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Correspondents are requested to oond their letters as much as possible. Letters of a personal character will not be inserted. The Editor wishes it to be distinctly under- stood that he will not hold himself responsible for the opinions or statements of correspond- ents, nor undertake to return rejected manus- cripts. Correspondents MUST write on one side of the paper only.
THE "IRON HEEL" IN THE GLASGOW…
THE "IRON HEEL" IN THE GLASGOW TRAMWAYS DEPARTMENT. (To the Editor of the PIONEER.) Dear Comrade,—The Glasgow Tramways are owned by the Municipality, and managed by a Mr Dairymple. over whom the Corporation HAVE NO CONTROL, because years ago they gave this gentleman autocratic powers in his man- agement of all employees paid at less than L300 per annum. Sometime ago an inspired item of news ap- peared in the local press stating that the department had decided to liberate (?) about three hundred car cleaners ABOVE MILIT- ARY AGE in order that they might find work in munition factories their places to be filled by women. The pay of these men ranged from 29/- to 32/- per week, and as female labour could 00 obtained at 27/ a considerable saving would be effected for the City, while the patriotic munition employers—whom, by the way, Mr Dalrvmple sometimes represents on the Muni- tion Trib unals-would get a fresh supply of surplus labour to their gates, and so keep the wages of munition workers from rising. The unemployed men's ages range from 45 upwards, a line being drawn in the case of one depot only at 60 years. Several of these men have had sons killed in the war; many have sons wounded and some, again, are men whose health was wrecked in the army, and who have been discharged without a pension. A conspiracy of silenoe exists in the press in ] Glasgow over this dastardly action. Members of the Tramways Committee deny all knowledge of it previous to the men being on the streets. The Trades Union that ought to have fought the question went to sleep. It permitted its meijibers to be sacrificed without a protest, and when another Union, to its everlasting hon- our—the Union of Electrical Engineers—made a protest, they were denounced by our own Union for so doing. It is up to the Trades Unionist to make a vigorous protest against any public servant ab- using his powers in such a manner.—Yours, etc PROLETARIAN. THE EFFORTS OF THE PEACE SOCIETY AND INTERNATIONAL PEACE. To the Editor of bhe PIONEER.) Sir,—With your permission. I would like to say a word or two further upon two points con- nected with this subject, and then I shall have done: —(1) The attitude of America and the other Neutral Powers; (2) The future. (1) In my opinion America, notwithstanding the Monroe Doctrine," and the other Neutral Powers ought at {east to have given their adhesion to the Cause of the Allies, even if they did not enter the war in their support. Why? Because the Allies are fighting for the maintenance of two great principles, which ought to be maintained by all civilised na- tions, viz.: (1) The sanctity of Katies; and (2) the right of the small nations to live. As I intimated in my last letter, suppose that Germany took it into her head to set at nought the Monroe Doctrine," and >0 attack America. Would America be able to deal with her? Doubtful. I think. For if Germany could bring about a rebellion in Ireland, where there are few Germans. what could she do in America, where there are 13,000.000? Am- erica might find that she would need the aia of one or two allies. Would she get them? Could she reasonably expect to get them ? I leave your readers to anwer. If America gave her adhesion to the cause of the Allies, and were later attacked unjustifiably by Germany, she would be more likely to get the aid of the Allies than by standing aloof from them when they were fighting for those high principles which all civilised nations ought to maintain. I have heard it said with a smilë-with how much truth I know not—that another reason why America, stands aloof is that it does not suit her financial interest to intervene —that the almighty dollar stands in the way. If that be so, it is not the principle that anim- ate J her beat men—Lincoln, for example. Take the following from his Gettysburgh speech:- TLat we here highly resolve that those dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the peo- ple, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." No, nor from Belgium. If Ameri- can policy is dictated by pecuniary considera- tions. it points to moral deterioration, which, if not stemmed, will lead sooner or later, to national collapse, as certainly as the sound of thunder follows the lightning flash. It was so in the ancient Roman Empire. Take the fol- low ing from Lecky's "History of European Mora!s" -"With crumbling temples and a dy- ing faith, morality also took its leave, and a horrible corruption fell upon society. It would be difficult to find a parallel