Pioneer

Should Earned Wages be Taxed ? By MARK STARR. h. SEE PAGE 3

For Freedom of Speech. TRADES COUNCIL DEMONSTRATION AGAINST MERTHYR AUTHORITIES. JAS. WINSTONE AND I HE CHARGE OF PRO-GERMANISM. EGERTON WAKE AND PARADOXICAL TIMES. A strong protest against the action of the local authorities in refusing the use of the Bo- rough schools and buildings for the purposes of Peace Propaganda was voiced at the Rink on Monday night, at a mass meeting organised by e local Trades and Labour Council as a "De- fence of Free Speech Demonstration." The "resident of the Council (Mr John Williams) occupied the chair, and the principal speakers Were Mr James Winstone. J.P., C.C., and Mr Egerton \Valw (the well-known Socialist or- l ganiser and lecturer, of Barrow-in-Furness). The Chairman in his opening address ex- Pressed regret that it had been found necess- I ar,v to hold a meeting* such as that to protest against the action of the Borough Council in refusing the use of their property for the pur- Pose of holding Peace meetings. Two yea.rs ago no one would have thought that any public body would venture to do this thing, but dur- Ing the past two years many things had hap- pen-ed which it was impossible to anticipate. He believed that the Tory and Liberal members of the Borough Council had taken advantage of the present situation to further their cause; and this was one of the ways in which they could express their feelings. He and the hol- tters of that meeting, believed that e,verybody should have the liberty to express opinions and convictions whatever they might be. He sup- posed the excuse given by the Councillors — for they had no reasons—was that the Pacifists were pro-German. He. personally, did not know the meaning of that title, but if a man was a pro-German because he had no ill-feeling, and no haterd towards the German working man, then he was prepared to accept the title. (Ap- plause.) For he had no ill-feeling or hatred towards any working man in Germany. (Cheers.) He would tell them what he did hate with his whole heart and soul, and that Was the devilish, brutal monster that devoured Europe to-day—whether it be German-, French, Russian or British. If they were prepared to analyse who were the real pro-Germans. he thought that they would agree that those who made these charges were after all the real pro- Germans. If thay did hate the German peo- ple they embraced the G.erman methods, and they had introduced German methods and sys- tems into practically all the British institutions of to-day. He did not mind that the other side were dubbing them pro-Germans, but it did grieve him to find within the past few days they had found some of the Labour leaders taking up the cry. They had been won over by the other side. Fancy the Western Mail" singing the praises of Labour leaders! It was not long since that the same organ was labelling the same leaders pro-German. He thought that the least these Labour leaders could have done. even if they did not agree with the policy, would have been to remain dumb. That would have been far wiser than to have gone to the other side and help in the task of preventing the upliftment of the British people. (CheersJ) Ooun. LI. M. Francis, in moving a resolu- tion That this meeting of Merthyr citizens enters its miphatic protest against the decision of the Borough Council, also the Education Committee, in preventing the expression of free speech by refusing the use of halls and schools under their control, believes that such action is immical to the best interests of the town and ij; expresses the hope that such action will not be repeated by them in the future," said that whatever notice might be taken of the first part of tfce resolution, he trusted that the au- thorities would take due note of the latter part, since it expressed a hope which every sane person had the right to see realised when dea- ling with the matter of free discussion. He, personally, had been surprised at the decisions of the Council and the Education Committee, and he could only assume that something mysterious had gone on. outside the Council Oha.mber. He thought that the members ought to have hesitated before coming to the decision they had for the religious freedom of Wales was their topic whenever Wales was talked of, and each believed himself the apos- tle of Henry Richard, left to carry on that great man's work. These men were not sin-j oere. or they would have been impelled to do what Henry Richard himself would have done- they would have shouted for peace, and not for war. If the nation was out in a fight for freedom. then freedom ought to be extended to those who wanted to express their opinion in this town as elsewhere. It was ridiculous and, foolish to attempt to stifle discussion by withdrawing the right of free speech since that would only drive the holders of these opinions to a secret, underground propaganda more dan- gtfrous than a. frill, free and open discussion. Alderman