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Concerning Political Action.…
Concerning Political Action. I A DISCUSSION WITH MARK STARR. I TO THE EDITOR. comradej—In last week's "Pioneer" Mark S air asks whether political action is necessary .101' the the emancipation of the working-class, answers the question jn the affirmative, and en- deavours to prove his case. I hope to be able •to show that that endeavour etacieci in taiiure. In trie first place, it is well to be clear as to' the proposition of which the proof is sought. It that political action is necessary tor the traajielpa-Lion of the working-class. The question -of any palliation of past or present conditions 00es not arise therefore, except m so far as such filiation may ensure tne rree development of lvjlat, your contributor agrees to be the prime tostoricai lorce, viz., the economic. Through a ^acii 01 seilrcnticism which allows him to deviate lroni the point at issue, lie later states his aim to be: to prove that in the past, present and future the organised workers have oeen, and will lee, forced to take a part in politics in order to secure the workers' industrial betterment and safe expansion of their industrial activities .111 the tace of the Hostile use of existing political lorces by the Capitalist ela*s." This is such a infusion of the issue as a scientific consideration «)f the facts can by no means allow. To state t&at, m part, he intends to prove that in the future the organised workers will forced to take. a part in politics in order to secure the workers' industrial betterment Its differing from being forced to politics in order to protect the forces making for our emancipa- tlsiij.—to state that intention might quite con- ceivably, and actually did, assist him in develop- J'Ug a plausible case, out it has the demerit of so altering his primary aim as to render much of what follows the statement inappropriate to the ^ain contention, which was that 11 political ac- tion is necessary to our emancipation." It has Another and greater detraction in that each ar- gument in its support throughout the article Whilst needs present the appearance of supporting the original proposition. It would not surprise ■JQe therefore to find that many uncritical readers thus captured. Your contributor states that" the Trade Union Bill (1913) and the recent Bill to make "^flaalgajnatipn easier are examples of the reflex economic tendencies on the political held. j-hen why not concentrate on the development of the economic forces? As he says, the economic political fields are not worlds apart, and we %ay rest assured that any call louder than a Whisper from one or more *f our powerful Labour Unions would soon be, and many already have n, heard and considered in Downing Street .;tnd in the Committee Rooms of Westminster. He further says that no action political or Inustrial can go far without the active support f the workers." True. But in which of the l*o fields is the greater support secured? Un- ??estionably in the industrial. Then why fritter ??y both time and energy in an endeavour to ?concile the irreconcilable—the ideological fac- ti*las among the workers? Let us "keep our y«s on the main chance and give our a ttGn- jons to that field where the worker can, and ig'Blle,i,allv does, when complications are absent, the identity of his interests with those of the other MQ-bers of his class. There lies the Possibility cf unitv ?l dealmS with the future, Mark Starr en- Inr fS Siorious possibilities of the day '?vkell t e Labour M.P. will be nominated,  a controlled by his industry union." Thl %orr+tiuy aBd regenerated person's functions are to ? ma,ny, diverse and various. He will do and ^i^ compel and prevent to the heart's content  his poor dear constituents. All these ?ngts will he willingly do, even though the ^pitalist will pav him ?400 a. year for doing ?thing? Lord, what faith m man! Eminently ^sirable as the foregoing method of gaining -? respect of the State would appear to be, a Poetical method would be better. With all "?Hty I would raise mv wee voice in favour ?? th Unions da!ing the State to interfere with th,? rights and liberties of the workers without  direct consultation through their Unions  the workers concerned. The stronger tini- ons are, already, in a position to do it. What niore, in certain respects they have already Id'olle it Thus would we make the fullest use of ieceii.t developii)ents of class Govern- ??siderations of time and spoo pre- oelf u ? anything like fair treatment to this phase of ? "be question.  posing hi? article Starr propounds some qll%ti, Oils to ? opponenœ (?). All too briefly I '-s h ? it? 1 sh lI ?deavour to deal with the most import- tof those which have not already been an-  d ?ve, or that will be answered in a final "quotaf** 011 I shall give from his own al'ticle Ion which I shall ??ive from his own  il the danger of developing an ? iRdustry W°USness to the prejudice of the more de- f ^^ass-consciousness. A remark has been 'Passed O'-V' SOmeRe to the enect that we act first +i, k afterwards. The formation of Trade ?Bd ??Sen?ered more than a negligible quan- tity Pf class consciousness. The Industrial ^nion (needless perhaps to state, I mean by thl. l lv h -t thE? ,,Ord,, tb e.s,e l ve, iiiiply) in its full- this t^1e words themselves imply) in its full- "I%tlicatiod as a method of organisation of the  as workers comprises the unification of th? Tj? °?