in history to the whirl, the strife, the cruelty. the bloodshed, the misery, the delirium of licentiousness and debauchery which preceded and accompanied the fall of the Great Republic." The same arguments apply to all the other Neutral Nations. (2) The Future: I pointed out in my last letter that when you have secured a burglar in private life. lie is dealt with finally in a lawful manner. That is as it should he. I pointed out also that when the Allies shall have over- powered Germany, which it was hoped they would do. that they would presumably, have to deal with her finally in their own way. That is not as it should be. But it is as it must be under existing eireiinistanc-es. Why must it be so 'e Because unlike the circumstances that exist in dealing with the private citizens, there is no International Court to deal with nations. The question is. How can we establish an In- ternational Court to decide between nations? Who is to do it? It can be done in the same way as courts are established to decide bet- ween Oltlzens only on a larger scale. The citi- zens establish the lower or national courts that decide between citizens, and the nations can establish the higher or International Courts to decide between nations. "The unit of municipal law is the individ- ual; the unit of international law is the state." (International Law. Harmsworth's Encyclo- paedia.) The nations show. too. how inconsis- tent with themselves they have been in not having done this long ago. For if individual nations have made laws and established courts for the welfare of their citizens in their indi- vidual capacities, should they not collectively, with greater reason, have made International Laws and established an International Court for their welfare in their collective capacities as nations ? Before nations established law and order among citizens, anarchy reigned. Two men fought. say, over a dispute, and there is one life destroyed. But when nations disagree and fight, there is perhaps a nation- composed of ajl its individual citizens—des- troyed, in the lump, so to speak. That is the state of things that exists in Europe to-day. Whole nations of people, endowed with reason, are killing one another like wild beasts in the arena. Germany has been the cause of more people having been killed in this war in the last 22 months than there were animals killed in the gladiatorial shows in the days of Ancient Rome. and this kultured nation, forsooth, is going to lead the world. Probably two of the greatest political fanatics of modern times were Kruger and the Kaiser,-botli under the illu- sion that they and their people were the spec- ial favourites of Heaven. The first illusion was due to ignorance of the import of Old Testa- ment Scripture. Kruger applying to himself and his people the dealings of the Most High with the children of Israel in the times of Joshua, and the Judges. It has been said that if Kruger had been a Higher Critic, there would have been no Boer War. The second is prob- ably due to the Kaiser's being intoxicated with the political and material power which his sub- jects have been foolish enough to leave in his hands—power similar to that possessed by the English sovereigns as far back as the reign of the Tudors, and it is with this ideal which ex- isted in this country over 300 years ago, and which we have long outgrown, that Germany is going to lead the world. If this power had been in the hands of the German people, and not in those of the Kaiser, and the mili- tary caste, there would have been no European War. Is there any consistency in preserving the lives of citiaens individually and destroying them oollectlvely r Now this is how the latter can be avoided. In barbaric ages, anarchy reigned. The stronger was the victor, quite regardless of right. When civilisation began to dawn, the wisest men of a nation met to- gether, conferred, and established courts —by degreed,of course. So also now in international affairs the wisest of the nations ought to meet and confer. When the war is over. the nations ought to meet and confer. When the war is over, I have no doubt that the Allied nations—England. France, Russia, Italy, Ser- bia, Belgium; Portugal and Japan (America, too. ought to come in)—will be ready to take the initiative; and although I have no author- ity to speak op behalf of England, I can almost undertake to say sh e would consent to lead the way The other European nations would be eligible if they would not fall into line. the loss would be theirs. The Allied nations would be able to deal with them in any emer0rren(■ v that might arise. The main difficulty in connection with these matters is the question of sanctions. Bfrw are we going to carry out the findings of an International Court? Who is going to enforce them, and how? Well, we must bear in mind here, much as we dislike forcp, that force is the last alternative of all in human governments. "In all inter- national disputes the final tribunal is arbitra- tion or war."