Enoch Williams (Merthyr Vale), in seconding, said he felt that the Labour repre- sentatives oil the Merthyr Town Council had been more than justified in the stand they had taken in opposing theae actions of the body to which they belonged. (Chesrs.) He had done so because he thought that the glorious old, principle of free speech was at stake. Had their forefathers not been loyal in the past, and been prepared to suffer martyrdom—even unto death-to win this glorious principle, they would not now be enjoying the measures of freedom iJhat even they were. MR. JAMES WINSTONE (who was given a. whole-hearted reception) said that apart ftrom the pleasure it gave him to again visit Mer- thyr, he was there because he was given an op- portunity of taking part with the stalwarts of the Merthyr Boroughs who were fighting for freedom of conscience, freedom! of r,,peee and for the liberty of the Press. He remembered reading in the "Timeli of November 21, 1914, this simple statement: The essence of free- dom, as we know it and value it, is that the individuals of a nation shall be able to think what they believe to be true and to do what they believe to be right." If all the orators in Britain had been called upon to make speeches that night, they could not: have put the case for which that meeting had been called any better or clearer than it was put in that little paragraph. Then as late as April, 1915, the saimio paper said: In war, even more than in peace, there is need for the free play of in- telligence and for the free exercise of con- science." There they had a full. free and frank expression of one of the leading journals of the conn try, showing clearly what their views were on the then situation. What did they find in 1916, when scarcely a year had passed* We found hundreds of our young men in prison. (Shame!) Men whose nobility of character was unassailable; whose purity of purpose in life could Hot be questioned, and whose conscience and all that was highest alod noblest :and best in their being, although pre- sumably provided for in an Act of Parliament, had been absolutely ignored.. (Cheers.) He remembered, too, how a few years ago the statesman then known as "The Leader of the Welsh Revolt" travelled throughout Brit- ain. and the burden of his cry was Conscience above the State. Locks, bolts or bars cannot tamper with the Conscience. There is no law passed or that can be passed that will violate a man's Conscience. Yes. "out that did not coincide with the present situation. In the first case they had the bett-er Lloyd George he was sorry that we had not that Lloyd George to-day. So far as lie was concerned he had not changed one iota. He still believed that L'toyd George was right when he placed Conscience ab- ove the State, and he believed that people were wrong who sent those boys to gaol because they dared to stand by their Consciences. (Cheers.) John Brown's body lies a-smouldering in the grave, But his soul goesjmarching on That was the spirit of the young men who to- day were inoa.rcerated in the gaols of the na- tion, but they would be hailed forth in the near future, not as pro-Germans, but as the very saviours of Democracy in this country. What were we fighting for? We were told that we were fighting for an Europe freed from the yoke of Prussian Militarism; we were fighting for a nobler and freer Europe; to free the Democracies of the world; and yet here in Merthyr. of all places in the world, with its history of fighters that had never been surpass- ed in Wales, men came forward with their minds so saturated with wrong as to endeavour to prevent the citizens expressing their views upon matters which were of vital importance to the nation at the present time. Upon what did the liberty of the subject depend? It was perfectly true that there was no general decla- ration upon this right, but it was negatively recognised by all parties that a person could not be imprisoned unless for ,i just reason, If he was imprisoned for any other cause then he had two remedies, and so far as he had been able to gather the principle depended entirely upon the fact that the man could do that which he had been forbidden to do. The right of pub- lic meeting depended upon the common law rights of the individuals to go where they liked so long as they did not commit trespass, and to say what they would without committing slander, blasphemy or sedition. The right of public meeting as distinct from the rights of the individual was partially recognised, at least, in the Public Meetings Act of 1908. The history of the nation proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that the right of free speech, the freedom of the Press, and the right of public meeting had been fought for and won by the giants of the past, men who had gone to pri- son, yes, and given up their lives, for the right for which they were contending that night. So far as he was concerned he was not con- cerned with the right of any party