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IIAn Appeal to the Workers.I
II An Appeal to the Workers. I THE FURTHER VIEWS OF THE REV. W. DOCKER AY, With the indulgent permission of the Editor, ■ I will address a few words directly to you. i So far I have spoken only to the Editor and V replied to him and other correspondents. The position between us is pretty clear. We agree as to existing evils, but are not agreed as to me- thods of remedv. The Editor and Mr D. J. Will jams agree with me in regretting the spirit in which our democratic campaign is sometimes conducted. In regard to this correspondence, I wish to say nothing more except to thank the writers for their general courtesy and forbearance. j The occasional lapse of one or two correspond- ents was no doubt due to great provocation. I T am not interested in obtaining a dialectical victory. I only desire to deliver my message, f. and having delivered it, I am satisfied. And now I want to speak to you workers— not to deliver a new message, but the same message dircted to you. Let me first make certain things clear. To begin with, I am not an anti-Socialist. Socialism is simply a poli- • tical theory which must be tested by discus- r sion and experience. Secondly I am not op- •. posed to the democratic campaign. I believe the workers should receive good wages, at least a living wage, and as much more as they can legitimately obtain. I do not believe that the workers should be kept down. But I see grave dangers in the way in which the cjfmocratic campaign is conducted among you. I wish to point out to you two of-these dangers. First you are lending yourselves to misrepre- h sentation. Noisy and careless men who claim to represent you make themselves heard, and you are judged by their utterances. You are r to blame a little for their extravagance. You enjov a speaker who can make the sparks fly. He knows you like fireworks, so he gives it < you, and by your choice or against it he is supposed to represent you. The result is you get a bad name without deserving it. This injures your cause with the country, and what k is worse, injures your cause with your employ- plovers. I implore you to consider the sig- ■- nificance of such a, statement .as that maa-e £ by Mr James Grant in the "Pioneer" on July 15 He savs that all wealth is produced by -the worker, and all the lot belongs to them. I will not accuse Mr Grant of being noisy, but I • in sure he writes carelessly. Consider, what ai -• your, employers to think of such a statement. If it is said that you want all the wealth, thev will take care that you get as little ps possible. Your employers will see there is no way but war. and the sooner the issue is >■ forced the better for them. I am told t??at already every privilege you get must oe tou?t for. Can you wonder while you are so care- lessly represented? v The second danger is that- these men are 1 rousing the spirit of Ishmael among you a spirit that is against everybody. It is against all authority, whether of God or of man. It is against the present order of society it sneers at the usual methods of doing good; it despises f the Churches; and ridicules sincere godliness; t it scorns temperance propaganda, and indeed is > against- everything in which good men have believed these last thousand years. r3: It is perfectly right that men should be op- posed to evil .and oppression, but this spirit does not distinguish between the good and tho baa. I do not say that this spirit has possession of any considerable number of the workers; but it vis abroad. When this spirit gets possession of a man he is unfitted for organized society. I think no further warning is needed, i- Please bear a word of counsel. Let me sug- gest two things. First that you decide in your h mind what exactly is your social demand. Have I not defined it when I say that you want an r opportunity to lead peaceful lives in some mea- sure of comfort, and attached to this is an opportunity of advancement to the man who is prepared to pay- the price in hard work and ability. That idea is not romantic, but it is solid. I commend it to you as your indisputa- ble right. I appeal to earnest men to sweep aside all illusions, and lahv hold of this sohd good, using all legitimate and evadable means to secure this end both for yourselves and your bretli i-en. 1 My second suggestion is that you attempt to find means for m?ng known to your employe and the public that the satisfaction of theese reasonable demands is all you ask. Ido? know what resources and organisations are ^t your disposal for such a purpose 1^ some should be found or created. In ?thi.s ?wa,y ? ?you would secure the goodwill both of your employ- ers and the public, and goodwill is much b,?t- 1 ? ?n?aF% workers may surely learn ? ?rom the nations "bat mutual suspicion and preparation for war are useless. Vrvnra airrfwelv ,u W. DOCKERAY.
I " The Right of Asylum."