—International Law, Harms- worth's Encyclopaedia. If an offender is or- dered to appear in a law oourt and refuses, he is taken there by force. If he is sentenced to prison and refuses to step in the prison van, lie is put there by force, and so on all through. The reason why force is not resorted to oftener. is because people choose the last al- ternative but one, and submit to the law quietly. Suppose now that an International Court is established, it is very oasv to conceive how the court coukl bring its influence to bear on a bellicose nation in a variety of ways. We might indicate roughly some of the steps it might take —(1) As a preliminary step that all civi- lised nations bind themselves to accept the de- cision of the Court in all cases involving the sanctities of treaties and the oppression of small nations. (2) In the case of two disput- ants, private negotiation having failed, the case be presented to the Court, and an at- tempt made to settle by conciliation. (3) The case submitted to the arbitrament of the Court, the representatives of the disputants acting as advocates. (4) The Court to point out to the disputants the consequences of the alienation of the other representative nations, (5) In the event of a nation insisting on war contrary to the councils of of the Court, the Allied na, tions represented there to make war collective- ly on that nation, and see that the councils of the Court shall prevail. (6) That the Court warn any nation when there are any indica- tions of fanaticism in any inter likely to jeo- pardise International Peace. The Hague Tribunal has done something in this direction, and would, no doubt, have done more were it not for lack of co-operation on the part of Germany. Unless they go further and do much more in this direction, it looks as if bye-and-bye—with the application of modern science to instruments of destruction on sea, land and air—that the greater part of the human race will be annihilated, and that for those who remain—vanquisher and van- quished—life will be barely worth living. In view of the fact that about 10 million men have been slain in this war, and probablj7 a similar number maimed for life, and that it has cost £ 10,000,000,000 to bring this about. besides the enormous value of property that has been destroyed, and add to this the poverty and misery if will entail upon all the nations particularly the peasantry—for generations through having to liquidate this huge debt. one is almost tempted to say that if we have not ingenuity enough to bring this state of things to an end, we hardly deserve to live as nations, and ought to be allowed to lapse into barbarism. But it is not ingenuity only that is required we require the abandonment of the policv to perpetuate war in order to get rich by the manufacture of armaments. It is said that in certain circles the wholesale destruction human life and the production of armament necessary thereto is looked upon a a pure com, mercial transaction, the moral element not be- recognised t all. If the Allied nations take up the question with hearty good will, which Sir Edward Grey has recently pomted out is so essential, all obstacles will be sur- mounted. all difficulties overcome. and the thing will be done. It is said that every citi- zen ought to do something to assist in carry- ing on the war. True. And every citizen, ought to do something, tao, towards bringing war to an end; and if everyone tried to think this subject out to the best of his ability and expressed his view,, even only to his fellows around him, the subject would get into the air so to speak, and would greatly help in finding a solution. The Peace Society, too, should enter this field and exert itself to the utter- most rather than potter and try to bring ab- out a temporary peace to be followed by war again bye and bye. The Society's view is too circumscribed; it ought to take a more com, prehensive outlook. What is needed is to fin ia basis firm enough and broad enough on which to erect a system of International Peace that shall endure. I am inclined to think that the time has arrived when the Allied nations and America should constitute themselves such a basis-t? h at the- a basis-iliat they form themselves into an International Tribunal which any bellicose na- tion would have to reckon with in future. It would be some relief in the midst of the present great catastrophe if it were made the means of stimulating the nations referred to, to take up this question earnestly and energetically, and to quote Lincoln again—giving his words a wi- der s'gnification-" That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. That the nations, under God. shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people (not by emperors nor by castes—military or other), but by the people and for the peo- ple, shall not perish from the -earth. "-Yours trulv. A LOVER OF PEACE. J-une 19, 1916. A LOVER OF PEACE.