or indivi- dual he was contending for this right for every man and woman in this country. (Cheers.) He supposed these people considered they were acting patriotically. He was with the mover of the resolution when he said that unless they were very careful-more especially in the days that were to rome-th-ey would have com- mitted a very grave blunder, and would have done a very serious harm, not only to the peo- ple of this borough, but also to the people of the whole country. (Cheers.) He wanted to remind them that the greatness of a coun- try depends absolutely and entirely .upon the freedom and liberty of its subjects. (Cheers.) He believed everyone who made a careful study of the history of Britain would agree that the progress of this country had become phen- omenal since, the introduction of free speech and the provision of a free press. It was from the birth of these two valued institutions that Britons had shaken off the shackles of slavery, and had learned to stand alone as free men. Whether it be war or no .war, the day was too far spent. Their forefathers had paid bit- terly to enable them to meet together, in open meeting, and the day was too far spent to surrender that to-day. Wherever freedom of speech was denied there they had a nation and a people that were stagnant. Crime, outrage, bondage, slavery were the products of a ban upon freedom of speech and the freedom of the press. It were better a thousand times to meet a public to express their opinions than to drive men into secret conclaves where things were hatched that were not in the best interests of the community. It was only by ventilating grievances, and criticising the pow- ers that be, that security, progress and effi- ciency were secured to a whole people. (Cheers.) Dealing with the action of the President of the Local Government Board in allowing the coal owners to increase the pre-war profit on coal from the statutory 4/- to 4/6 per ton, Mr Winstone said there was absolutely no jus- tification for any such action. (Cheers.) If the men and women of Merthyr were wise in their day and generation they would protest to the Government about this action. The employ- ers were trying to throw the blame for this on the men by talking of increased cost of pro- duction; but there was not a tittle of evidence for this. The Welsh miner did not receive a fraction of an increase in his pay until the coal had actually been delivered f.o.b. at the port. The workers had nothing to do with fixing the price of coals. If the price did in- crease. then they were entitled by agreement to ask for an increase in wages. Dealing with the charge of pro-Germanism in the coalfield, Mr Winstone. concluding, said he was sorry to find that reflections were being cast on the Welsh miner, and on some of them in particluar. because they called themselves and were I.L.P. men. (Cheers.) He strongly resented these untrue, unfair and unjust im- putations. He could not bring himself to be- liove that there was a pro-German in Britain to-day who was a British citizen. He knew the T.L.P., and lie knew the Welsh miner, as well as most of those who made this state. ment. and who did nor bring a tittle of evid- ence to prove it. He was prepared to say. as he had said in many parts of Britain during tliq, last 18 months-" We are not pro-Germans." (Cheers.) If they say we are anti-war I say "Yes!" but if they say pro-German I say No!" Some of us know where it emanated; some of us know, not what was paid but that something was paid. To say that we are pro-German could only have emanated from a diseased imagination from the mind of some man who has no more love for his country than I would have for a mad dog." He was there to say without fear of contradiction that the Welsh miner and the members* of the I.L.P. wei'e as noble in character and as pat- riotic in the true meaning of the word as any other body of men in any country of the world. The I.L.P. stood for the immediate and honourable and lasting peace between the peoples of the world. They would stand for it, and would work for it, and eventually bring it about, let the cost be what it might. (Loud cheers.) MR, EGERTOJN WAKE, who was given a tremendous reception, expressed the interest he had take in the speech of the future Member of Parliament for Merthyr (Mr Jaiinies Win- stone)—(cheers). Mr Winstone had given them a splendid defence of the right of free speech and a splendid eulogy of the factor that free speech had been in the up-building of our his- tory and in the fabric of our liberty. He personally desired to associate himself with all that Mr Winstone had said; and to confine himself to defining, for their own understand- ing, why in this crisis of the nation's history they as members of the Democracy and work- ing class must insist on the preservation of the right of free speech here and everywhere else. It would have seemed impossible two or three years ago to even have contemplated the pre- sent