I The Right of Asylum." EMPHATIC PROTEST BY RUSSIAN I REFUGEES' COMMITTEE IN PARIS. I (Published in "Nashe Slovo," August 8. I 1916.) This meeting of the Russian Refugees' Com- mittee. representing seventeen political, trade unionist and co-operative organisations of the Russian Emigration in Paris, after having con- sidered the protest of the Russian Socialist organisations in England on the question of the attack upon the Right of Asylum, has adopted the following i-,&solution:- (1) The British Government, as is seen from the declaration of the Home Secretary (Mr Samuel) has not only abolished with one stroke the Right of Asylum, but has given to its de- cision retrospective force, threatening to de- liver to the Tsarist Government those Russian refugees who came to England before that de- claration. counting upon the Right of Asylum that was guaranteed by the British Constitu- tion. (2) Those vaguely outlined exceptions that are promised by the British Government to po- litical refugees, only emphasise and add to the arbitrary, anti-democratic and reactionary cha- racter of the announced measure. v (3) The right of asylum was guaranteed to all refugees independently of the question whether they had left their native country for politi- cal, economic. religiotis or national motives, or "in unwillingness to serve in the Army; there "he transformation of this democratic to a. conditional and uncertain privi- irate groups and individuals is no- "an an attempt to bring confusion the ranks of the emigration in weaken its protests. expresses its warm sympa- with the whole Russian Emi- territory, on which the uni- prepares to let its blow fall welcomes the energetic pro- tests of all the Russian Socialist groups in London, and especially their declaration that the more resolute and consequent elements of Russian emigration will not stop at anything in order to defend the Right of Asylum, Considering that the struggle that is now carried on-in conjunction with the best elem- ents of British democracy—by the Russian emigration in England for the Right of Asy- lum is not only a struggle for self-preserva- tion, out is also the accomplishment of a first rate civil and political duty, this meeting, with full unanimity, joins in the struggle and pledges itself to support it by all means at the disposal of the Russian emigration in Paris. THE RUSSIAN REFUGEES' COMMITTEE i IN PARIS.
In Open Letter to the Rev,…
In Open Letter to the Rev, W, Dockeray. I You, Sir, of late, have constrainedly criticised the Editor, its readers, and the Labour move- ment in general with, shall I say, a somewhat patronising attitude. As one of its readers, I am thankful to anyone who offers me good advicfe, in whatever spirit it is given. Yet with the foregoing concession, I maintain the one equitable reservation, and that is the right of accepting your advice if I think it worth while, or discarding it if I think it value- less. Now, Sir, I desire to say in your case that you betray all the superficialness that is characteristic of all people who assume the role of critic in spheres of thought that some- times they unthinkingly stray into and are un- acquainted with. You will agree with me, Sir, when I say to qualify yourself to criticise any person or the movement to which he belongs,, you should at least know what the movement stands for, its method of propaganda, and the difficulties it has to contend with. You contend that the Editor's principles a.re one thing and his readers another, that, in fact, he is not understood. I take it that you mean that we, the readers, are ignorant, or the Editor is too idealistic at least, logically, that is what you mean. Your conclusions are the very reasons that our movement exists. We do know that the masses do not understand the reason of their -bad economic and social condition. We know also that they have to be taught better; that their education has been misdirected pur- II posely by both Tory and Liberal press, who are the pecuniary hirelings of the capitalistic regime- You, Sir, also belong to an institu- tion whose leaders are mainly guilty of the crime of constructing and maintaing the ob- staøs to all mental progress and the economic progression of the masses. In order to make myself clear, let me put a few personal ques- tions to you. Have you ever attempted to in- struct the people? Have you ever tried to make them realise their slavish conditions? Are you trying to lead them out of the house of bondage? Have you ever tried to politically educate them? Do: you know the relation of politics to economics? Have you never visual- ised the path by which development is only possible, the road by which humanity has pain- p?ossibilieia, rched through serf, feudal and wage slavery to the next stage, social service Can you say that your forms of religion or spiritual teaching ever have, or ever will raise the so- cial and moral standard of humanity? Can you put forward any. data that we can judge your action by? Are your cognisant of the fact that the history of the human race is an un- ceasing story of how the product of the toil of the workers has been perpetually filched from them, and they themselves, although pro- ducing all the wealth, reduced to penury and slavery ? The great masses of the people genera- tion after generation have been held in helpless servitude to the powerful and priviledged class- e.s-and the tragedy ends not. Millions to-day, under the shadow of your religion, are eking out the miserable existence of unowned slaves; men women and children consume their lives away in a bitter struggle to live, while wealth is being produced in uncounted millions. The legalised