Mr. Philip Snowden, M.P. at…
Mr. Philip Snowden, M.P. at Abertillery. Sunday, June 26th. The following report was unavoidably held over last week: — The Park, Abertillery, contaired a, huge audienoe to hear Mr Philip Snowden, M.P. Mr T. Mytton presided, and was supported by Mr George Baxter (miners' agent) and Mr George Dagger (Member of Executive, S.W.M.F.) The Chairman explained how the threat of the local police to hold the Palace Manage- ment responsible for anything that might be said on which action could be taken under the Defence of the Realm Act, had altered their arrangements, and sa.id that was not only a propaganda meeting, but a, fight for the right of free speech in this country. He referred to the boys at the front fighting for liberty in Flanders and elsewhere, and asked what would those boys on leave have thought of them if they at least could not put up a fight to retain the liberties they had now. They would have gone back to their comrades and said those at home were nothing but cowards. Mr George Barker said lie never expected to make a speech that evening, but when he found out that it was necessary to vindicate the rights of free speech in this country, he un- hesitatingly associated himself with that meet- ing. (Applause.) He was not going to complain of the action of the police, but he could not for the life of him see what justification the police had for following their friend 1\11- Snow- den and insulting him in the way they had. Mr Snowden was the spokesman for the working classes of this country. He had a record that' any man might envy and be proud of, and they as workers were very proud of him, and knew the work he was doing. (Applause.) They did not want men who were always playing the popular tune they wanted mea with convic- tions and men who were prepared to stand for those convictions: through stress and trial, whatever it might be. Therefore they honour- ed Mr Snowden for his uprightness and fear- lessness in this great crisis we were going through. (Applause.) Turning to the subject of industrial conscription, he warned them that unless they were very careful they would .find that the Military Service Act was only the pre- lude to industrial conscription. In his opinion they had no alternative as free men but to agi- tate to get tha.t Act repealed. It was a disg- race to this country to have an Act like that on the Statute Book after having over 5 mil- lion men volunteering. If they did not agitate for its repeal, it would be ver easy for the Government- to destroy their Trade Unions. They knew that it was very easy for the Prime Minister to get- up m the House of Commons and declare that the State was in danger. If they had a Labour question of the same pro- portion as when the great national strike took place, and the Government had a weapon like that m their hands, they knew well what would be done with the: leaders of the men and with the most prominent of the men them- selves They knew that the great majority of the -men would be called up under the Defence of the Realm Act, and that their liberties as Trade Unionists would be absolutely destroyed. The Military Service Act had been brought into operation on purpose to uphold the capi- talist- class of this country, and to destroy the rising Democracy and the Trade Unions of the country. He therefore hoped that meeting would focuss its mind up on that one point as well as the otherfpoints to be brought before it, and that they would have an agitation which would go right through the Trade Union world for the Repeal of the Act. (Applause.) MB. PHILIP SNOWDEN, M.P., who was received with applause, said he would refrain from any observations in regard to the circum- stances under which they were meeting that evening in the open-air, instead of the build- ing originally engaged, beyond saying that what action be would take in the matter would be takew on the floor of the House of Commons within the next few days. (Ap- plause.) Mr Barker had spoken of some in- sult to himself. Well he was not conscious of any insult. (Laughter.) There was one Biblical precept he had always, for his own comfort, en- deavoured to carry out, and that was to suffer fools gladly." (Laughter and ap- plause.) Passing on to the subject of the war, he said there might be differences of opinion, and they were well aware that there were great differences of opinion as to the causes of this war; but whatever their differences, at least this was common in the minds and hearts of the people of this nation—that they all de- plored the awful tragedy, and were all anxious to see the war brought to an end as soon as possible bv the realisation of those objects for which they were contending. He thought that within the last few weeks, particularly during the last two or three months, a remarkable psy- chological change had come over the minds of a large proportion of the population of this country. There were some things that we knew by instinct and intuition, a,nd, although a hireling press would continue to the last mo- ment to mislead and deceive the people, even that could not hide the fact that Peace was in the air, and that people were looking forward to it and recoiling with horror from the pros- pect of the continuation of this war for another period of 12 months or more. The simple Sact of the matter was that even this great powerful and wealthy nation, so much more powerful, so much more resourceful, so much more weal- thy than any of the nations with which we are allied in this war, that even this nation could not bear the strain of this war for an indefinite period. Trade, it was quite true, appeared