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Towards National Guilds. I

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Towards National Guilds. I BY MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE OF THE N-ATIONAL GUILDS LEAGUE. 1 V.—THE GUILDS. After the Industrial Union, the Guild. Indus- trial Unionism is not only the offoctive method of fighting capitalism is also the essential pre- liminary to industrial democracy. Only by get- ting all the workers engaged in a particular in- dustry into one Union, can the workers create organisations capable of supplanting capitalism and carrying on production co-operatively. So long as, in a single mill or workshop, there are several Unions catering for members, no master how accurately their spheres are delimited, it is impossible for the workers to demand more than the right of o-seasional interference with the man- agement; there is no oody capable of assuming management for itself. But, as soon as every worker in the mine or factory is in one Union, and all the cotton mills in another Industrial Union working in harmony with it, the workers will be able to dem antl far more than the right to interfere. They will be able to say to the capitalist: "Y ou are no longer necessary; we are prepared to take your place. All the actual workers, whether they work with hand or brain or both, are members of our Union. dear out; in future we will manage ourselves." No doubt this change will come only slowly and by degrees; but when it has come, the Guilds will have come into being. The place of the bargaining and interfering Union will have been taken by the managing and producing Guild: the workers will no longer petition, or strike against, an outside management, but will themselves manage and control. Whereas the craft Union of to-day by using its powers will, can only extend its right to criticise the conduct of industry by the capitalist or the State, the Industrial Union will be able to offer an alterna- tive method of management and will itself take over the organisation of industry. What, then, of the Guilds, when they have come into being What of. their relation to one another, to the community as a whole, and to the individual workers who compose them Let us begin with the question that is likely to be uppermost in the minds of our critics—the re- lation of the Guilds to the State. It is on ever-present fear in some people that the Guilds will be in a position to people that the Guilds will be in a to I,, exploit the community." What hold, it is asked, will the State have over a Guild that elects to charge high prices for its commodities, or to work slackly, or both The answer is that it is not suggested that the control of the Guild should be absolute. Guildsmen advocate 11 National Guilds, working in conjunction with the State." But how, if management belongs to the Guilds, will the State preserve its right to interfere P In this way. The State will own the means of pro- duction the Guild will manage production. As owner, the State will impose on each Guild such a, charge as it can bear, tax, rent, royalty, or whatever you may call it. The State will raise its revenue by a tax on each of the Guilds, Pro- portioned to what each Guild is able to pay. If then, a Guild shows a tendency to exploit the community, up goes its tax, and the offending "Guild is no better off. For fixing the tax, for fixing prices, for co- ordinating supply and demand, and for many other purposes, the State, representing the or- ganised buyers or consumers, will need to be in oloseand constant-tonch with the Guilds, the organised producers. Taxation, prices and such questions need to be fixed by a joint authority, representing both producers and consumers. Such a body can be found in a joint body equally representing the State on one hand and the Guild Congress on the other. The Guild Congress—what, you ask, is this? That question brings me to the second Guild problem, the relation of the Guilds to one another. Covering each industry there will be single Guild, arising out of the Industrial Union. J ast as all the consumers are linked up in the great national body, the State, so all the producers will need to be linked up in their great national body. Out of the Trade Union Congress will come the Guild Congress, centrali- sing and co-ordinating the whole force of the Guilds as the Trade Union Congress ought to centralise and co-ordinate the world of Labour to-day. To the Guild Congress, in the main will belong the task of bringing supply tnto relation to demand, expressed in the State. Supply and demand will have to be related locally as well as nationally. The municipalities and the other local authorities will continue to express the organised demand of the consumers in the various districts, out of the Trade Coun- cils of to-day will grow the producers' local authorities, co-ordinating supply locally as the Guild Congress co-ordinates it nationally. At every stage and in every sphere producers must be kept in touch with consumers, and the workers in one trade must be linked up with those in other trades. The Guild Congress and the Trades Council will have the task of d ealing with the relations between Guild and Guild. What, then, of the individual worker within What, then, Will the Guild merely substitute ior the tyranny of capitalism and the tyranny of State Socialism a new tyranny—that of the Guild officials? Not if the Guilds are organised aright. The unit of production is the factory, and the endeavour must be not to reduce all fac- tories to a level of uniformity, by concentrating all power in the hands of the central tGuild Exe- cutive, but to give free plaiv to each locality, to stimulate the individual talent of each district and of each individual worker. As a "trading" body, the Guild must be to some extent central- ised supply must be co-ordinated with demand on a, national scale. But, as a producing body, the Guild must be decentralised, it must at all costs preserve local initiative and local differ- ences. If it does this, but not otherwise, it will be able to secure freedom for the individual: what matters to the individual is the control, not of trading, but of the actual processes used in each factory and of workshop discipline. If in the factory unit, the workers have a reason- able amount of control over these things, they will have their chance trf securing freedom and the good life. They will be able to control the foremen and managers when they elect in the factory: and in controlliag these they will learn I to control those whom they elect to preside over the Guilds nationally. By governing what is near to them and what they understand, they will learn to govern what is mose remote and difficult to grasp. National Guilds, then, claim to be the only means of realising industrial freedom. In them, "the conflict between producer and consumer is reconciled, and the long dispute getween Social- ists and Syndicalists is at last settled. It is seen that the solution lies in a division of func- l-ion. The Syndicalists are wrong in claiming that there is 110 need for the State because all necessary common purposes can be achieved through industrial organisations: the Collecti- vism Socialists are no less wrong in believing that industry as well as politics can be well run by the political organisation of the State. Both producer and consumer must get their point's of view expressed: tha consumer needs to be as- Mired of securing the commodities and services • lie requires at a fair price; the producer needs, not only fair remtmeration, but also freedom in the doing of his daily w.rk. It makes no differ- ence that, in a democratic State, producers and oonsuiiiers are, in. the main, the same people: in theft" different aspects and organisations they have different points of view. Any community which fails to express both points of view is es- sentially incomplete: it necessarily means that, as in the Guild system, both should be expressed and harmonised. If, then, the workers can be persuaded te set before themselves the aim of securing the con- trol of industry in conjunction with the State, if, in their Unions, they will subordinate every- thing to the attempt to get a foothold fa control, if they will rteform the structure of their Unions on the industrial basis, if, a-bove all," they will keep firmlv before their minds the ideal of in- dustrial freedom, there is no reason why out of the UnioRs as they are to-day, out of mere" con- tinuous associations of wage-earners for the pur- pose of maintaining or improving the conditÜms of their employment," there should not spring National Guilds, controlling and directing te national industry, in which the individual worker would be no longer an employee and a wage-slave, but a partner—a free man in a free State built on the basis of industrial demo- cracy.

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