Pioneer

What Leeds Meant. We have been frequently asked during the past week by Labourites, as well as by these un- attached to the working-class political and in- dustrial federations, for an exposition of just what the Leeds Conference means to the nation. The question has been invariably addressed in a tone that led to the inference that the questioner had somehow kibibed the idea that Leeds was a panacea for all our ills in these chronically ailing times. Leeds was not a quack medicine, not an universal specific that of itself could mean, be, or accomplish anything. The question should be not "What of Leeds?," but what is your and our relationship to Leeds? It would be very pleasant to be able to say that Leeds was the first visible, militant blow of the soeial revolu- tion, that means Peace internationally and na- tionally, on the battlefields of the Continent, and the workshops and factories of home. But that would be to allow the wish to be master of the thought; Leeds can only be that when the units composing the Democratic army decide de- finitely that Leeds shall mean that; and having decided organise to realise it in truth and fact. The delegates to Leeds have pledged themselves to establish the germs of that organisation in their own centres of activity, and that those pledges will be carried out we firmly believe. That is something. But even the beginnings of that organisation are secondary to the real mean- ing of Leeds. That real significance is a much deeper one than the average questioner, has sounded. Leeds meant a change in the social psychology of the British people. Every move- ment passes through certain clearly defined stages; first tlie utterance of the idea by the few who are maligned, persecuted and prose- cuted as enemies of their race, class or creed; next the propaganda by a minority, who find a fierce opposition entrenched behind the false but popular doctrine of Wha-t is, is right," and fortified strongly by the press, the pulpit, fi- nance and the powers that be. Generally, owing to the ignorance and apathy of the workers, and the difficulty of getting the propaganda spread, movements remain for years and years in this stage of guerilla warfare. Anyone, prognostica- ting the progress of Democratic peace propa- ganda during a great war such as we are ex- periencing from a date prior to or immediately after the outbreak of hostilities would have been justified in believing that from first to last the peace section would be a minority, and probably an almost negligible minority, owing to the na- ture of the opposition of the unreasoning state into which the masses are plunged directly their prejudices are excited by the Jingo appeal to their sentimental natures, and the earnest teach- ing of the Hymn of Hate by publicists, who in peace times seemed to be friends of the people, and believers in international amity. For the first eighteen months of this war the position was entirely that; we who stood for a sensible con- clusion, and a stable peace, were buffeted "from pillar to post; jeered at, howled down, mobbed. It looked as though all hope of bringing the po- pulace to see our position in a sane light was hopeless. But time works changes. The propa- ganda went on, and as the weary war dragged itfe futile course; as our prophecies were worked out, and as our Government and the Govern- ments of all the belligerent nations played their age-old gamqs of deception and vacillation; more and more people paused to listen to us; and, pausing, were impressed. Day by day the ranks of the minority swelled; week by week our meet- ings attracted bigger and bigger audiences, month by month our presses were more and more kept busy. The tide was turning. The minority was no longer negligible; the cries of "pro-Geir- man," and "Peace Crank" were still howled by the Junker journalists, but they deceived no- body that mattered; they stirred no prejudices but those of middle-class old ladies, and crotchety too-old-to-fighters whose opinions do not count. Not all who heard stayed to reason, and paused to think but the elements of justice and right and freedom that based and buttressed our case became general knowledge amongst those who mattered; and, strengthened undoubtedly by the. economic horrors that are inseparable from war,. the time came when mere propaganda had done its part. The next step had to be taken, and at that juncture things'were hastened by the glorious news from Russia. Propaganda had created and moulded a ]k>wer that needed direc- tion. The need for organisation was imperative- ly felt alike by the heads and the rank and file of the movement, and Leeds was called to point the broad road that direction should take; to suggest, to initiate, to consolidate that for which the people were prepared and waiting, that was what Leeds meant. It was not the safety valve of talk, any more than it was a politico-indus- trial Lourdes where miracles would be worked; it was the lever that could send the head of steam already raised coursing through the tubes to every part of the country, there to start re- volving the wheels that are—you and us; and only as we are prepared to co-operate as parts of the machine can Leeds have that significance which the questions to which we referred in open- ing shows it is expected to have. Leeds was but a beginning, a glorious one admitted, but still only a 'beginning, to which we all must add our mite if that glorious end that is promised and hoped for is to be obtained. It is not Leeds that matters, but what we are prepared to do to realise the spirit of Leeds.