to be good. The financial strain upon the nation was not yet quite apparent, but the fact remained that we had already piled up a national debt of nearly three thousand mil- lions of pounds, and if the war continued for another 12 months, this and succeeding gene- rations would have a burden of national debt of five thousand millions of pounds. We did not feel the strain yet, because we were in the position, as a nation of a man, who had mort- gaged his property, and was living riotously upon the proceeds of that transaction; but, like that man, even this nation would come to thA end of its financial resoumods, just as our Aiiies had already oome to theirs, and were being kept in the field now only by the finan- cial assistance that this country could give to them. But that was the least important of the costs of this war. Treasure might be re- placed human lives never. He referred-ito the awful losess of the whole of the nations engag- ed in the war, particularly of the Germans in the futile attack upon Verdun, and asked how long was it going to take the Allied forces, not merely to stop the German offensive, but to carry out a successful offensive under the conditions of modern warfare? Were they pre- pared to face that? Were they prepared to refuse to consider whether there could be any other means of settling those difficulties and differences than by the sacrifice of a million more lives? If this war continued it was per- fectly certain that few of the men who were now there and who would be sent there would come back unmaimed and in health and strength. He maintained that these were facts which appealed to all the Allies and to their enemies as well. Was European states- manship so bankrupt that it could not find a means of settling its questions without continu- ing to butcher the flower of the manhood of the various nations ? What did we want ? What did the other nations want? Why were they at war ? These were questions which re- quired a serious answer. Let them try to find out. Sir Edward Grey had repeatedly taken great credit to himself—and he thought that in a measure he was fully entitled to it-that in the week before the outbreak of war lie made great efforts to preserve peace, and he claimed that he was anxious that a conference of the Powers should be held to see whether it would be possible to settle their questions without a resort to arms. That failed, and after nearly two years of war the necessity for trying to settle those differences by other means was imperatively greater than before. They all wanted this to a wai- to end. war. (Ap- plause.) He thought the most satisfactory feature of this war had been the entire a b- sence in this country of that spirit which was called, for want of a better word. Jingoism. There had been no glorification of war. There had been—unlike the time of the Boer War- a soberness and seriousness which had been very impressive. We were all anxious to avoid war in the future. Democracy was a mockery so long as the people of this country, in Parliament, had no control over foreign affairs. He explained how near we had been to war on several occasions, and only three men knew. of it at the time, and said we had got to alter all that, and we had got to democratise our diplomatic service and our -Foreign Office, and no treaty in future no obligation—ought to be entered into with- out the full knowledge and control of Parlia- ment and the people. Militarism would fail to bring lasting peace. It had always failed. Mi- litarism had never won a victory in all its efforts. They could not kill an evil by the same evil; they could only exorcise evil with good. It might be difficult, when the time came to settle Peace, to forget many things that had happened during this war. There might be a desire for revenge, but for the sake of the future it would have to be sub- merged. They must remember that there were two Germanys-the Germany of Prussian Militarism and the Germany of Social Democ- racy, and before this war drove these two to- gether, owing to the German people, rightly or wrongly, believing it_to be a war of defence, those two nations in Germany had been in constant conflict with each other. The greatest mistake that could be made at the end of this war would be to keep those two nations in Germany united together, because they be- lieved there was a union of other European nations against them. What we bad to do and it was the old appeals which had been made from their platforms, but it was more true to-day than ever—we had to work for a, union of the workers of all nations. (Ap- plause.) He was not a pessimist, but he asked them did they think that the Munitions and Military Service Acts were going to be got rid of when the war was over ? The war was only an excuse for them. (Hear, hear.) They coiiid not have Democracy and militarism: the two could not live together, and the aristocra- tic and wealthy classes in every country knew that. They were out for Conscription long before this war broke out; they would fight to maintain it when these war drums throbbed no longer." He did not ask them to accept anything he had said; but he did ask them to think seriously about those matters. People they had trusted in the past had failed them; militarism had failed them; only the people could save themselves. (Hear, hear.) If they believed it was better to settle those differences by peaceful negotiations, he asked them to sign the Peace Memorial at that plat- form. They did not want a Peace which would not be just, honourable and conclusive. Owing to the fatigue of Mr. Snowdqn and the late hour, questions were not invited.