conditions under which they were un- fortunately living—liberty was a memory; con- science a crime; and freedom was enchained— and this in a country that boasted of its free institutions. Six months before he had had the pleasure of a conversation with that prominent Frenchman—Jean Longuet—and with tears in his eyes his friend had told him of the sacri- fices the French people were called upon to en- dure. In the course of their conversation they came to the question of Compulsory Military Service, and to those other infringements of their liberties that had been forced upon this country under the plea, of emergency, and in talking over these things Jean Longuet re- ferred—and with a light in his eyes-to these traditions of Britain as being the peculiar glories of the British people." Yet during the last two years one by one th-ese" peculiar glories had been filched away, and they were met that night that the working class Democ- racy of Merthyr should say that so far as Mer-I thyr was concerned, with its historic traditions, they were not going to tolerate any further infringements of their liberty. They were living in paradoxical times— he did not think that the people of this country had ever lived in such amazing times as they had been living in for two years now. They had had more mad moralising and more false philosophies than at any previous period in the world's history. Take the vexed question of Compulsion. The voluntary system in this country produced the greatest triumph that had ever been known in the military history of the world. Under the voluntary system they had secured a larger proportion of the male population of this country than could have been secured under the conscription systems of France, Russia or Germany in operation at the beginning of the war. Surely no system ever vindicated itself more triumphantly than the voluntary system-it was an absolute, en- tire and complete success. Yet when it had so vindicated itself in that amazing way, it had to be abandoned and Compulsory Military Ser- vice was forced upon them. And this was equally true of the attempt that was being made now, under the pretext of economic warfare, to foist upon us the ghost of Protec- tion. He was not in love with Free Trade as a solution of social problems, since he believed that the only solution was social ownership (cheers)—but he was compelled to face things as they were, and to realise that the people of this country were not wise enough to apply his remedy. Under those conditions they were compelled to take a fiscal system based on the present system of Government. But while he admitted that a jump from Free Trade to Protection was only leaping from the frying pan into the fire, he still knew that the present fiscal system of this country had triumphed amazingly, and bad vindicated itself over every other fiscal system in the world. Think of the position so far as their enemies were con- cerned What had been the experience of Germany and Austria? In order to provide the resources for the prosecution of the war, they had to abandon a very large percentage of their tariffs, and modify their pratectionist sys- tems Take the Entente Powers. Frarioe had had to reduce her tariffs on hei foodstuffs in order to feed her people; and Russia had had to reduce hers, too. Apart from that who was acting as the financial basis for the En- tente Powers ? He had heard the late Lord Kitchener declare that this was a war of at- tri tiona war between the man power of Germany and the money power of Britain and it was a fact that this country was acting as banker to the Entente Powers. They had Dfen able to do that very largely owing to the fiscal system they were in. Now, strange- ly enough, the very Liberal members who were elected as the special guardians of the Free Trade fiscal system were now contempla- ting the abandonment of their Free Trade principles, and the commitment of the nation to a suicidal economic war when this war was over. They were told at the beginning of this war that this was a war for Democracy. Liberty and Freedom abroad—then surely they had the right to ask for the maintenance of these rights aItd privileges at home? (Cheers.) It was a strange and paradoxical thing that a struggle for freedom and small nationalities abroad, should mean the abolition and sup- pression of small minorities at home. (Cheers.) People were doing lip service to Democracy to-day who never lifted their fingers for Demo- cracy in the whole of their political life, and when the war was over and security returned they would find that these people were just as fiercely opposed to Democracy as they had ever been. Longfellow had put the truth of to-day in the words. The vast temple of your lib- erties a horrid mass of wreck and rubbish lies." Liberty of speech: where was it? Ev- eryone of them who made speeches on sub- jects such as these knew that it was not worth half an hour's purchase. It was true to say that liberty