The Licensing (Consolidation) Act, igloo NOTICES AS TO SENDING IN CLAIMS TO BE TREATED AS PERSONS INTERESTED IN PUBLIC HOUSES. COUNTY BOROUGH OF MERTHYR TYDFIL. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that the Compensation Authority for the above area decided at their Principal Meeting held OR the 4th day of June, 1917, to refuse the r newal of the licenses of the Premises specified below, all persons claiming to be interested ID any of the said premises for the purpose of payment of compensation. under the said Act (other than the licensee and the registered owner of the said Premises) are required to send the Compensation Authority notice of their claims before the 30th June, 1917, for the ijurpos6 Of enabling the Compensation Authority t-o Ascertain, in manner provided by the Licensing R.e6, 1910, the persons entitled to Compensation under the said Act in respect of the said Notice of Claims must be given in the form annexed and may be sent to the Clerk of the Compensation Authority at his office: -M,a_-isti-ate. Clerk's Office, Merthyr Tydfil. LIST OF LICENSED PREMISES. Name and Situation of Nature of License, Licensee Registered Owner Premises C h. A H. h B h Th E G'l & H 1i,ferthYf Crawshays Arms, High Beerhouse Thomas Evans Giles & Harrap, St., Merthyr Tydfil Brewery,MerthyrT? Joiners' Hrms, Brecon Beerhouse William Bowen PontycapelBrewefY Rd., Merthyr Tydfil Edwards Cefa Coed Ie- Full Moon, Twynywaun, Alehouse Mary Williams Guest, Keen e Dowlais folds, Ltd.. Dowlais TOM ELIAS, Dated the 4th day of June, 1917. Clerk to the Compensation Authority The Licensing (Consolidation) Act, 1910. NOTICE OF CLAIM T8 BE TREATED AS A PERSON INTERESTED IN PREMISES. COUNTY BOROUGH OF MERTHYR TYDFIL. TO the Compensation Authority for the above area. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that _L A.B., claim to be interested for the purpose of compensation under the Licensing (CoII- ..olidation) Act, 1910, in the Licensed Premises known as and specified below. The particulars of my claim are as follows: LICENSED PREMISES IN RESPECT OF WHICH MY CLAIM IS MADE. Name and Situation ofl Nature of License Licen8e Registered owner' Premises -I- _n. Date Signature of Claimant

Political Notes. BY F. W. JOWETT, M.P. Captain Tupper, in the name and with the as- sistance of the Seaman's and Firemen's Union, threatens to prevent the official Socialist dele- gation from proceeding to Russia. He cannot do this unless he is afforded the same favour- able conditions for his malevolent activities as he received at Cardiff when he prevented the holding of a peace conference. At Cardiff he suc- ceeded because the police favoured him by sus- pending their functions for the time being, and he can only prevent the Socialist delegation from reaching the ship which would convey them from British shores towards their destination if the Government favours his operations. Should the; Government be guilty of this outrage the conse- quences will not be to the advantage of this coumtry, nor will they be helpful to the Govern- i ment. Let me explain why. $$& In the first place, the effect in Russia, if the Socialist delegation is prevented from going there will be bad. The Russian people are growing more and more suspicious of the Governments allied to them in the war. Every effort made in this country and in France to prevent inter- course between the people of Russia and Social- ists in other allied countries who have not asso- ciated themselves with their respective Capital- ist Governments adds to the suspicion already existing. This growing suspicion increases the danger of Russia making a separate peace be- cause the Russian people will not fight except for freedom, moreover, the Russian people will regard it as a sure indication that British aims are not consistent with theirs if the Brii»sh Gov- ernment acting through Captain Tupper, per- mits only its own nominees to go to Russia. A separate peace between Russia and the Central Powers, therefore, may be the result of Captain Tupper's a-ctivilpefe. But there is another point that the Govern- ment would do well to beai in mind before it decides to avail itself of Captain Tupper's ser- vices in preventing the Socialist delegation to Russia and that is the importance of discour- aging the policy of violence and disorder in con- nection with public controversy. It may, at present, seem convenient to the Government t» suppress opposition by permitting its friends to provoke riots and disorder but perhaps before very long it will be quite easy to provoke riots and disorder against the Government. It will be too late then for the Government to appeal to reason for the appeal will have to be addressed against forces of their own creation. • The point raised by the delegates of the, Sea- men and Firemen's Union at the Leeds Confer- ence regarding compensation for the relatives of seamen, qf British and other nationalities who have been the victims of German submarines is no new point. On May 17th last the Parliamen- tary Secretary to the Board of Trade (Mr. G. H. Roberts) replying to a question put by J. R. Macdonald, stated that arrangements were, made early in 1915 for placing all officers and men of the Mercantile Marine in the same position as regards pensions and compensation for injury, as officers and men