TREHARRIS I
TREHARRIS TABERNACLE CONCERT.—At Tabernacle Hall, T'reharris, on Saturday evening, under the auspices of the Treharris and District Silver Band, an instrumental air varie and quartette competition took place. Mr Harold Hurst ad- judicated. The winners were:—Quartette: 1, Aberama,n; 2, Ferndale; 3 Ynyshir. Air varie 1, W. B. Williams, Ferndale; 2, J. Smith, Aberaman; 3, R. Smith, Aoeraman..Fourth in order and special medal for bass solo- W. J. Davies (Pentre).
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I 46 Nation's Finest Deed.…
I 46 Nation's Finest Deed. I By the REV. W. REES, Llechryd. When war, murder and rapine were ra in Israel, Abner, the leader on one side, c i <Jj to Joab, the leader on the other side, > r. the sword devour for ever ? Knowest not it will be bitterness in the latter end? s: long shall it be, then, ere thou bid the p< a return from murdering their brethren?" ti steintly, at Abner's peaceful motion, < 0 sounded a retreat, and the war was sto ti That was the finest deed of the nation time. Trevelyan's motion for Peace at. II t-hyr backed by his comrades everyw e must be considered by every wise man as I t, finest deed of the nation to-yay. But the Bi r of London said last week at a Oonventio", a Hereford Cathedral. The finest thing thJj h tion ever did was, to go to war. The Chili 1\ should breathe courage and fortitude into nation to see this war through to the end, to brace up our boys in the trenches." Bishop, the Clergy and the Church are eq 1 patriotic. c On the same day as the Bishop praised 3 war thus at Hereford, Mr A. Ponsonby, M. letter on the war appeared in the IJf8 -1- Daily News." The contrast between Pons ií: and the Bishops and their Church is rem J able. Thus says Ponsonby:- We go on believing that military vie is the indispensable preliminary to any P Negotiations, because once war begins the I sire to win overshadows everything else. 1 need for a lasting European settlement is I 5 siglit of an d yet that IS the only rea l gain sight of; and yet that is the only real gain t f might result from the war." | 4 A dictated Peace is always a vindic ] Peace, and in those circumstances no satisf ory settlement is possible. A just Peace mi j be obtained now if oni v*tlie Statesmen co be persuaded to see the futility of any furt f sacrifice." t What makes them think that Germ crusl?d means Europe peaceful ? The policy j the German aggressive militarists has been <$ f e?uted Germany is crippled, many nations ¡¡Iii bankrupt, all nations have failed, and sufferings of the peoples is beyond description Is not that enough ? "Do not let anyone suppose we are fightio,, for liberty and justice against militarism oppression. The wrong forces are ranged aga,iv one another for such a war as that. Liber*' and justice are not in the gift of -any existW government; militarism and oppression are oha, racteristics in varying degrees of them all. Th war has yet to come. It will be the war » united Democracy against the State ttraditioi of accredited Governments." Pity that bishops and other pastors should Y: blind to the Everlasting Gospel of Ponson W and Trevelyan. Tiriel and Myratana, his wift are symbols of the pastors and their churched When the eyes of Tiriel were darkened, af Myrytana, like the Church, was fading if death Tiriel began to charge his sons, wh one of them replied saying, Old man! u worthy to be called our Father! Thou art < cruel as death, and as obdurate as the devoul j in.; pit. Thy blessing is a curse, and th j curse may