noticeably bubble in the 18th and 19th Oenturif and then look forward with my friend to the cul- mination point, the revolution, when the water will disappear into salll. The chief contenti? was that the boiling point had not yet alTived I-)ol.iti(?al a4?tiom could not yet be dispen??ed with that the workers in the matter of posses' r ing class-consciousness were still "wanting it "I?' stairs"; an d that in the face of this transit? gap no auxiliary weapon could be scrapp?' Capitalism crippled thp worker, yet, in order get his aid against the landed class it supply the worker with crutches—a limited amount of political equality. These crutches have b?en? atwi can still be, used to help the still partially d's abled giant feel his feet. Some day doubtles's 116 will dispense with them and walk upright a0" unaided to battle boldly with the now ho long^T divided ruling class. However, bearing in mi the present. conditions (not as they exist In study but in the workaday objective world) a?* the backward undeveloped state of the men? apparatus of my fellows, it sorrowfully seems t(¡) me that that time is not yet. The second point raised by Glyn failed to dis- cuss the usefulness of the Bills mentioned and a.& to whether or no the recent Bill made anHtlg- ma-tion easier by lessening the required majori- ties. Also he forgot to thank our friends Osborne and Co. Some of us have yet to learn that tllo lead^ ers and the rank and file of the Triple Alh, a nee have forsworn political action or dedaJe f the use of the ballot to be a frittering away ° energy. The former reference to the Minim*11* W age Bill, 1912, still holds good. The statement that the worker only on the il3- dustria! field can and generally does, when complications are absent (When is that in modern times P) see the identity of his interests with those of the other members of his class"—this I statement, besides being of doubtful truth, iw dicates a limited class-consciousness, a blindne to all but that which is just beyond the nose, and reveals a state of affairs not to be accepted but destroyed. It is hard to imagine an Industrie unionist believing in the class war upon the dustrial field and voting Tory or Liberal in o.p' position to Labour when he turns to politics. NO t intelligent unionist could be so illogical foo: t!J1 class antagonism once recognised is clearly scfij upon the industrial, political and education fields. After passing over "The Present" withoi^ comment Glyn makes merry with the futiU* M.P." and his functions. Yet as a Marxian, comes to me that, material conditions, and 1i1? material interests, a.re the deciding factor in Ilif" tory. Corruption is not necessarily oonfjnetO the political field. Of course, if the uni0llS thought the L400 was tainted they could bl Kerr literature with it. My critic's material iia, terests impel him to burn the midnight oil aD. rise out of his class into ,a soft job"; his &K terial conditions incite a class-consciousness aD a impel him to burn the same midnight oil to ,come a social scientist and help to contawl, ate (?) his fellows by acting as secretary of h1; District of the C.L.C. League. This is the ta'1l t Glyn Jones. Will R400 buy a Smillie? Will Oot |\ this type of man be produced in greater nnP3 bers as the workers wake up? Glyn is willing to raise his "wee voice"  defiance of the State. Owning allegiance °n^ to my class, and understanding the true cat? of the State, so am I. But even in an S.W.M" conference—surely not the most reaction? con f er,-nc,e-surely n?ot, the most reac?tioua? centre of a backward union—only a minority far, hold a similar view. One might ask: the Labour Party on the political field fail? iO a more lamentable fashion to uphold rights  liberties during recent happenings, than the unions upon the industrial neld? Not our E? weapons are to blame, but the lack of I'll Pdaesft standing on the part of thier users. t In conclusion, in order to complete the rc>JUof our friend quoted an introductory paragraph of mine referring to the d«ings of the ftitur" to condemn my doings in the present. The queo?. O'111 at stake was one dealing with the most fF ectivo tMtics to use in the present; we are agreed ?1? op..f our final goal. Therefore the quotation '??o b& side the point. Thanking your correspondent for the adlnroblo tone of his letter.—Yours, etc., i I