- There will you have class-cohscious- n° W^lct^lej' all past political eSor-ts have 1ess ? helping forward the workers. ?ossiM? ??o? t. But if great improvements which ?6q? ? ?ecade? of agitation to bring about "{ e. g th trial "? Factory Acts) can be equalled by indus- ria.1et0,,o ac i a few months (e.g. the Minimum  eP-t) ? lesson is obvious. Even grafting tbe con? ???? implied in the quesHoB, the Modern ???ation of industrial force by the Workeris n T- h can be wielded against the Capi- ^Ust Parliament -provi d es a means which ?Ust j +? Parliament provides a méaThS which ,?obA ,,? tea ?the need for a round-about method. Starr J?k whether the repressive power of the ^tate is j 6nied. In so far as the past is oon- ?'Bed, wh? ?th' e workers' right was unaccom- ?anied'b T?wneildl '? ? ?Sht, it is not denied. In the future e"tillue to be more and more limited t ever-gi()?wing industrial power of the Worker as n ? require, even now, an Ezekiah to foresee 1^ + So well did o^ ^ination. 0 welid Starr begin his article as to make olq 'Ocni--lude-it is exceptional to be able to say Jfis of him h ? ??? he left off at the end of first nuT. a^raPh any criticism from our side S^ hld have v, ^fiat have b ?? nothing out commendatory. So ??'? t Ivest ha?S???? did he handle the question t I shall e, l",e his denial of his position by I .ql' lot1. 119 the P'allgr?Lp,h almost in its entirety, ?e, either fr??? ? quite immaterial to the either fr6M viewpoint or mine. Speak- 1"gOf him ?elf Ile savs: "He believes that the S?try umon wm ?"???te the creation of sur- fn118 value C+V>rTcs I^lna'tG the creation of sur- ? h?en ??<???? Revolution win then t'a ? tra?fo?? 1'? th? in the nght it a1 be transformSO- C16^ Thus the or skale- Of the ?,.ri +u_ ?'?- Thus the transition the Old -to the new w•i. ll ? eSected without awkward interval OT the slightest jar. He does not think that we as workers can cap- ture the political machinery of the Capitalist cOass and make it serve our purpose. The State, fie organised instrument for the defence of pri- vate property will disappear when the working-class is the ruling class and cla-ss rule will cease; then political government becomes superfluous, for through their industry unions the workers will control m'oduction." That is the true Mark Starr.—I am, yours fraternally, I Treherbert. Treltel'h"l't. liliYN JONBS.
Public Meeting at Ynysybwl.
Public Meeting at Ynysybwl. Mr. N. Tromans was billed to speak at the Workmen's Hall on Sunday last. The subject announced was Has Trades Unionism Failed? The question was dealt with effectively, and answered very ably by the speaker, it was point- ed out that whilst Trade Unionists have failed, Trade Unionism has succeeded in realising its objects, though he admitted that the objects of past and present unionism have been insufficient and in some instances opposed to the interests of the class it was created to protect. The moral was to alter the objects in such a manner as to make the union become not merely a defensive organisation, but an aggressive one, prepared in every instance and on every opportunity to at- tack capital, and endeavour to bring about its downfall by possessing the means of production. He made a strong plea for unity among all classes of workers, particularly when disunion existed between workers in the same industry. He exposed the game of capital, in subsidizing craft unions, and showed clearly the loss to the workers throHlgh the continuance of this system. Reierence was made to the advance of the South Wales miners, during the previous week at the Cardiff conference. He pointed out that the .Federation has now ceased to be merely a body functioning as a machine regulating the rela- tions between the workers and the employers, it was now definitely out to acquire all that made the employers powerful. He thanked the C.L.C., the educational section of the movement., for the intelligent and aggressive policy it was giving to the South Wales Miners Federation. He then referred to his visit to Fsance, and begged not to be misunderstood by his friends. He went there with opinions against the war, and with a desire to see the end of it. He re- turned not with his opinions altered, but with a conviction that it is against the interests of the workers, and that it must be stopped. Mr. Jack Hughes, of Llwympia, then addressed the meeting on the same subject. He agreed with Tromans, he said, that he saw nothing in France that could change in the slightest degree his view of the war. He was against it before, he was; more than ever against it now. There was in France, he said, all the forces necessary for a revolt. On the one end of the British line was the Australian soldier paid 6s. per day, and on the other the Canadians, who received 4s. per day, whilst in the centre was the English, Scotch, Welsh and Irish Tommy," who were paid Is. per day. This inequality can- not continue to exist, without breeding results, which must eventually burst forth in revolt. Mr. Geo. Dolling, the third visitor to the battle front, was in the Hall, and agreed with what both the previous speakers had said. The only people, all three agree, who are anxious to continue the war, are the Staff Officers, and others who are not called upon to go over the top, to death and destruction. This war will never be terminated by arms, it can only end by negotiation. WHY NOT DO IT NOW?