be a blessing. And Har accoste the blind husband of Myrytana, and treate him as the king of rottenness and of the bonfl of death, ruling under the shades of eterni i night. So the precious sight of our bishop! and numerous pastors are sealed. Both day am night are the same to them. Sun and; mooj and stars are useless globes in the firmament 0 their churches, chapels and conventions. Th grope and wander through the vales of woe an wailing, leading the poor blind people aJon? the ways of destnwt10n into the valley of tW shadow of death—deaf to the Divine COnJl'! plaint. "Many pastors have destroyed ntf vineyard; they have trodden my portion under foot: they have made my pleasant portion i desolate wilderness; the whole land is desolate and mourneth. The many pastors are the spoil- ers in their high places, for the sword shall de- vour from one end of the land even to thgi other end of the land; no flesh shall have peace." Yet the destruction is called by the Bishop of London as "The nation's finest deed" L Yet these messengers of heaven, mesmerised by the glamour and the achievements of the khaki, are going soon to have their National Mission to revive religion in the land! What a sacred vocation? On whom are they going to pray ? Whilst all war is utterly against the' precepts of our Lord and Law-giver, and utterly against the whole spirit and tenor of His Blessed Gospel.
Street Scenes at Penrhiwcelber.
Street Scenes at Penrhiwcelber. PAWNBROKER S SHOP STORMED. t Disorderly scenes were witnessed a't Pen- rhiweeiber on Saturday night, when the lock- up shop of Mr Benjamin Levinson. pawnbroker 1 and jeweller, of 37-39 Penrhiwceiber Road, j Penrhiwceiber, was stormed with stones by a L hostile crowd, and damage to windows, estim- ated at over £ 6, was done. Plate glass at the adjoining shop of Mrs. Rachel Davies, was also damaged to a similar extent At 10.30 Inspector Davies and Sergeant, John dispersed a crowd of juveniles who had. assembled outside the premises. The crowd, however, quickly reassembled, and was streng- thened by a large number of women. In the meantime the police had been reinforced by the arrival of Superintendent Rees and In- spector loye, of Abercynon, the total strength of the police being about 20 When the first stone was thrown, which penetrated the up- stairs window of Mr Levinson's premises, the crowd numbered about 2000 persons. The fu- silade was maintained intermittently until ab- out 12-30. Inspector Davies was twice hit on the back with stones, and a, man in the crowd was struck on the head and dazed. One woman was also struck ox the head, but not seriously hurt and another woman was cut on the wrist by a stone thrown from the outer edge of the crowd. During the melee the police made three arrests, the men being charged with doing wilful damage, and further with having riot- ously assembled to the disturbance of the- peace Arising out of the fracas George Mitchell, la- bourer. of Church Street Penrhiwceiber; Da- vid Alexander Williams, labourer, of Park St., Penrhiwceiber; and Thomas Wm. Profitt, hau- lier. of Prosser Street, Miskin. Mountain Ash, were Ijrought up in custody before Alderman Wm. Jones and Mr Griffith Evans at Mountain Ash on Monday on a charge of riotously dam- aging property at shops at 39 Penrhiwcei- ber Road, occupied by Mr Benjamin Levinson and Mrs. Rachel Davies respectively. The- damage was estimated at £ 16. Inspector Davies gave formal evidence, and prisoners were re- manded to the local oourt on Thursday, bail' being allowed. I