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f The Maesteg Policy.

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f The Maesteg Policy. WHAT FT MEANS. 11 I H FBY VERNON HARTS-HOR'N.] I 1 Pressure of work has prevented me from deM- iing eaj^r with Mr. Bennet?'s <M?c? in the Pioneel? ?. January 27th. The ajtn? itself tliplaY8 imh personal spleen towards myself that when I ??d it first I intended to deal roughly wn+Kv Cocksure in my reply, but on re- 1;1?e;?bexed there was a time when I Wa* ■ young myaeM ajj? that raw vouth is entitled to its indisc:ÑtiollB and that inexperience often jnici 1^ and miainterprets. Few men in Waul i ^7e received more ?ic? or dene more kic?S ? than I have but I no longer find any oreat S.o in the pastime of fighting for mere fightmg s ??' What I want to do to-day is something us?ul for the class to which I belong. j ?, 11  ? dud-slinging to any you^n|g and im- M.atnf? ll:nn which seeks to Wt a needed ad th tI3eínent for itself• I shall therefore sa&de VM'+i 1?? ?'   '?- I shall therefore sot a?de the vul?4,, P?'sonalities and vindictive misrepre- 8enatlons which bulk so largely in Mr.Bennetta's j -arriAi 6 will seek to sift what may possibly be n P*^°tical in his t-iew? from the tangled mass Q v1l1g irre l evances and c l umsy wor diness. WI .ar llTelevanoe's and clumsy wor mess. Wl-,at is the real difference between us on ques- iiont A? ??6eld policy? This, and not my per- ?on 011'1 or rea l point. Is thar)'???  mworth, i8 th  pomt. Is ? diffei?ence-if there be any d-?fferenoe between lls__ SUc'1 a character as to justify the adverse 2 it"' lim which Mr. Bennetta has passed upon | +|le w resolutions and the policy which 1 ad vn resolutions and the policy which 1 first plaeo, I must repudiate ■any 1j?sP°nsibility for the interpretation whioh Mr D- v, Mr  "??Betta. may pla,ee upon my speeches at .? ?''Bnces either in The past or in the future.  ? ? the shortcomings which Mr. Ben- lle ,ta tributes to me, I must say that I have ?? ? ?oun<d much dithculty in making my mean- ilia f !J1 <'> ? ??' to the vast majority of the work- !t?"n ? to the clo:ners, and to Government rc- ??'??tives with whom I have had to carry on s? ^ions on behalf of the men on many occa- ,s- But two fact&rs are necessary if a policy | js ° clearly understood. FM'st, clearness of %t''rnen on the part of the initiator of a policy. I 1%.) intelligence on the part of the man who '■ )?t T 5? to that statement. If Mr. Bennetta re- '?? ? the impression from my speeches at con- 't fer that I am of the opinion that the Maes- tefP?po?ts do not dUfer fundamentally from ? ?'??o?'s policy under the old Conciliation ?o ? system, he has a totally false impression  I intended to convey to the minds of the h? ^e] °PUis' and what I believe I did convey to ( ^o considering the Maes,te po- '■ iicv • In considering the Maesteg po- r tl<:y It must always oe remembered that it is in- t"Ided to be rt of an industrial scheme in ¡b 'Vhieb til motive power is provided by the La- W)Jr fTivriple Alliance. A policy which gives un- fet^ use not only to the industrial power of the ???fs' Federation of Great Britain, but 'f ^ls ° ^0 that power linked up with tiio other In i *1IK+ ra] ??'?'s of the Triple Alliance, is bound ? t0 } ?ndamentally ?rent from the old sys- te0 -onciHation B is, which was hampered ?i.?,. ? s?'iously by se ?!ua.Hsm in dealing with 'eileral wa"e and often completely •r&ava ?. the aut&6atic, power of the inde- f ?,1 ? cbannan which set n'l'OW limits to the Usp I uSe our industrial power. However, if this ?UM ???ntal distinction cannot be seen by Mr. 1 t4etta, I do not think the cause is want of ( '?l eartes-s on my part. It might help Mr. Ben-j ?1,1t/a to an understanding of the position if lie 1 >i]i ei1ker w^10 initiated the proposal for the ?(' Htie Al"anee and who has seized every oppor- "I'Ple Alliance ,nd who lia;?:, ?.,t?lzfd -?vei-v oppoj-- ?tA"'tY 01 en-iphasis' in, -vvha"t th?s -Al-liinef-,iiiav bc- ,i ,| 6 mftan in the advancement of the l ^rs. m(an in tlw advance-mcur; of the ? t¡¡ N"oW' let us see ?hat are the points of agiee- t |J ??6)'1 ?' f*ffemnm between Mr. BGnnetta and  "f? ? ? revealed by an anys-js of his article. H so?t ?? ? of the reS01UtlOn,' he writes, "is a ? t?. prop-al, and a credit to the M'aeste? dis- ¡ tht "'hen taken simply as it stands." So far, the ?'e are in agreement. Clause 1, which pro- ??_ ?" that a 1918 standard shall be established ?p aing the then existing percentage to the I ?t? ?S standards in the respective districts," I 8 w-ith Mr. Bennetta's graciows approval. As ?f? ? the Maesteg proposal for a concrete im- in ?he standards is concerned—a fairly | pt-0v^U t'ie sfandards is concerned—a fairly r 1<> in itself and of great importance to 'i to Irking miners—" it is sound and a credit j ?t? ?strict. Not a bad start, eh? But Mr. t ?111etta objects to the establishment of a Na- ? ?' ?' ???s Board consisting of an equal num- ? '(}w11 of, workmen's representatives and colliery ;'a,ho ??? ?o deal with applications for alterations   the 1918 standard, and with an indepen- *4 chairman who shall only be called in by mu- ? ?a.) Agreement of both parties. As regards the Hri I l9? ^age demand there is no disagreement be- ?