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I Political Notes. I

Industrial Compulsion. I

The Theatre Royal.I

A Sure Peace.J

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A Sure Peace. J AMIENS. J The end of the wax will come—what Will the cessation of hostilities bring P?.ce ?? sure and lasting peace? Obviously, ?"? Ilud'Dg of the war will not automatically bring ?".? g the conditions of a sure peace.. e &lId We certainly despair of war, we hope against baffled hope for the end of the Ilir speakable carnage. We desire, and very btly desire peace 'oy negotiation. But still t goes on. whicb The war goes on because the evil forces ?  led the world into it do not seem to have??? themselves out; their terrible momentum h t expended itself. There is hardly any ,d At this moment to dwell upon each and SeV We instance of the evils which make for war.  know of the influences of financial and mercial interests, designing and secret 00 macy, the power and sway of militarise vaunting of "patriotism," the desi,ning Of h,ia- den motives by high and noble ideals-'Wc, ?OOW the innuence of these things upon the cred lil'o popular mind. but These and the artificially engendered b?"t powerfully prepossessing passions of h?;; ie fear and prejudice, make the ? cloadition? which war is possible. We, on the other "p?j, seek and desire peace. H N? v 'e we, after all*$ the conditions of peace which will P???af? against the conditions which make for WDX'9 When the war ends, shall we have peace, ? ?t it merely mean the cessation, and therefof ?? negation of war ? Peace is not the neg,%ti'o"f war. Peace means, or should mean the tr?%0$ cending and the removing utterly of the th which make for war. le8l1 War is an eternal fact, if by war we lle$O struggle and fighting to achieve the thing'We consider noble and enobling; to fight for free" dom is the indispensable condition of ^xI1^$e> freedom. But war between modern nat-iODSwe oppose because it is dehumanising, debasi,193 ,,Od is a means of enforcing tyranny and opp? ? as a rule and even sometimes a condition Of istence. It is at best an anachronism. yet  as we see it in the form of fratricidal stri? Ot carnage is an enect, not a cause, a symptom J the disease. Shall we not talk of the c&Vs? peace as well as of war ? Shall we not fin t b e conditions which will ensure peace?  Peace is a sentiment, if you like, but cei tiDly not only a sentiment. Peace is the prog??st realisation of mutual goodwill, but this i.?ealisation of mutual -oodw1l 1, but thi$MuSt inevitably be based upon something very cret(, The sentiment of goodwill must dra'" ?.?j' triment and vitality hom a common grouC? j?g atmosphere of mutual advantage. This "I lp lies organisation. It means co-operation e-,Pl eo ed in terms of government and international fl0ji- pi- tICS, law, commerce, industry, hygiene and tation, and in a hundred other ways. At it will mean that force will be necessary, I don't wish to hide or apologise for the 11 ^I sity for "force in inter-governmental rel? J when laying down the foundations of pea°ei# oehevc a League of Nations is coming being after the war is over, and nothing *8 say or do will prevent it. The fact of An?'? attitude and of her entry into the war :jse' this probability far more likely than T oth??',?. It is not assumed that the League of NatioC? ??j!! be all or even the best that we desire ? ths ?- A I wish to assert is, that the formation 0 f League of Nations is an extremely iiiI -?e?I.Y 6si1l bility. One can easily imagine our I)Olit'Ic??l ao,4 crowing over the defeat of Germany, wh?" a?, io feat would mean the inclusion of Ger-On5 ?J such a League. And our rulers are not so vigi or blind as to fail to see and appreciat enormous advantages which a League of  offers! Practically all the leading states' ell ig the belligerent nations— there ?s no one OutI sl-do the circle of war now who counts-have dcc d in favour of a League ot Nations. What is the attitude of democrats who pacifists to be in face of such a possibility? M I.L.P. has declared for a policy wl?i-ch J djy amounts to non-resistance." There can beoo,l question as to the desirability of such an  for it is not a policy in the strict sense Of tbe word just yet. And surely this is a rule of  duct which applies more to the individual '? a political organisation? Anyway, it ca0 j?', be at best a negative policy and, perso? Ily? I regret that the I.L.P. did not distingtlls}Ie£" tween its ideal and the practical "next 5 teP on the way to reach that ideal. It declal'e6foj' Socialism, but as certainly declares for ,?a? struggles for a minimum wage for undeJ^^jd workers. ? Similarly, what will be our attitude to 1? ial .Federation which will probably be giv?t? 'j name of the British Commonwealth ??)- ? we simply to look on or rather disregard t?e new phase of political evolution? Hav? «\- workers in the dominions no interests in CO0, men with the workers in the Mother CouJ1 tro1 We complain now of having no effective co? ? of foreign policy and diplomacy; what SIall We say when these things are in the hands 0 Jo Imperial Government ? What shall we say 0$ when faced with conditions which will be we outcome of Imperial Rnance and financiers d cry for a people's peace—the peace pol?j? Britain will largely be dictated by our I'nPe,fgiLtOi Government. And how near will such a j?jtt) settlement influenced by, if not emanating? ? the Imperial Council Chamber repres?o? pø people's will at home and in the Doi-ytlnloias', .,iTfDeI' Imperial Parliament will be another ste? moved from the democracies of the Emp? ?' In what direction therefore lies our pt'??' In what way can we be most effective in ??i?' ing the claims of democratic rights and fre'?? We shall, I believe, be immediately face huge problems, and hitherto incalculable gers, from which there will be no escape. ¥ {Or In what way can we more effectively w<? ? for peace when the "play" of these factors t? gi ven full recognition? The future seems to bo' teeming with huge possibilities, and withal ft dangers if we are not alive to them ,and c something to counteract them. a9'tí< Can we afford to remain content with nego ti ,IO attitudes and negative policies? Are "?? ignore tendencies which are most prolific ger. on the one hand, and most promis?? many respects on the other, if wise and directed? It is given to the democracy J?? Europe to work out their own s?a.lva,tioll ldli?' trially and also to redeem Europe from t  cubus of militarism and despotic ,oveiri'10el If so, then the statesmanship necessary fOI7 rebuilding of Europe must be soniethillgje0a.tDe? than the present policy such as that adop W \JS the I.L?P. ?. Peace must depend on organisation.I t III?0$ progress with ambitions and daring pi,Ograiv, of industrial solidarity and freedom e(|U well as by the realisation )f gigantic sch?<n? ? international organisation. We require âJ1lteJ'J11}fJ imagination and foresight, and a grim de ation to see 'big things come to pass. 

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