plunder sanctified by. you and your leaders of religion. No movement that ever existed yet, that sought to organise industry on terms of justice and human bro- therhood ever received the blessing of organised religion. Can you name any period in the history of the world when organised religion- Christianity if you lik-e-championed the cause of the masses against the State in order to free them from slavery and exploitation? You, Sir, parade Christ as the one Redeemer of the world. No doubt you have implicit faith in Him; yet His system lacks such essentials of all reform as worldly ambition and reliance of the human power of regeneration. When we endeavour to improve our minds and cultivate our intellects we are informed that we ourselves are unable to do anything unless we have faith in Christ. Such teaching as that only stifles reason and prevents judgment. It serves only the purpose of deluding the workers into the belief that the reasonings of Philosophers, the eloquence of Poets, and the straggles of Patriots are all useless; and that is the reason of the exist- ence of religion. Christ died for the world, you say. If I could have my way. said Oar- lyle. the world should hear a stern command, "Exit Christ." Karl Marx, who discovered the laws which govern the development of hu- man society, did more for human progress than all the teachers of religion that ever lived and all their mythical Christs. The leaders of reli- gion, with a few noble exceptions, are the pro- fit mongers' advance agents. They direct the workers' eyes towards a future life in a heaven that does not exist; and you, Sirr, know that very well. you do not believe it. If you were to feel ill after reading this letter, you would consult your medical adviser. Humanity does not require a heaven fixed in an assumed fu- ture; the vague conception of untutored minds. It requires that this earth here and now should be made a practical heaven. The 17th Century poet, Thomas Deeken, exalted the personality of Christ as that of a true gentle- man. We Socialists like to think of heaven as a place where other gentlemen can go and take their wives and children with them: If heaven is to be the radiant home of fine humanities it will be joyful to be there; but if men who mouth the utterance of some of our present divines in relation to war, jingo edi- tors and religious devotees are to be approxi- mately realistic, then it will be a place more to be avoided than sought. We have thrown away the old rags of Theology, and are clothing hu- manity with the practical logic of Socialism. We are students of history, and have learnt the origin and organised state use of all forms of religion. We understand the reason of the rivalry of orthodox religious sects to become State endowed. As Ruskin truly said: Our national religion is the performance of Church ceremonies, and the preaching of soporific truths (or untruths) to keep the mob quietly at work while we amuse ourselves-that. he might have added, exploit them! Yours most respectfully. W. LAWRENCE.
I CORRESPONDENCE. I
I CORRESPONDENCE. I Correspondents are requested to condense their letters as much as possible. Letters of a personal character will not be inserted. The Editor wishes it to be distinctly under- stood that he will not hold himself responsible for the opinions or statements of correspond- ents nor undertake to return rejected manus- cripts. Correspondents iotst write on one side of the paper only. THE FRANCHISE EXTENSION. I (To the Editor of the PIONEER.) I Sir,—It is evideut there can be no recess un- til these very important questions of Fran- chise and Registration are settled. Many peo- ple are becoming quite curious about what is going to happen. The Government is pledged to bring forward proposals which deal with these problems when they introduce their Bill for the prolongation of Parliament. If the Government can possibly adjourn these ques- tions they will do so, and it will need all the devotion and energy of people who believe in a real Democratic Franchise to see that these questions have their right and proper attention. Procrastination is very handy when serious pro- blems have to be faced, especially when there are differences of opinions. The Government have been plainly told for a long time that what is required of them is actions, not delays and excuses. Attempts are being made to place the franchise upon a military service basis and once again leave the women outside. It has been promised, when franchise changes were under discussion, the women's claims will have their right consideration. During the cri- sis all kinds of nice things are being said about women, and what a debt the country owes to them. They have entered into many spheres of life and shown by their abilities that they are capable of doing great things. In the future there will be great problems, and without the co-operation of women many of the problems will never be solved at all. The present time is opportune for giving to the women (whose claims are long overdue) the human rights of citizenship and political equality. Effort should be made to remind M.P.'s and Cabinet Ministers of their promises; also by getting re- solutions adopted and sent along as early as possible, There is no time for delay, and strange things are happening nowadays which require vigilance.