\ ?? ??? demand there is no disagreement be- ?t))?us. Two minds with but a single J\ Vtf^' two hearts that beat as one. Evi- t'?tf?' then, he onlv difference between us 1S t ? ??tth omachinery which shall be set up to deal With ?iuatmemts after the fixing of the 1918 y J ar(l- ?'- Bennetta's first objection to the XTati Board is that it organises the coal- >0 ^?n rci is ikat it organ i ses the coa l 'Yj ??? nationally. If Mr. Bennetta believes that lt ? possible for the miners to make de- 011? 'llaall4S nationally, in any form whatsoever, with-   coalowners organising together nation- »/l | ??p y   living in a fool's paradise. Indeed, 'f. I4NeI?? ? ??Ita's view on this aspect of the prob- ? eiU ? ?Ht. ?'"ts in a sheer absurdity. For it logically 'w? that if national demands on the part of Ý!i fOtee lners are not to be made because they f,, ce "? owners to organisers nationally, the ? o?jy '?y the miners can disorganise the owners Oiii i? o? v' ?S their demands sectionally, and that J lb "("I?"Y r, idiculous besides being disastrous to yd. 0naen- We have got to recognise that J{ ^inp- ° the nature of capitalism, nothing that ca?"To ??? prevent the owners acting to- ? aether "??nally whenever demands are made F ^bieh 'ct "them as capitaJists. Capitalism is, pits v nature5 not only l-ists. Capitalism is, ? ?its y ??? Oature, not only nationally organi&e d 1 bilt ??4.??tionally organised, and the creation  al Wages Board cannot make the or- .? ? ??aRis? Position of the coalowners stronger than J- ? ?s „ ,tit Is atBPrO-nt. The advantage of a National Wages j°ard to the workmen is that it provides conv<mntaud compact medium for placing j,# %e' workin11 > S demands before the coalowners of f#i ^e country If Mr. Bennetta did not believe p.ti.gId"lalad-3 before the owners at all, he 41"* ).fit lo--icailY Object to the National Board as l?ilg W,, CeG,s"y- But he does believe in put- li  t'llg -oui* de r'?a"ldl, before the owners, so that we 4re In agl,beernent01, this point too. The only J?/en^fbXeeen^ feems ° b^ as to the name )t? ,;Llld consti. tution Of ""f|1.™ through which M < & demands shotuhle d he be/°reOWnfS' {?. ?at While the  of procedure of a Board are?" ri; N??al Board wahrie ch Xt enough, those of the ? ? station" Mr Bennetta proposes are W\ Veain WWh^aat t rMLr ^Unetta advocates is that Jt\ rS; rfPres??tmS the M.F.G.B. should I» °fe, the coalcwn? with power 1,5 ''7?Pl,ain same but no authority to negotiate Wltb-? View to dincation." Like >Slt ie^£ ZT r, ?'.? ? ? ?'- ???otta is not very in his own proposals. B? does not ?11 • ?S frw?L v fc3 deputation '? -?re is a cring- so«Baa <Taabout + the word deputation "—M to place the demands before the coalow*«rs natiom- ally or feeclaatiaSly ip the various eaalfleids. If the deputation pate them before the coolownem nationally, it means the national organisation of the coalowioers quite as much as the formation of a National Board. If he means that the de- mands to be put before .[)e caakroTsera see- tionaDy, either in coalfields or at individual col- lieries or groups of colliej'ies, it means delay and confusion, as well as sectionalism of the most re- aotionsarv type. In itself, the difference between a. "deputation" of the M.F.G.B. waiting upon the owners, and the workmen's repi-esentati-ves meeting the coalowners on a National Wages Board, is little more than a difference in name. It is so trivial as to remind one of the difference in name. It is so trivial as to remind one of the difference between Tweedledum and Tweedle- dee. The .workmen's representatives on a Na- tional Wages Board can put the workmen's de- mands before the coalowners much more conve- niently, and quite as efficiently and strongly, as the deputation" of the M.F.G.B. Conference can give the same instructions to the workmen's representatives on the Board as they could to I the deputation." It can prohibit the repre- sentatives from negotiating with a view to modification on any set of demands quite as effectively as it can prohibit the ? deimtation." Where, then, is the substance of Mr. Bennetta's criticism of the National Wages Board. Has not Mount Bennetta been in great labour and brought forth a mouse? There is much more evidence in his articles that he has really not analysed his own views. When properly exam- ined many of his cocksure statements prove to be unsubstantial. For instance, in his first article he says we should formulate demands and lay them before the employers, "when the em- ployers can least 'bear a stoppage." Anyone who makes a statement of that kind displays a hope- less and dangerous misunderstanding of the teaching of our industrial struggles in the past. It is a kind of opportunism which never finds an opportunity. When is it that the employers can ity. W b .