of speech had practically been taken from them, and the liberty of the Press had practically been reserved for special peo- ple. They were a spoon-fed people only entitled to read what the Government wanted them to read. The industrial liberties of the people had gone too but he thanked God for Robert Smillie and the M.F.G.B. who at any rate had kept the miners of the nation out of the scope of the Munitions Act. (Cheers.) That Act had carried the nation back 500 years in the history of the nation. Every war had been a period of menace to the industrial and poli- tical liberties of the people, but so far as they were concerned thej would not allow this filching of their liberty to give expression to their thoughts without making a demand that they should have restored to them the liberty to criticise, to discuss and to take such action by public meeting as they felt necessary in the defence of liberty in the interests of the people demanded. The liberty to criticise was about the only liberty left intact and they had had an amazing illustration of its power in the Naval and Military Pensions Scheme. The Government had set up statutory commit- tees, and had told those committees that if they went beyond a certain limit the money would have to be found by themselves from charity. But such a protest went up that the Government had been compelled to see that the first charge on the revenue of the country should be the pensions to the veterans of the war. This showed that we could not afford to have filched away the right of public meeting; the right to turn the searchlight of criticism and analysis on such proposals as affected the working classes of the country. It was a sinister sign to his mind that some of the buildings refused to them had been schools. It seemed to him that the Education Authority, not being able to use these schools for the purposes of education, were not willing that the people should use them for this pur- pose. There was no deadly peril facing the people at the present time than the degrada- tion of the educational standard of the country. The degradation of education in this country during the past two years had been nothing but a scandal, and they would reap a terri- ble harvest for it. If this nation was to hold its own in the struggle after the war was over it would want an educated people and not ta, riff barriers. A higher and more scientific education would be wanted, but now the clutch- ing hand of the capitalist was grasping at the childhood of the nation and dragging it into industry. The people, the nation, could not afford, if they had any regard for their ideals, to allow themselves to be robbed of the right of public meeting-the right to assemble tog- ether in order that they might consider these vital problems. The resolution was unanimously passed.

"Twenty Pages of Useful lnformation.Now Ready. PATRIOTS & PROFITS IN WAR TIME FACTS FROM THE COALFIELDS. I (By ANDREW TEMPLE.) One Penny. 12 for 9D. 100 for 5s. (carriage forward). From Miners' Secretary, Boldon Colliery, Co. Durham. Miners, I,L.P. & B.S.P. Branches Order Quickly.

I Abertillerv Notes. I I A Rumour. I I The variations given to a little story, re- tailed in many quarters during August week, is very suggestive of how "news" spreads, and grows in the spreading. Whether the incidents told of have any foundation of truth or not I cannot say. The first I heard of the supposed happening was when I was gravely told of two young men. spending a holiday at a certain re- sort, who were approached by a stranger who questioned them upon their position under the Military Service Act, thus finding out that they were coal miners taking a respite from their work. The result was that they were told that if they could be spared from their work for that time the Army was the place for them. They were then arrested and handed over to the Military Authorities. Even in these times such proceedings hardly seem) possible. But somo little interest attaches to the query: How and where did the rumour originate? It seems to have served a purpose. Many people seriously believed the story to be true, giving particulars as to where the youths had been working, how long they had been missing, etc. Anyhow, within a day or two it was told by numbers of people, with many differences of detail, and many an additional particular. The last construction heard of it was the taTe of two young men who left Abertillery Railway Station on the journey to a well known sea- ide. town. They were full of their forthcom- side, holiday, and were busy discussing their pla?s. At Newport they were eQ8ted by a fellow traveller, who abruptly informed them they could either return and settle down to work without any holiday, or they could join the army. Statements were freely circulated that detec- tives were travelling up and down in the rail- way trains. listening to the conversation of men of apparent military age, and in many cases intervening with