IIndustrial Unrest Commission.
Industrial Unrest Commission. The members of the Commission of Enquiry into Industrial Unrest, co»stitulSng the panel for Wales and Monmouthshire will be immediate- ly prepared to hear evidence as to the causes of suchl unrest and the remedies therefor, from re- presentatives of any Government Department that may be concerned, and of any association whether of employers or of employed, and of any other organisation of a public character. Evidence of a representative and unofficial character may also be tendered by private indi- viduals. The Commissioners cannot, however, under- take to investigate individual complaints, and only questions of principle should, therefore, be submitted to them. All statements made will be received in con- fidence and the proceedings will not be open to the press or public. Any person or organisation desiring to lay their views before the, Commis- sion should communicate immediately with the Secretary, Industrial Unrest Commission (Wales), Law Courts, Cardiff, stating in writing the pomts to which it is desired to draw the Com- missioners' attention.
Cardiff War Parcels Depot…
Cardiff War Parcels Depot Closed. The War Parcels Depot, St. Mary's-street, Cardiff, which has been managed under the auspices of the Women's Advisory Committee, by the Cardiff and District Women's Suffrage Society, has now been closed, as the diminution of the number of parcels sent to the troops abroad has rendered it unnecessary. Since its opening in March, 1916, it has despatched about 1,800 bales, containing aJbout 12,000 parcels. Much appreciation of the services of the Depot has been expressed by officers, soldiers and rela- tives.
RHEUMATISM- KIDNEY TROUBLE.…
RHEUMATISM- KIDNEY TROUBLE. I Rheumatism is due to uric acid crystals in the joints and muscles, the result of excessive uric acid in the system that the kidneys failed to remove as nature intended, and this acid is to a great extent the cause of backache, lum- bago, sciatica, gout, urinary trouble, stone, gravel and dropsy. The success of Estora Tablets for the treat- ment of rheumatism and other forms of kidney trouble is due to the fact that they restore the kidney sto healthy action, and thereby remove the cause of the trouble, and have cured num- berless cases after the failure of other remedies, which accounts for them superseding out-of-date medicines that are sold at a pri beyond all but the wealthy. Women frequently suffer from ills, aches, and pains under the impression that they are victims of ailments common to their sex, but more often than not it is due to the kidneys, and in such cases Estora Tablets will set them right! The test is at least worth making, as woman's happi- ness and success in life depends on her health. Estora Tablets fully warrant their description -an honest remedy at an honest price, 1/3 per box of 40 tablets, or six for 6/9. All Chemists or, postage free, from Estora Co., 132, Charing Cross Road, London, W.C. Bargoed and Aberbargoed Agent- W. PARRY WILLIAMS, M.P.S.
Awake ! Trade Unions.
Awake Trade Unions. COMPEL THE LABOUR PARTY TO DO ITS I DUTY. MORGAN JONES' PROTEST AGAINST I ABOMINABLE TREATMENT OF C.O.s. JLOTHB HITOR. Sir,—Is it not time the members of the power- ful Trade Unions of the country began to exer- cise some pressure upon the so-called La'borfr Party to do its obvious duty. A fortnight ago through the medium of your columns I had the privilege of reading the statement made by my friend, Mr. Clifford Allen, before the court- martial recently. This was his third appearance. Others like him have appeared in a similar way even moije frequently. At this very moment some 800 to 1,000 Absolutists remain in English and Welsh gaols. Many of them are South Wales comrades whose devotion to the cause of Peace and anti-militarism has been well known for years. Thousands more of us are kept at the silliest work possible under conditions that in many respects are a disgrace viewed from the Trade Union. standpoint. Moreover, the work is in many instances socially useless. And what is the reason for all this punishment, be it in the Home Office camp or in the prison cell. It is that men have certain convictions, stern con- scientious scruples, against participating in the business of war. There is nothing new in that. Men have held such convictions before and those convictions have been respected. Moreover, during this very war, the Government antici- pated the discovery of such men for they specifically provided exemption—absolute exemp- tion—for them in their Act of Parliament. Owing to the scandalous and wicked travesty of justice meted out by petrified Prusians "clad in' a litttle brief authority," and sitting on Tribunals, these men got very shabby treatment indeed. The decision of Parliament respecting conscien- tious objection was openly scoffed at and flouted. The law was deliberately broken in the first place, by those very men who were appointed to administer it. In hosts of cases, no attempt was made to do justice and to deal fairly with the men appearing before them. What happened? Before Tribunals and subsequently in military camps, men were bullied, abused, and shamefully ill-treated and finally they were landed, in gaols to be housed with criminals. The stories some of these men will be able to tell will yet bring a blush of shame to the cheek of many English- men. A scheme was produced finally by the Govern- ment whereby the men