-—Yours, etc, ERNEST TOWNLEY. I THE NEED FOR A HALT. I (To the Editor of the PIONEER.) j We live in very strange times; all kinds of things are happening. The political situation is constantly changing, which leaves us in con- fusion there is no definite purpose. Parlia- ment decides things, and Ministers in charge conduct themselves like schoolboys. One wond- ers where and when it is all going to end. The government of this country is passing more and more from the hands of the civil into those of the military authorities. It is getting very serious, and is a distinct departure from the great and proud tradition of this country. It has been the proud boast that England is a free country with the liberty and riglits of individuals to express and act according to the dictates of their Conscience. Undoubtedly this has helped very much to make the country great, and if it loses its ideals and visions will, like other great empires, decay. Now, un- fortunately, the daily press and most of the magazines of this country are publishing s'tuff according to the wisdom of the Censor, and what he thinks the people should be told. They have a nice way of doing things, and write so nicely about the "identical interests of Cia, pital and Labour" which goes down so well. The most regrettable thing is the war has brutalised all of us. and in this war, as in other wars, the passions of hatred and jealousy should be intlamed, and this has become very easy to-day by the conduct of the press. Occa- sionally slips are made, and such like spicy bits are published as the following:- The essence of freedom, as we know it and value it. is that the individuals of a nation shall be able to think what they be- lieve to be true and to do what they believe to be right. Times" leading article, No- vember 21, 1914. In war, even more than in peace, there is need for the free play of intelligence, for the free exercise of conscience." —" Times Literary Supplement, April, 1-915. Since the war broke out everything is being scrapped. One by one the ancient liberties for which our fathers have died have been sacri- ficed to the spirit of militarism and intrigue. Personal liberties; rights of conscience; freedom of speech and press; Trade Union rights and organised Labour have been successfully as- sailed. and the end is not yet. A little while ago Parliament decided to do nothing to res- tore the immemorial right of trial before imprisonment; and for some time the Govern- ment have had under their most serious con- sideration the question of the Russian refugees who are of military age. This is a new depar- ture from one of the oldest and most treasured principles of British liberty, and it looks very much as though we shall see a suspension of this ancient right of asylum, which for a long time has been offered by England to po- litical refugees. I write to call the attention of the readers of the Pioneer to this seri- ous ciu est ion, and what it involves. We have quietly foregone one thing after another, and it's about time a full stop was made. This can only be done by the activity and responsibility of the people, and the only certain cure is by an alert, free will secured independent and self-reliant democracy.-—Yours, etc., E. TOWNLEY. I
Pauperism Rather High. I
Pauperism Rather High. I L.G.B. INSPECTOR'S WARNING TO I MERTHYR GUARDIANS. The Merthyr Board of Guardians on Saturday granted a war bonus of 2/6 a, week to their district nurses. So that infants shall not be brought to the workhouse, the Guardians are considering the advisability of establishing a creche at the Aberdare Homes, at which the children may b admitted. Mr Hugh R. Williams, a Local Government Board Inspector, warned the Guardians against making the amounts of outdoor relief sufficient to make it worth while for impostors to claim poor law assistance. He was pleased that there was every indication that the state of pauper- ism in the district was improving, although the percentage of pauperism was rather high. Re- turns for the week ending July 29 gave the number of paupers as 2,797. compared with 3,265 for the corresponding period of last year. Out-door relief was being given to people liv- ing in anything but satisfactory conditions.
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I Honest Thoughts, not 1 Borrowed.…
Honest Thoughts, not Borrowed. 1 By JOHN HAWKINS. I The last time -that I wrote I put five questions to the" Boy from Gilfach." On reading his letter which followed the publication of my own I find he has not attempted to answer the questions put to him. Why is this? Is it be- cause of inability? To me it seems so. Not being able to .answer the next best thing would have been for him to avoid referring to any- thing that might lead people to think that the case of the injured (on light employment) was beyond his scope and knowledge. Still, with help, he ought to attempt to reply. Some peo- ple expect to be great, but end by becoming buffoons. "When a person goes hunting, he should put his gloves on. If this is not done, there may be things in the way that will put an end to the would-be slayer. My friend claims that he is a Democrat, and yet he is opposed to the men deciding matters relating to them- selves. Now, Democracy means that the majo- rity shall rule and decide any point, and the person who is against this being done cannot be a Democrat. When individuals take a cer- tain course, they should be called by their right names, and that is why I say my friend is a reactionist. Democracy is a step forward —reaction a step backward. One can call him- self what he likes, but his actions prove what he is. Judging from this point of view, the person who says he is a Democrat, and acts contrary to the principles of Democracy, is suffering under a delusion. I deny that the Treasurer is a Democrat, and I also say that lie never understood the meaning of the word. Sufficient has been quoted from what he has written to prove that he is .against what he assumes he