warnings and threats. Whether or not there was any truth in such rumours, they did actually pass from mouth to mouth, and they were a special feature of this unusual August time. Labour (?) Magistrates. A few weeks ago a report was given by Mr William Harris (Mon. Political Organiser) to the Abeirtillery Trades Council, dealing with the political character and division of magistrates in Monmouthshire, and facts were therein giv- en which are worthy of wide distribution. Ori- ginally the report was one asked for from Mr Harris by the Labour Party Officers in Lon- don. The members of the Council, finding it of service to them. Mr Harris kindly prepared copies of it for the benefit of the societies af- filiated. The names of the Labour" magi- strates were given, and it was pointed out that many of them were not Labour" from the political point of view. Mr Harris justly remarks: I think you will recognise that there is room for improvement; and although the County Advisory Committee, of which Messrs. Onions and Winstone are the Labour representatives, have submitted lists to the pre- sent Lord Lieutenant, the Liberal Member for South Mon. the recommendations have been treated so far. with the utmost contempt." The list s hows there are at present 137 Conservati ve magistrates; 75 Liberal; 14 Labour and .17 Independent. In addition to the above there are 27 gentlemen on the Commission who are not attached to any Petty Sessional Division; and these, almost without exception, are Con- servatives and the same applies to the 11 gentlemen who have been placed on the Com- mission. but evidently the honour is not ap- preciated. as they have not qualified by taking the oath. Out of the 14 working men magistrates, 5 are closely identified with the Liberal Party, so that there remain only 9 Labour in the po- litical sense. A study of this list will explain why "justice" is so often one-ride 1 in the County of Monmouth. 7

French Democrat Soldiers and the War. "SOCIALISTS AND TRADES UNIONISTS NOT CHANGED. GERMAN DEMOCRATS STILL TO LEARN THE LESSON OF WAR. Lieutenant George Weill and Private Cab- anne, the delegates from the French Govern- ment, addressel a public meeting at the Drill Hall. Merthyr, on Friday evening. The Mayor (Councillor John Harpur) presided. Speaking in French, Lieutenant Weill said the French people had thrown themselves body and soul into the war because they in France felt it was a war against despotism-a fight for freedom. (Applause.) This was the true motive of the Trades Unionists and Socialists of France. They have not changed; their opinions were as before—armed defence of Peac&and it was because they loved peace so profoundly that they felt it their duty now to fight to the bitter end. (Cheers.) They must bring the war to its logical conclusion—a victory of the Allies fighting to maintain the rights of free, dom. They did not wish for conquest or mili- tary glory. Recently on the banks of the Somme —whence he had just come —as a staff officer in thp French Army he questioned hundreds of prison- ers brought in. Amongst them were a good many Social Democrats and Trades Unionists. He regretted to find that these Germans had not yet learned the lesson of the war-that they had been the tools of a set of politicians whose ambition was for military conquest. Also speaking in his native tongue, Private Oabanne said if the Socialists and Trades Un- ionists of any country failed to undetrsta-nd their duty to general civilisation and their own coun- try, they would fail in the grandest opportun- ity the working classes had of claiming their rights. (Cheers.) That duty at the present mo- ment rested in the complete and crushing de* feat of German despotism. If the workers car- ried out their duty to the full when the time came for the terms of peace then could they claim a right to a voice in the final settle- ment. (Cheers.) M. Aldolphe Smith, who during the Franco- German War, was attached to the French Field Ambulance, interpreted the speeches. He has oeen a familiar figure at many of the In- ternational working-class conferences.

Emphatic Medico. DOWLAIS DOCTOR FINED FOR MOTOR SCORC,HING. Dr. McClelland, a well-known medical man, of Dowlais, was summoned at Merthyr on Friday last for riding a motor-cycle in a manner dangerous to the public. Police-Sergeant Goodwin deposed that the defendant was travelling in High Street, Mer- thyr, at between 25 and 30 miles an hour. Defendant: You are sure it was not 40? Witness: No, it was between 25 and 30. There was no blood on the wheeIF-(Laugh- ter.)—No. Police-Sergeant Beavan said defendant made a statement containing the following passage: I am riding my twenty-third motor-cycle, and there has never been a case of riding to the danger of the public, and whoever laya so is a liar. I was not travelling move than ten miles an hour. The Stipendiary (Mr R. A. Griffith), in fi'n- ing defendant plo. expressed surprise at the doctor writing suoh a statement.