might be given work of national importance after a. special sitting of the Central Tribunal had decided in effect that these men had honest conscientious objections or not! The work to be of national importance and of a civil nature. In the main, the civil character of the work has been fulfilled, though—Heaven knows,—making mats and mailbags cannot be said to be of very pressing importance nationally. The majority of the men have accepted tha,t scheme. But they have had no illusions as to this central fact—that the Government has not fulfilled its obligations as laid down in its own Act of Parliament. We were all entitled to Absolute exemption and had; the Government shows the same respect for the spirit of its laws as it expects Conscientious Objectors to exhibit, England's name would not have been tarnished to the extent that it has. There are, however, about 1,000 men still in gaols because they will have nothing to, do with this scheme. We may not agree with their view of it. But what of that? They are none the less sincere on that account. On the contrary they hold their convictions very tenaciously. They will face any suffering and pain rather than abate one iota of their principles. There are hundreds and thousands of men who shouted for the war in the early days, who paraded their armlets in the days of the Derby Scheme and who thereby showed their willing- ness to accept the obligations of military service. Where are they n«w ? Whole hosts of them,-for good and sufficient reasons possibly in some cases —begged and prayed of their Tribunal friends to excuse them. And in many, many instances they have been excused. In districts with which I am familiar it has been held (by inference, at least) that billiard rooms are more important than schools in the scale of social values-hence billiard markers are excused while schoolmasters are ruined! I do not want to be misunderstood. My point is simply this: I am not anxious that more men should be sacrificed in the inferno. Certainly I do not desire to save myself at the expense of others. Far from it. But I am anxious that men who have honest convictions against war should not be tortured and killed piecemeal by the severity of prison regulations. What, then, can be done? This, if nothing else. There are thousands of miners in South Wales and elsewhere, railwayman, steelworkers, ironworkers, carpenters and joiners, and masons, too, who have the right and the power to call upon the Labour Party to move in this matter. The Irish party seems in a fair way to securing the release of the Sinn Fein prisoners from gaol. And, at least, their "offence" cannot be less grave from the standpoint of the State than the "offence" of the C.O. The Government has tried repression enough. It has failed-and will fail again! Men will riot forfeit their right to think in spite of whole battalions of soldiers. And they ought not to be expected to 'be die- loyal to convictions they hold sacred. In the main Conscription has not affected the South Wales coalfield to the extent that it has other areas. But that immunity should not make men forgetful of the ( dangers inherent in unchecked militarism. They may have sons who may yet become subject to it. Whether that be so or not, however, they have the power and the prestige to bring home to the Labour Party, if indeed, it has any independence left, to insist upon the cessation of this abominable persecu- tion of C.O.s—be they Absolutist or Alternati- vist. The appetite of the Prussian for repres- sion and suppression is insatiable. Not satisfied with the destruction of the home of the C.O., the infliction of physical and mental torture upon him and his dependents, the ruining of his pros- pects for many long years to come, this estimable patriot is busy preparing to deprive his victim of any voice in the future government of the country. He is to be prevented from voting in future if these gallant autocrats can manage it. The reason for this is not far to seek. They know that by securing this bar against the C.O., they will be furnishing people with a different political outlook for themselves. They will be able to handicap the men who will be opposing them at the polls in local and national elections. And under the cloak of patriotism they can afford to make a bold bid for the pleasure of achieving this end. Most C.O.s, I imagine, would like to preserve their right to vote for the future, but if I know anything about them, they would lose a thousand votes rather than barter away their right to be loyal to Truth as they see it. But the time is ripe for action. Trade Union- ists besfir yourselves. Let every branch and lodge of every Union protest vigorously against the perpetuation of this scandalous abuse and insist that if obedience to the laws of the State is to be demanded of the subjects of the king- dom, then in no less degree should that obedi- ence be shown by the Government responsible for the making and administering of these laws. Let it not be forgotten, we have not fought this fight for the sheer love. of being obstinate and wilful. Never before have any of us been guilty of disobedience to the demands of the State. We owe allegiance to the State; but deeper, truer, more To the sympathies that God hath set within our spirits' core. Our country claims our fealty—we grant it so, but then Before Man made us citizens, great Nature made us men. —Yours, etc., MORGAN JONES. I
Advertising