Is. When I wrote the articles on The Case for the Light Employment Men," there was no idea in my mind other tham the best; my intentions were good and the object was worthy. Simply because a great and important ques- tion has been brought to the front, men who have not evolved up to the higher ideals of life say that I am out for disorganisation, and desire to create division in the ranks of the workers. This is done despite the fact that I have made it so plain that I want organisation, unity in action and method, and a display of sound common sense and wisdom. What has come from me is an appeal for an improve- ment in the lot of a certain section of work- men and a desire to go on particular lines in order to solve this question once and for all. It would be very pleasing to me if anyone who may differ would point out anything that I have written which can be twisted into mean- ing that I was out for disorganisation: If this cannot be done; one can put his own con- struction on what a person who is not a De- mocrat may think. Evidence galore can be produced to prove that I want unity and a common understanding, to work on right lines. We improve our lot by an exchange of ideas, providing that we exchange those ideas with respect and toleration. When we do not res- pect, nor have any toleration for each oth- er's opinions, then there is no unity, neither in that case do we possess anything worthy of the name of an organisation. An interchange of opinions, also points out where our enemies are and what they call themselves. It has been proved in the course of this one-sided controv-I ersy that a certain person is against advance- ment, and insofar as he is against stepping I forward, lie must be an enemy of the workers. The ineptitude of this chap in an argument is clearly seen, when he forgets principles and at- tempts to state something, which is not true, a,b ou t, ), person. Such methods will surely recoil on the head of him who stoops so low. Having before shown that Walters handles the truth a bit careless, it is hardly expected that I should believe him when he refers to "what other people think and say." Hoping that other people would agree with him, he has let his mind drift in that di- rection, until at last he has got to believe it's true. The greatest mistake in the world is to deceive one's self. Assuming that it was true —which I don't swallow—I would advise my friend to do his own thinking. Leaving other people think for you makes you into a pipe, through which the thoughts of others are ex- pressed. Too much of this is done, which ac- counts for the slow progress made by the work- ing class. If the Treasurer will mark, learn, and inwardly digest the following verse from Wotton, will lift the scales from his eyes: How happy he is born and taught That serveth not another's will; Whose armour is his honest thought, And snnpie truth his utmost skill." I am not quoting this in order that Wot- ton may be expressed through me, but beoaf5 what he wrote is true, and I agree with hIJJ1: Further, before we can make any permanent vancemen(fc, I believe it is necessary that It large majority of the workers will have to w&K and think over any and every question n the best concentration that their brains call give. Walters has already admitted tha.t he j opposed to the Majority of the members of Trades Union deciding what should be the ?j ount of their contributions. Would he, I wo"I der, like to pay the same contributions in? j Friendly Society, and not receive the sa? benefits as his fellow-member? I think D°j WeH, then, why expect another man to P^jj the same contributions into the Miners'  eration when he doesn't receive the sa? benefits? If it is right to demand 2/- month? generally from those who only receive 50 P i cent of the rise in "mges, then those who ;fi. the whole should pay 4/- per mlo h. .? seems to me logical reasoning. Each pay proportion to the bpnehts receive d through tb activity of his organisation. But the ng way to solve the point is by getting our c?. put right by way of a coal wage agreeing It should be understood in this agreement ? the injured person, when he returns to ?S??' work, should be paid the average wage fo? t grade of work done when he met with his ?„ cident. Why talk about money spent in c? J? when here at our door lies the solution. J-j I maintain this, however much we may qUlbb. that this is what we will have to come ? 0? the end. The present composition of the makes it impossible to get justice from \o quarter. This point has been explained „ fully that it ought not to be necessary to J l' fer to it. Owing to repetition on the p?"ff! the other fellow—about money spent in c?.,?< j —it is wise to bring it up again. I a ?-S kOfi sane person if our claim was recognised ?'i? coal wage agreements on i-i,-Ilt Ii'nes., not prevent this spending of money in tMI courts? It would 'b? interesting to me .j? know what improvement in the lot of '1-^ light employment men has resulted from  lutions passed at the Buxton Conference? E???' we all know it is to pass resolutions; dUBc? to realise. A tremendous lot of money J wasted in this way' only for the purpose of I¡' ing cap in hand to the Government, and gi ting laughed at. The House IS composed J1l:)1¡1f ly of men of another elMs" and no one ciØ persuade them to act contrary to their own ?t terests. In fact, the light employment ?'? case is not solved owing to the enemieS A through ignorance—that take a little inte? In their Trades Unions, and the ignorance apathy of the large body. Therefore I am 09 to educate them on this question, and Treasurer in particular. 4'
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