of the Navy. This, of course, does not go so far as the Seamen and Firemen's Union demands, but it shows as I have said, that the point is not a new one. No one will deny that the relatives of seamen who have lost their lives on vessels belonging to neutral nations ought also to be compensated. Nor is it likely anyone will contend that the pensions and com- pensation allowed in such cases by the British Government is sufficient. All this and far more in the matter of pensions and compensation it would be well to inflict on the German Govern- ment if possible, and, in any event, one of the things to be provided for when the terms of peace come to be settled should be compensation, so far as compensation is possible, for the lives of seamen of the Mercantile Marine. Everybody will approve of that. It is well to bear in mind, however, that if compensation is sought from the parties responsible for injuries to the civil population during this war there will be counter claims to be reckoned with. The" Times" is ashamed of Mr. Lloyd George's honours list. The record of the "Times" in regard to its approval of bad precedents in this matter is not such as would entitle it to say very much about the present listi. of honours, and, least of all to profess feelings of shame. One cou l d un d erstan d an expression of surprise I?he could understand an expression of surpnMt) 1 )!fr- "Times" had left it at that, although Lloyd George has not surprised other P'O-Pt$ill. with his long list of peers, baronets and kni £ u$. Before Mr. Lloyd George became Prime Mm1 he had already showed such a partiality ?-.Ji- company of millionaires and nabobs as ?  cate the kind of people he favours. He once 2^ at the rich man in politics but he has ?*?t good care ever since to surround himself ",? rich men. We cannot do better, however, tboll let the "Time" spea k of Mr. Llovd Geor?  list of men he has delighted to honour We may be allowed to wonder, not for tb? first time,says the Times," "whether 0 Ie political system really requires the periodical output of peerages, baroneic'? 1 knighthoods in return for some heavy <"s" g? ? 1 ment, or for purely party service, Llofi George, after some hesitation, seems to I b.%Ve swallowed the system whole. We undo r, stand Mr. Lloyd George's diScnIties. ?? Prime Minister without any established "??tptfp or party chest. If party funds lnvs? GoIr tinue, let their sources be published and aud like those of other business transactionf. ord If begins to look as if the quarrel between T^ Northcliffe and Mr. Lloyd George which ¡¡,ff threatening some time ago but appeared t* passed away may break out aiaew. # ? > Speaking of honours and titles one may M?? that at the present rate of progress in these 01 t it will soon be a matter of distinction ?'? iltou.r Leader to be without one. Sir ,({ Shackleton I suppose we must say new, for I?P- j? DavId Sha CJdeton that was has been  David Shackleton that was, has been g??.? K. C .B., Mr. J. H. Thomas has joined th? 1 list of Labour men who have become Right ?' ourable, and the members of the N.U.It- I shine in the reflected glory from their secret? —who will himself be priveleged to att oil e steps of the Throne. How much gfeat? glory and honour would be if the secret?Y.?,?t the National UnioK 8f Rail way men were It priveleged to lick the Royal Boots may imagined. 1 -Jjgj What is more important than the in«'??' list of Labour men who have had honours j stowed upon them is the list of Labour I?r? in the service of Government dep8,rtmeb. ,? < McKerrall ie, I understand, the most recent ? dition. There is a sinister side to these aPP'o ments and organised Labour will sooner or ?.? have to consider what steps can oe taken ?.? vent them. I know it is suggested that it ?gi!' advantage to Labour organisations to have i6i? prominent officials taken into the Govern'1 :jr service as permanent officials. This, in m? OV;' 11, ion, is not the case. A Capitalist Govern- ePty, does not take labour men into its service 10 tjh"e- interests of the working-class, but in the 111 r\' ests of Capitalism. They are expected to 8i' as jackals for the highly placed permanent jft cials to explore the situation for them in to Labour issues and enlighten them as ? ?.? far they can go, and what Labour will ¡,t (:jJ'' without revolt. When a labour dispute is £ ened, for instance, it is convenient and heipfv.I for Sir Geo. Askwith to send one of his L8- ;t1t jackals to try and wheedle, -bounce, or thr,,1,5 the Trades Unions, to induce submission. )<! )): jjJ3* If in the course of these preliminary  t)P* ters the Government department sho?'" ? placed in an untenable position—if, say, 0$  recent cases, a threat has been given tha M Defence of the Realm Act would be ,-ea "0' it would be unwise to enforce it—then S# O'd Askwith comes on the scenes unoommitte¡} M pretends there is a misunderstanding. 01)) threat had produced the desired result he o? have taken advantage of it all the sad?' }? time will come, in my opinion, when orgat'? Labour will be compelled to decline to nego ,,4to with ex-Labour lea ders who have taken G?ov Lro, as permanent officials under Capitalist ? jfl.W ments. The procession of Labour leader -;otO the service of the Capitalist Governnieutvv?li t stop then.

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