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The Theatre Royal. I
The Theatre Royal. I One can always tell the work of a really dis- tinguished playwright from those little tabs of artistry and distinction, that are so subtle, but which in their entirety give to a play that dis- tinction that matters. I am led to express this platitude by seeing the excellent resurrection of Ouida's Moths" at the Theatre Royal this week, by a company so capable of handling the piece as the Watson-Mill Company. Ouida has piece a, the Wa,tson-Mill "j nipanv. and no- always had the touch of the nii4ress 'and no- where is it so delicately manifest as in ?Motbs," which in my opinion far excells the dramatisa- tion of "Under Two Flags," both in its char- acterisation and dramatic appeal. These out- standing features of characterisation drama- tic appeal are noticeably present in this week's production of it-which can only be described as worthy of the greatness of the work. Mr. Bernard Mervyn again dis- plays the protean nature of his histrionic mas- tery by giving a perfect rendering of Raphael de Correze, and Vere Herbert is charmingly taken by Miss Gertrude Glanmor. Moths is too fine a play to be missed by anyone who loves the best that the stage has to offer; even in weather that is sultry.. I For next week, the Company is reviving, that popular melo-drama of Tom Taylor's, The Tic- ket of Leave Man," admittedly one of the best, most sensational and stirring detective dramas ever penned. Everryone knows the play so well by reputation at all events that it would be superfluous for me to waste time singing its praises; an observation which is borne out by the fact that its presentation is by special request of numerous patrons of the Theatre.
"Les Cloches de Coi-neville"…
"Les Cloches de Coi-neville" to I be Filmed. 1% will come as welcome news to hundreds of j thousands of playgoers to learn that that ever- green and highly popular eomic opera "Les Cloches de Corneville" is to be produced as a film by International Exclusives, in conjunction with the British Actors' Film Company. This is the first actual film opera that has been made, and the' faet that the cast will include; the names of some of the best known stage artistes of the day, adds considerably to the interest which this announcement is likely to occasion. The film version of the opera, with its delightful music, will be on view throughout the country, in the autumn.
Why Has Will Thorne Lied ?
Why Has Will Thorne Lied ? MONS. J. BAUM ASKS FOR AN EXPLANA- TION. Mons. J.Baum, who is at present representing the Russian Council ef Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates in this country has addressed the fol- lowing letter to Mr. Will Thorne, M.P., who was recently present in Petwjgrad along with Mr. O'Grady, M.P., on behalf of the renegade Labourites in the House of Commons. "Dear sir,-A few days ago I happened to read in 'Justice' of the 7th inst. an interview with yourself, in which you are alleged to have said with regard to the Jews that they are well represented on the Workmen's and Soldiers' Committees and on some of them they have a majority,' and you wemt on to say that we dis- covered they were anxious for peace under al- most any conditions. They stated frankly that they could not be expected to take part in any fighting against their brethren of Austria and Germany. I have iiict arrived from Thissia. I was present at the meeting of the Executive Com- mittee of the Moscow Workmen's and Soldiers' Council at the time when you addressed them, congratulating revolutionary Moscow upon its victory and revolutionary Russia upon the de- feat of autocracy. You delivered that message in the name of the. Labour party in the Howse of Commons, in the name of the Socialists and trade unionists of England, and in the name of the whole English people. I heard all you said, all the replies which the members of the Execu- tive gave you, and know well all the people who replied. "I am a Russian revolutionary. I have been five times. arrested and kept in prisons by the Government of the Tsar, and was liberated by the mighty upheaval of the revolution from life- long exile to Siberia. I wish to ask you a plain question. Why and with what objects are you giving false in- formation about the composition of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates? Where and in what Council did you hear Jewish dele- gates insist on peace at any price' and say that could not be expected to take part in any fighting against their brethren of Austria and Germany ? Are you aware that the Jewish propertied classes support with all their power Mr. Milyur koff and his policy? Do you not understand that such false information about the activity of the Jews on the Councils is a libel on the population, and is an insult to the dignity of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, who have six representatives in the Provisional Gov- ernment and are giving full support to that Government P-lours faithfully, J. BAUM, (Temporarily in London on business "for the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates)."
Conscientious Objectors.
Conscientious Objectors. 1,300 SENTENCED TO MORE THAN ONE TERM OF HARD LABOUR. Mr. Macpherson (Under Secretary for War) informed Mr. C. P. Trevelyan (IJmand) in the House on Monday that the number of con- scientious objectors who had been sentenced to more than one term of hard labour was, roughly. 1,306.