(, "least bear a stoppage." Mr. Bennetta throws no light on that problem. Is it on a rising mar- ket or a falling marketf If intelligent Trade Unionists have learnt anything it is that indus- trial experience has proved that an industrial struggle which is solely a struggle between Trade Unions and capitalists is a. contest between money resources—which side can last the long- est on the funds which it can command. On that basis there is never a time when the owners cannot, bear a stoppage as well as the men. In- dustrial struggles on a money basis are hopelessly discredited by all who have a scientific and modern understanding of the industrial move- ment. I challenge Mr. Benetta to name a single occasion on which we obtained a really substan- t.al victory over the coalowners by attacking them when they could least bear a stoppage." On every occasion on which we have somght to catch the owners unprepared we have found that they were as much prepared for a stoppage as we were. When there is no interference by the State, an industrial struggle has to be fought out on the basis of resources or money, and on that basis Labour has found that Capital can always outlast it. The result has been that we have had to alter our policy, and the a.im of in- dustrial action now is to create such a social crisis that the State., in the interests of the com- munity, finds it necessary to bring pressure to bear on the owners. It was by creating a soeial (:rif'is, not by attacking the owners when they crisis, lea?t able to bear a stoppage," that the were miners won the M.minium Wage Act, the 1915 agreement, and the last two 15 er cents. On every occasion the owners were ready to fight t'he men, but they could not fight the community. And here I should like to digress a little to re- but the allegation made by Mr. Bennetta that I was against the workmen in 1915. No man did more than I to bring the 1915 movement to a social crisis. I have an inside knowledge of the negotiations with the Government on that occasion which Mr. Bennetta. does not possess, and the reason why I opposed the actual stoppage was that that knowledge convinced me that we had the position absolutely in hand; that by with-holdtin^ our hands for just a few days we could win our demand without a stoppage and without running the risk of a premature stop- page bringing us into conflict with the State. It is an easy thing for an ill-formed and spitefuT critic to misrepresent that action of mine, but I am convinced still that the judgment I formed on the position was sound and that the advice I gave—unpopular though it might be—was in the best interests of the coalfield. The sooner Mr. Bennetta and all who think like him get rid of the fallacious idea that we can run successfully a policy of shallow opportun- ism which keeps looking out for "a dead don- key and waiting until we can catch the coal- owners unprepared for a strike, the sooner will they be of some practical use in our industrial movement, and the sooner will they understand that the weapon of industrial power is the crea- tion of social crises. They will then understand the real meaning of the Triple Alliance, and will realise that the Maesteg policy is aimed at pro- viding the miners of the kingdom with convenient and easily worked wage machinery and a wage programme which will unify all the coalfields, while at the same time preserving our industrial freedom to such a degree that the M.F.G.B. can at any time play its part in any movement by the Triple Alliance as a whole. The coalowners do not enter into our calculations.- We do not care whether they are prepared or unprepared for a strike on the old-fashioned lines. All we are concerned about is whether we are in a position to bring about a social crisis in support of our demands. At a time when we are trying to fix upon a workable programme with this great end in view, we have the issues obscured and the minds of the workmen distracted by pettifogging criticisms and impossible proposals such as those put forward fey Mr. Bennetta. He suggests as a moderate programme not only the Maesteg resolution with regard to4the 1918 standard, but the following: —Five days weekly j^> be recog- nised as a working-week, with six turns for five daymen and six for four nights and afternoons worked—overtime which can be proved essk-n4, double pay; six hours a day to be a recogn (lr day's work; four week's holiday per annum ith full pay. As an ideal this may be all right, ¡out as a programme for the immediate future it is useless, and I am out for substantial progress immediately. Mr. Bennetta knows that he could not get this programme adopted now, and I do not know what help he thinks he is rendering his fellow-workmen by criticising the Maesteg proposals because they do not embody present impossibilities. I should be prepared to support a fortnightly holiday with pay, as there may be some chance of bringing it into the realm of practical politics, but the other items in Mr. Ben- netta's programme would not command the sup- port of the united coalfields, and he knows it. On practical issues I think I have proved that Mr. /Beianetta's own statements, if he will only understand their real bearing, ought to compel him to admit that he would be discharging his duty towards his fellow workmen much more effectively by making a stand in support of the Maesteg proposals than by trying to discredit them in the way he has. At a time when we I need all our unity and strength it would be a pity if dissensions were caused by criticisms which has really no solid foundation.

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